.Ak
^^-^^-
THE
MODERN PART
OF AN
Univerfal Hiftory,
F R O M T H E
Earlieft Accounts to the Prefent Time.
Compiled from
ORIGINAL AUTHORS.
By the AUTHORS of the ANCIENT PART.
VOL. VIII.
LONDON,
Printed for C. Bathurst, J, F. and C. Rivington, A. Hamil-
ton, T. Payne, T. Longman, S, Chowder, B. Law, J.
RoBsoN, F. Newbery, G. Robinson, T. Cadell, J. and T.
Bowles, S. Bladon, J. Muiiray, J, Njchols, J, Bowen,
and W. Fox.
MDCCLXXXI,
CONTE NTS
OF THE
EIGHTH VOLUME,
CHAP. XXXI.
Hiftory of the Commerce to, and the Settlements Itl
the Eaft Indies, by the feveral European Nations.
Sect. II. The Hiftory of the Commerce of the
Indies, while carried on by the Vene-
tians and other States of Italy, page I
III, The Hiftory of the Difcoveries, Con-
quefts, and Eftabliftiments made by the
Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies, 14
By what Means the Portuguefe were
induced to undertake Expeditions on
the Coaft of Africa ; the Series of
thefe Expeditions, and the long-
ivifhed-for Difcovery and Doubling
the Cape of Good Hope, ibid*
The Voyage of Vafquez de Gama to
the Coaft of Malabar; the Difputes
and Wars with the Samorin; and
the Progrefs of the Portuguefe Af-
fairs, to the fending over the firft
Viceroy, 27
Various Fortunes of the Portuguefe,
from the regular Foundation of their
Empire in,the Indies, to the death of
their fuccefsful Statefman and re-
nowned Captain, the great Albu-
querque, 40
A 3 Th«
CONTENTS.
The SiicCeflion of the iPortugtlefe Vice-'
roys ; and a fuccm6t View of their
refpe£live Adminiflrations, to the
Government of Don Conflantine
Bragan9a, under whom their Empire
atrived at the Summit of its Gran-
deur, 5^
A concife Reprefentation of the Nature
of the Portuguefe Dominion in India,
and a more particular Account of ,
their great Governments of Mozam-
bique and Ormuz, 5^
The fame Subject continued, with an Ac-
count of their Settlements at Mufcat,
Diu> Daman, Chaoul, Onor, Cana-
nor, Callicut, Cranganor, and Chou-
lan *, their Difappointment at the
Maldives j their lucrative Fifhery at
Tutocorin ; with their Eilablifhment
at Negapatan, Meliapour, and Ma-
lacca, 72
Methodical Detail of their Concerns in
refpedt to Sumatra, Java, Borneo,
Celebes or Macaflar, Moluccas, and
New Guinea ; with a Detection of
the falfe Policy and tyrannical Ufage
of the Natives, by which they ren-
dered themfelves odious, and opened
a Way for the Dutch to fubvert their
Power, and raife a new, though not
a milder Government on their Ruins, 8S
A Trade well fettled in China, very
unluckily and almoft irreparably loft.
Their Intercourfes and happy Eftab-
Uihment in Japan 5 and a very concife
Account
CO NT E N T'S.
Account of the Caufes and Manner
of their Expulfion. Fruitlefs and
fatal Attempts to revive their Corref-
pondence with the Inhabitants of
thofe Illands, 103
I^refent iov/ and diilrefled State of the
fmall Remains of the Portuguefe
Territories in the Indies ; Remarks
on the Caufes of a Declenfion no
lefs (Irange than the fudden Rife and
vafl Extent of their Empire j Reafons
why their Situation, funk as it is,
ought not to be confidered as irre-
triveable, 1 1 3
Sect. IV. The Hiftory of the Difcoverics, Settle-
ments, Conquefts, Difputes, and Com-
merce of the Spaniards in the Eaft
Indies, from their iirfl Expeditions into
thofe Parts down to the prefent Times, 124
An Account of the Motives to the
Search of a new Paffage to the Eaft
Indies by Sea, of the Difappointments
that attended it, and of the celebrated
Expedition of Ferdinand Magellan,"
by which that long-fought PaiTage
was at length difcovered, ' ibid.
The Settlement and Conquell of the
Philippine or Manilla lilands ; the
Methods taken to fortify and to fecure
them, and the Dangers to which they
were expofed on every Side, from
open and avowed as well as from
fecret and finiiler Enemies, 130
A particular Account of the Name,
Situation, Extent, Climate, Produce,
Natural
CONTENTS.
Natural and Civil Hiftory of Lu^on,
the principal Ifland among the Philip- .
pines j together with an exa(a Detail
of the Government, Ecclefiaftical
and Civil, 137
A Detail of the other Iflands*dependent
upon it ; their Situation, Commodi-
ties, Tribute, Advantages, and Dif-
advantages ; with the Manner in
which their Inhabitants are treated,
and their Obedience fecured by the
Spaniards, ij;2
Of the Ifland of Cebu, the firft Seat of
the Spanilh Government. The Paf-
fage between Lima and that Ifland
fhorter, and more commodious than
between Manilla and Acapulco. The
Ifland of Mindanao, rich Com-
modities thereof, and the prefent
State of the Inhabitants y as alfo of
Xolo, with the Reafons why the
Spaniards have not been able to ex-
tend their Authority farther, or make
the Revenue of thefe Iflands turn to
a better Account, 15Q
The State of the Commerce between
Spanifh Afia and Spanifh America ;
the Objections raifed againft this
Commerce, and the Regulations that
have been devifed, in order to
render it more fuitable to the Public
Intereft, i^j
An Account of this Vopge annually
performed by the dated, licenfed,
and meafured galleon, from Manilla
to Acapulco, lyy
The
CONTENTS
The Situation, Natural Hiftory, and
Commodities of the Ladrones or
Marianne Iflands ; their DIfcovery ;
Genius and Temper of their Inhabi-
tants ; their Hiftory, prefent State of
thofe Iflands ; the Policy of the Spa-
niards in refpeft to them ; their great
Importance ; and fome Conjectures
as to theCaufes of their being fo much
and fo long negle£l:ed, l86
An Account of the Difcoverles made
to the Northward of the Ladrones, 218
The Difcoveries that have been, or pro-
bably maybe made to the fouth-eaft or
fouth-wefl: of the Mariannes; the
gradual Difcovery of the Caroline
Iflands, or New Philippines; their
Situation, Soil, Climate, Produce,
and Inhabitants; the Appearance
there is of many rich and valuable
Commodities in thcfe Ifles; the cer-
tainty of raifing Spices of all forts in
them; and the Advantages which
would refult from thence, 233
CHAP. XXXIL
Hiftory of the Englifti Eaft India Company.
Sect. L Of the Charter, firft Expeditions, Set-
tlements, Rife, Progrefs, and Eftab-
lifliment of the Englifli Eaft India Com-
pany ; together with a complete View of
their Colonies, Commerce, &c. 26Q
II. Containing an Account of Keeling's Voy-
age; theCondud of the Dutch, Turks,
and-
contents;
and Portuguefe to him, and other Of-
ficers of the Company, with the Succefs
of feveral different Expeditions, 2 70
Sect. IH. Of the farther Difputes between the Eng-
lifli and Dutch Companies ; of the Ne-
gociations, Conferences, and Treaties,
to put an End to them ; of the fatal Ca-
taftrophe at Amboyna, with other Par-
ticulars, 288
IV. Containing the Domeftic Occurences of
the Company ; Defigns fet on foot to
deftroy the Monopoly j the Difputes of
the Company with Interlopers ; and the
Steps previous to the Eftablifhment of
a New Company, 325
V. Containing an A61 impowering the Com-
• pany to borrow Money on their Com-
mon Seal ; an Aft to prevent Fo-
reigners from eftabhfhing a Trade preju-
dicial to the Intereft of the Company ;
feveral other Afts in their Favour;
Maflacre of the Faftory at Pulo Con-
dore ; the Revolt of the Natives at Ben-
coolen, ^c, 35!
VI. Containing a Defcription of all the Com-
pany's Settlements ♦, the Nature of the
Trade of each ; the Goods exported ^nd
imported; the Salaries of the Gover-
nors and other Servants ; the Manners,
]Laws, and Religion of the Natives ; the
Coins, Meafures, Duties, and Cuf-
toms, ufed or paid by the Cqmpany 5
with f^vei^l other Particulars, 369
CHAP,
CONTENTS.
CHAP. XXXIII.
The Conquefts, Settlements, and Difcoveries of the
Dutch in the Eaft Indies, comprehending the Hif-
tory of the Rife, Progrefs, and fuccefsful Eftab-
iifhment of their Eaft India Company, the Nature
of their Conflitution, the Extent of their Domi-
nions, the Importance of their Commerce j the
Form of Rule eftablifhed in their Colonies, as alfo
the domellic (Economy of the Company, and how
they are fubje6l to the State's of the United Provinces, 4 1 5
Sect. I. The Motives which induced the Mer-
chants in Holland to think of opening
a Trade to the Eaft Indies ; the Pro-
je£l of difcovering a new PafTage, by
paffing round the North-eaft of Europe
and Afia : three Attempts made with
this View, which prove all of them
unfuccefsful, ibid,
II. The Accident by which they were firft
introduced into the Eaft Indies ; the
Confequences of this Introdu£tion,
and the Vigour with which their Mer-
chants profecuted this new Trade, 420
JII. The Caufes which led the States to ere6t
the prefent Eaft India Company j the
Terms of their Charter ; the Method?
taken by them to eftablifti themfelves
in the Indies, and their Difputes with "*
the Spaniards and Portuguefe, who
endeavoured to expel them, 42^
JV. Projeft of eftablifhing a South Sea Com-
pany, by Ifaac le Maire, and his Af-
fociates ; and how they came to fail.
Difputes with the Natives and with
CONTENTS.
the Englifh, in the Ifland of Java.
The Dutch expelled from that Ifland, 432
Sect. V. Their Affairs reftored in Java. Founda-
tion of the City of Batavia, which be-
comes the Capital of their Settlements.
Cruel Ufage of the Englifh at Am-
boyna. Batavia twice befieged, and
gallantly defended. Speedily repaired,
vaflly augmented, and rendered the
f aireft and flrongeft City in the Indies, 438
VI. The Intercourfe and Difputes of the
Dutch with the Japanefe, to whom
they are conflrained to deliver up Pe-
ter Nuyts, their Governor at For-
mofa ; unexpeded good Confequences
of this A6t of SubmifTion, which en-
abled them to fix their Commerce
with that Nation, 44<?
VII. The Company, on paying. a large Fine,
are indulged in a third Charter ; a£i
with great Addrefs in the Indies ; ter-
minate their Quarrels with the Eng-
lifh by a Treaty with the Common-
wealth, and apply themfelves to over-
turn the Portuguefe in all their Settle-
ments, 455
yin. The Caufes of the War of Ceylon; the
Progrefs of that War ; the great Suc-
cefs of the Dutch in that Ifland, in
which they not only render themfelves
fiiperior to the Portuguefe, but alfo
force the Natives to a SubmiflTion, and
abfolutely defeat their whole Force,
when exerted to fhake off the Yoke, 459
THE
MODERN P ART
O F
Univerfal Hiftory.
CHAR XXXL
Uijlory of the Commerce to, and the Settlements
in the Eajl Indies^ by the feveral European
Nations.
S E C T, iL
7he Hijior^ of the Commerce of the Indies, while carried
on by the Venetians and other States of Italy*
IT appears clearly, that, under the Greek emperors, AfuuinSi
voyages to the Indies were become more common than 'viemj of
In former times ; but we could fcarce have believed that ^^* corre*
fo many different kinds of Indian commodities, and almoft £^!^^J^'
from every part of India, were common at Conftantinople, i^g Q^ggj^
if it were not verified by the public laws of the empire, as gmpire aad
they ftand collefted by the emperor Juftinian j from ^^^ Indieu
whence it is evident, that there were feveral duties im-
pofed upon a multitude of goods brought from the Indies,
fuch as fpices of different kinds : for inftance, cinnamon,
which came from the ifland of Ceylon ; but not in any
great quantity, for it was always very dear. The xilo-
MoD, Vot» VIII. B cinnamo-
5 V Commerce of the Italian States
Cinnamomum was no other than the wood of the cinna-
mon-tree, on which there was alfo a duty ^, Caflia, de-
fcribed at large by feveral ancient authors, appears to have
been a fort of milder cinnamon •, this likewife came from
- Malabar and Ceylon : the modern caflia is another
thing, and has a fomewhat higher flavour ^ Pepper of
feveral kinds, and ginger, came from the Indies. Pliny
is very angry that this fpice fliould be fo much admired ;
for, as he obferves, other things are either pleafant to the
fight, the fmell, or the tafl;e, whereas there is nothing in
pepper agreeable to any of thefe fenfes *. In his time
long pepper was worth about nine or ten fliillings a pound
of our money. Ginger did not bear a very high price
among the ancients ; for, in the time of Pliny, it was not
worth above three fhillings a pound, and at Confl:antinople
not fo much. It may not be amifs to obferve, that in
thofe days authors aflirm, they adulterated their fpices
very dexteroufly ^ from whence it is evident they were
much in ufe, and confequently mutt have been brought
from the Indies in confiderable quantities. They had
likewife precious fl;ories of all kinds. Silk, cotton, mo-
hair, and other manufadlures, came alfo from thence, in
vaft quantities *.
Honu the While the Greek empire continued in a flouriflilrig con-
Aates of dlticn, Conft:antinopie was the centre of trade to Europe
Italy drew ^^^ Afia, and the inhabitants grew immenfely rich, and
felves fuch exceflively infolent. Out of the many different ways of
prodigious correfponding with the oriental nations, there were very
advan- few, indeed hardly any, that did not benefit this great city.
tagesfrom rpj^^ caravans that proceeded from India, through Canda-
tfiu trade, ^_^^ j^^^ Perfia, fupplied thofe factors plentifully, who
managed their traflic with the Greeks, at the great fairs
upon the frontiers of the two empires \ No inconfider-
able part of what was carried by the northern routes and
Cafplan fea, found its way to Conftantinople, through
the Pontus Euxinus. What was conveyed by the Perfian
coaft, and afterwards by land into Syria, came from thence
by fea to this great city : but above all, they received from
E^yptj while it remained under the fame fovereign, pro-
digious quantities of valuable merchandize ^. The citizens
of Conftantinople were too opulent, and too lazy, to make
«» Digeft. lib. xxxix. tom. a.. Plin Hift. Nat. lib. xii. cap 19.
«■ Profper A^pin. Medicin. .^gyot. lib. iv. cap. 5. Acoft. Bon-
tiiis, &c. » Plin. Hi(t. Nat. lib. xii. cap. 7 ^ Digeit. lib.
. xxxix. torn. 4.. " Huct Hiftoire du Commerce des Anciens, chap.
58. * Cod. Theod. fib. xiii. tit. 5. leg- 14—32.
ufc
with the Eaji Indies, g
tife of their own fhips for tranfporting this iliercliandize
into the different parts of Europe ; fo that this province
fell to the fhare of the Italian ftates* As the Greeks
grew rich by this commerce, fo the Venetians, the Ge-»
noefe, the Florentines, and other maritime Hates in Italy,
were indebted to it for their naval power *. It was this
that enabled them to fit out fuch formidable fleets, to
make themfelves mailers of feveral fruitful iflands, as well
as convenient ports, in Afia, and in Europe •, while the
Greeks, pleafed with the temporary afliilance that from
time to time they derived from fquadrons which they took
into their fervice, never confidered the declcnfion of their
own maritime Itrength, oi* regretted thofe advantages
which the fubtile Italians drew from their negligence and
inaftivity.
It was by this abfurd conducl that the Greek empire The rife of
was in the end brought to abfolute ruinj as by the fame the Sara-
errors it had loft the important province of Egypt, to a <"^« ^^■'/^^^»
power that never could have raifed itfelf, if there fi^i„ofthat
had been the leaft forefight or lirmnefs in thofe who ad-- ofi/ie
miniftfered public atTairs at Confiantinople. The fecond Greeks*
monarch of the Saracens from Mohammed, who fet up
for a fovereign when he had no more than thirty fubjecls,
found himfelf ftrong enough, after the conqueft of Per-
fia, to exa«fl a vaft annual tribute from Egypt; which
country, though the emperor Heraclius was unable to de-
fend, yet he could not bear that fuch a fum as two hun-
dred thoufand crowns of gold fhould be paid to any prince
but himfelf by its inhabitants K He commanded, there-
fore, the tribute to be refufed •, and the war that enfued
proving unfortunate, that country was loft to the empire.
Omar, the fecond khalif, who made this conqueft, reign-
ed but ten years and a half, and in that time fubdued
Syria, Chaldea, Mefopotamia, Perfia, Egypt, and part of
Africa, that is to fay, as far as Tripoly in Barbary. By
this blow the Greeks loft all their eaftern provinces, and
the trade to the Indies, at leaft on that fide entirely *.
That impetuofity which enabled the Saracens to make
themfelves mafters in fo fhort a time of fuch vaft domi-
nions, was not like to fufter them to continue long under
one head, which v/as undoubtedly the deiign of their
founder. Abulcaflem Mohammed Ben Abdallah, being
X Claud. Barthol, Morifoti Oibis Maritimns, y Paul. Diacon.
lih. xviii, Gul Tyr. lib. ix. ^ Gregoiii Abul Pharagii Hiftoiia
Dynaftiarum, p* 1 13
B 2 in
A. D.958.
Cairo be-
comes the
capital of
Egypt y and
ihe centre
of this
trade in
that cQun -
try.
A.D. 1171.
Commerce of the Italian States
in pofTeflion of part of Africa, fet up for himfelf in the
year of the Hejra 296, and took the title, not of khalif,
but of mahadi, which fignifies director *. He fixed the
feat of his monarchy at Cairoan, which is the name the
Arabs bellowed on the city of Cyrene, or rather a new
city built on its ruins. He left the government to his fon
Cajem, who removed the feat of the empire to Mahadi, a
new city which his father had erefted *, and his grandfon
Abou Temim Maad, furnamed Moez Ledmillah, who
fucceeded in the year of the Hejra 341, profecuted the
defign which his anceftors had entertained of making him-
felf fovereign of Egypt ^.
His general Jawhar, a Greek by birth, accordingly in-
vaded that country, of which he made himfelf entirely
mailer; and, in the year of the Hejra 358, laid the founda-
tion of a new city called Caherah, or Al Caherah, that is,
the VUUriousy which the Europeans call Cairo, or Grand
Cairo '^. Moez Ledmillah removed from his old capital,
and made his entry into Cairo in the year of the Hejra 362,
and there took the title of khalif. His fucceflbrs were
liyled khalifs of Egypt, to diftinguifh them from the kha-
Hfs of Bagdad, the true fucceflbrs of Mohammed. This
city was very conveniently fituated on the Nile,- and be-
came in time no lefs coniiderable for its commerce than for
its being the feat of empire. The old trade by the way of
the Red Sea was once more reftored to Egypt, which flou-
rifhed exceedingly under this new race of princes, as ap-
pears by the revenue it produced to its khalif; which, as
Elmacinus tells us, amounted to no lefs than three hun-
dred millions of crowns of gold ^, The khalifs of Egypt
were nine in number ; and the laft of them was Adhad,
who was depofed by Saladin, general of Noureddin, fol-
tan of Damafcus, in the year of the Hejra 567. Saladin,
entering the palace of the khalif, who died immediately-
after he was depofed, found prodigious riches; and, among
the reft, a noble proof of the commerce of the Indies, which
was the richeft ruby in the world, perfectly fine and bright,
weighing very near an ounce and a half. This fuccefs, and
the having a great army at his devotion, tempted him to de-
clare himfelf an independent prince; which he did, and af-
terwards extended his dominions over all the countries of
Damafcus, Paleftine, and Syria. He left at his deceaf(?
his kingdom of Egypt to his fecond fon Othman, who
a Epltom. Hift, Saracen, lib v, p. 91. b D' Herbelot Bibl>o-
theque Orientale, p. 595. 742. = Gregorii Abul Farag. Hift
Dynaftiarum, p. 315, <* Elmacin. Hiitor, Saracen, p. 391.
died
with the Eajl Indies. 5
died in the year of the Hejra 595,andwasfucceededbyhis
brother, who was foon deprived by his uncle Malek Al
Adel, whofe grandfon Malek Al Salek fucceeded in the
year of the Hejra 647. He enlarged the city of Cairo,
and fortified it with a ftrong wall, and was victorious over
St. Lewis of France : but this prince, however, was the Who the
]aft of his houfe ; for the Mamlouks, or Mamelucs, as Mamelucst
they are generally called, a kind of mercenary foldiers, re- ^'' ^^m-
volted from him, and forced him to take fhelter in a wooden X/*^^*
tower which hung over the Nile. To this tower the mn- fej[edthem->
tineers fet fire, and thereby compelled the unfortunate [(^--ves of
monarch to leap into the river, where he was drowned ®. ^SJP^*
In confequence of this furprifing revolution, thefe Mame-
lucs became fovereigns of Egypt, and chofe their general
foltan, who thereupon took the name of Al Malek Al
Azis. He was the firft prince of the dynafi:y of Mamelucs
difl:ingui{hed by the name of Bahrites, Baharites, or Ma-^
rines ; for thefe people were either young Turks or Tar-
tars, fold to private perfons by the merchants, from whom
they were bought by the foltan, educated at his expence,
and, when qualified, employed to defend the maritin^c
places in the kingdom ^ Thefe foundlings made excel-
lent foldiers ", for, having no friends but amongft their
own corps, they turned all their thoughts to their profef-
fion, as they placed their hopes in acquiring the principal
polls in their militia ; for thefe were beflowed only as
merit directed *, and, upon the demife of a foltan, his fuc^
ceflbr was taken from among the officers of the firft rank.
One would have imagined that this military government,
fo well conftituted, and founded upon fo broad a bafis,
muft have fubfifted a long time •, and yet, in about one
hundred and thirty years, it funk as fuddenly as it rofe,
by an error in politics. As they conftituted originally but
a fmall part of the ftanding forces of the monarchs of
Egypt •, as a numerous ftanding army was abfolutely ne-
ceifary in a country where the firft maxim of government
was, that every native of Egypt muft be a Have ; and 35
they were juftly fufpicious of all who had ferved before,
they were under great difficulties how to a6t ; but at
length refolved to buy Chriftian children, and to bring
tliem up in the fame difcipline which had been the fourcc
of fo much good fortune to themfelves. Thus far they
a£l:ed fenfibly •, but, by a refinement upon this fcheme,
e Supplementum Hiftoriae Dynaftiarum ab Edwardi Pocokif^
p. 8, 9. f D'Herbelot Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 545.
B 3 ihcy
The mati'
tier in
rjuhich the
ArabSf Sa-
racens i or
^oarst
fpread
themfel<ves
pver the
Commerce of the Italian States
they rendered what had been otherwife the means of fafety,
the fure inllrument of their own deflradlion. Thefe
Chriltian children were bought in CircaOia, from their
own parents, who were pleafed to llyle themfeives Chrif*
tians, but, by that infamous praSlice, lire wed that their
faith had no influence on their morals ; but what is ilill
ilranger, the Greek emperors of Conftantinople made a
treaty with the Mamelucs, by which they were perm.iited
to fend an annual fhip into the Black Sea, to fetch thefa
unhappy infants s. When they had gone through their
military education, and were fit for fervice, they were dif-»
pofed through all the inland fortrefies, ere^Lcd to bridle
the inhabitants ; and, becaufe in their language fuch a fort
was called B^rge, this new militia was called Bgrgites. By
this fcheme the Mamelucs thought to fecure the fovereignty
to their own body, in which it might Jiave been eafily
forefeen they were quite millaken. In procefs of time th^
old Mamelucs began to grow proud, infolent, and lazy }
the Borgites took the advantage of this indolence, rofe upon
their mailers, deprived them of the government, and trans«f
ferred it to themfeives in the year of the Hejra 784 ''.
Thefe, as v/ell as the former, were ftyled Mamelucs j but
the reader will eafily perceive, that to the latter dynafty,
rather than the firft, muft be applied what is commonly
faid of the Mamelucs by the Chriftian hiftorians. Under
both dynafties, but more efpecially under the lafl, the
Indian commerce flouriflied in Egypt, though they had
very little concern in it otherwife than as factors j for, on
the one fide, it was managed entirely by the Arabs, and
was as abfolutely in the hands of the Chriliians on the
other. One would naturally imagine from the accounts
of them in general, that they were not the bed difpofed
for fettling in different parts of the world, with a view to
commerce ; and yet it appears plainly, that they were at
this time actually difperfed into the moft diftant countries
in the Indies, nay, and through China itfelf, without the
alnilance of force, and where they could not have been
led by the fpirit of ambition. We learn from their own
hiftories, that the Arabs formed their fettlements four
feveral ways ; by conqueft, by difcovery, by purfuing
trade, and by miffions, to eftabhfh their religion ^ By the
ftrft, they pofleiTed themfeives of all the provinces which
? Huet Hiftoire du Commerce des Anciens, p. 4x8. '' D'Her-
belot Bibliotheque Orientale, p. aii. ^ See the Abbe Rcr
jiaudot's Preface prefixed to the Travels pf two Arabian Mcrchantf
ifito Cl)ina.
compofed
with the Raft Indies* J
compofed their vaft empire ; by the fecond, they fixed
thenifelves in Africa, down to cape Corientes, among the
poor unarmed Cafres, who had it not in their power to
prevent them from feizing on what parts they judged
mofl convenient. Their colonies of Magadoxo, Brava,
and Quilao, were fomewhat in the nature of our's at this
day J but not fo difficult to maintain, becaufe of the proxi-
mity of the Red Sea, whence the Arabs had all forts of
affiflance. By the two remaining methods they feated
themfelves in all other parts, but more efpecially by com-
merce'^. 'I'hefe voyages were not in thofe days lo fafe and
fo frequent ; and therefore merchants were under a ne-
ceffity of making a long ftay at the principal marts, where
they took wives, their religion allowing plurality. Thefe
jiew families quickly produced others in the places of their
refidence j and the princes being fenfible it was for their
advantage to draw the trade of Perfia, Arabia, and at
the fame time of Egypt and Europe, by the Red Sea,
into their own ports, thefe merchants met every where
with the kin^eft ufage '. The idolatrous princes, con-
firmed in their old fuperftitions, were not at all fcru-
pulous about religion, but admitted all indliFerently ; fo
they readily allowed their fubjetts to embrace Moham-
medifm, which they preferred to the reft, becaufe of the
hopes thefe Arabs gave them of protection from their ful-
tans, whofe power was known in the remoteft parts of the
Eaft. Even princes themfelves made profeffion of Mo-
hammedifm in troublefome times, that the Moors might
join them ; for, in latter days, they were fo multiplied,
that they inhabited whole cities, and at leaft a part of the
moft eonfiderabie. Thus this religion, which, to the
lovers of this world, has nothing very inconvenient in it,
obtained in many places, and at length received an accef-
iion of power, when fome of its profeflbrs being raifed to
the higheft pofts in the courts of Cambaya and Guzerat,
invited a greater number of thofe Afiatic Turks, called
Rumis, and even feized on fome pofts ; as for inftance,
at Diu, from whence they for a long time infefted the
Portuguefe, when they came firft into thefe parts'".
By fuch fteps the Arabs feated themfelves in fome parts Began 19
of Malabar • and, by the fame means, they came to be propagate
tkexr reli*
gion a'
^ Argenfola Conquifta de las iflas Malucas, lib i. l L'Ab- mo*^ iki
be Renaudot Diflertation. fur TEntree des Mahometans dans Ja ijlanders
Chine, p. 302, 308. ™ P. Lafitau liiftoire des Conqueftes des lonvards
^oitugais, vol. i. p, 39^. ihe clcfe of
B the fifteenth
4 very ,,,;^^,
8 Commerce of the Italian States
very confiderable upon the coaft of Malacca. They firfl:
went thither as merchants; and fome of them, fixing
there, gained many of the idolaters over to Moham-
medifm. From Malacca they failed round to the Moluc-
cas j and having prevailed on the kings of Tidore and
Ternate, together with feveral others, to embrace their
religion, they reaped immenfe advantages from thefe
princes. According to the Portuguefe writers, they had
not been long fettled in the Moluccas before their difco**
very of the Indies ". Thus in a very fhort fpace of time,
and without the affiftance of any confiderable maritime
force, the Arabs did more than the Greeks and Romans
jn the courfe of fo many ages; and it is highly probable
they would have puihed matters ftill farther on this fide,
if they had not been hindered by the arrival of the Por-
tuguese into this part of the world, which put an imme-
diate flop to their progrefs, and in procefs of time weakened
them very much. They found, however, fo long as it lafted,
means to make the mofl of their good fortune, and to be*-
come the carriers of Europe with refpeft to the commerce
of the Eaft; in fuch a manner, that they fhut out all
others from navigating thofe feas, and thereby drew an
immenfe profit to themfelves. For the Indians brought
by land to Cabul, and fome other places, and by fea to
BaiTora and Siraf, all the commodities of the Indies and
China. Furs were introduced into Syria by the provinces
of Aderbejan, by Curdiftan, and other parts more to the
north. Great quantities of the fame they alfo had from
the Barbary coaft, and by the way of the Red Sea, from
whence a trade was carried on throughout Egypt* From
the fame places they had gold-duft, as alfo from the mines
of Sofala, brought to them by the Negroes who traded
into Egypt by the way of the Defert, or from port to
port quite to the Red Sea, from Ceylon and the Indies.
They, by their trade with the Chinefe and Indian mer-
chants, had filk, rich fluffs, and many other manufadures,
drugs, and fpices °.
fJonu Alex- They drove an extenfive commerce, by the way of
andria be* Cairo, with the Venetians, the Genocfe, the Catalans,
fame the ^^d the Greeks, reviving the old mart of Alexandria ; which
««/r^ c/ p^j.^^ though it was far from recovering its former mag-
merce with nificence, grew once more famous, by becoming, what it
tie Euro- formerly was, the centre of commerce between the eafteru
team,
n Argenfola Conquifta de las Iflas Malucas, lib. i. * Mar.
Sariud, Secrets Fidel, Crucii. p. i. lib. i. C9p. i.
parts
tvlth the Eajl Indies. f
patts of the world and the weft. It is true that the re-
volutions which happened in the government of Egypt,
after it fell under the dominion of the Mohammedans,
frequently afFeded this city to a very great degree j but
ftill the excellence of her port, and the innumerable con-
veniencies that refulted from the commerce carried on
there, to whoever were mafters of Egypt, preferved her
from total deftruftion, though in the hands of the moll
barbarous nations. Before we fpeak of the laft fatal
revolution in this country, and the great declenfion of its
commerce, it will be proper to fay a few words of an-
other channel, by which the commodities and manufadures
of the Indies were for a time brought into Europe j and
this for two reafons : firft, becaufe it has been in a good
meafure overlooked ; and next, becaufe, experience having
ihewn it practicable, it is not impoflible that it may fome
time or other be revived p.
The reader will remember, that we have already given Gftjoff^ tn^
him a deicription of the wretched ftate of the Greek em- ff 2''"' '<»
pire for many centuries before its total diflblution, when, TnTepfndent
in its few gleams of profperity, it had the Italian ftates trade nvith
for allies -, and, in its frequent turns of adverfe fortune, the Eafi in*
was obliged to fuffer them to occupy whatever plrxes ^^^^*
(even to the fuburbs of the imperial city) which they
judged moll for their conyeniency. Amongft thefe, none
ferved them better on fome occafions, or on others treated
them worfe, than the Genoefe : always efteemed a bold
and enterprifing people. They had for many ages a large
fhare in the trade of the Greek dominions, and were not
fo fcrupulous as to decline profiting by their commerce
with the Mohammedans j yet all this did not fatisfy
either their ambition or their avarice. They judged it pof-
fible, by fecuring a convenient ftation in the Black Sea,
to gain for their republic a kind of exclufive trade, which
might prove very beneficial. This temptation they could
not refift j and the place, which they thought proper to
feize with this view, was the port of Cafi^a in Crim Tar-
tary. This country was anciently called the Cherfonefus A.D. ii65»
Taurica ; and we find this city very often mentioned by .
old writers under the name of Theudofia. They found
it in a tolerable condition •, but they improved it exceed-
ingly. 'Ihey adorned the port, they ftrengthened and
augmented the fortifications ; and they embenifned the
city with many (lately edifices, the ruins of which are
» Hijet Hiftoire da Commerce des Anciens, chap. 44..
lo Commerce of the Italian States
vifible even at this day. All this they were well enabled
to do out of the immenfe riches they acquired by the
dominion of the Black Sea, which, fo long as they held
CafFa, remained in their hands. At laft, when they
had bafely affifted in bringing the Turks into l^.urope, and
in the reduction of Conftantinople, againft all the rules
of true policy, as well as didtates of religion, they were
deprived of it A. D. 1475, by Mohammed the Great *J.
Jn order t9 CafFa was then in a very flourifhing condition, one of
vfkitk.they the beft built and richefh places of its fize in Europe. It
^^^'^^^r ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ '^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ "P<^'^ ^^^ fea-{h>re, the
ters^l/lhi buildings extending north and fouth, with long walla
fity and ftretching on both fides down to the fea ; iii that from the
fo*t9f port, which is large, fafe, and commodious, it makes a
^^a* y^j.y agreeable appearance. There is a caflle on the fouth
fide, in which the Turkifli bafliaw refides with his garri-
fon. The number of houfes in the place are about four
thoufand, of which eight hundred belong to Chniiians,
the reft to Turks and Tartars ; but the former are mafters
here^ and it is the only place the grand fignior has in Tar-
tary, of which it is efteemed, the key. After the Genoefe
^ere driven from hence as mailers, they ftiil carried on,
for a long time, as merchants, a very advantageous com-
merce with the inhabitants, who, by the way of the Caf-
pian fea, found means to enter into a coiifiderable trade
in fpices, drugs, cotton, filk, and other Indian commo-
dities ^ At laft the Turks, growing jealous of the in-
tercourfe of the Genoefe in thefe parts, abfolutely ex-
cluded them, as well as all other nations, from trading.
\Oy or even from fo much as entering into, the Black
Sea. This exclufion did not immediately put an end to
the commerce between CafFa and Genoa •, for the Tartars
preferved fo flrong a fenfe of the advantages derived from
this commerce, that for fome time they profecuted it in
their own vefTeis ; and carried tfie fpices, and other In-
dian goods,, which they received by caravans from Aftracan,
and which had been brought thither from the oppofitefide
of the Cafpian fea, to Genoa ' ; but the Turks, equally
difpleafed with that as they had been with the former cor-
refpondence, foon put an end to this intercourfe likewife,
and thereby fecured themfelves from the fears of feeing
^ Chriflian fleet in thofe feas, at leaft from Italy.
q Abulghazj BayadurKhan Hiftoire Genealogique des Tartares,
p. vii. chap. 5. «■ Di6lionaire de Commerce, vol- ii. col. 582,
»Huct Hiitoire de Commerce des Anciens.
Yet
with the Eafl Indies, II
Yet CafFa ftill remains a place of very great trade, and ^^^ i,rerfnt
the ftaple of the Black Sea ; infomuch that Sir John Char- jfate of that
din tells us he faw, in the fpace of forty days, no lefs than important
four hundred {hips fail in and out of this port. The Ve- placg.
netians, in hopes, perhaps, of reviving in fome meafure
the old trade, procured, at a very large expence, in the
year 1672, leave from the Ottoman Porte to fend annually
a cargo of their manufactures, on board a fmall fquadron
of their own, into the Black Sea : but this trade did not
laft long ; for the Jews infinuated fo many dangers would
arife from permitting this commerce, that in one year's
time, notwithftanding the money advanced, the licence
was retraced *, and thus ended all attempts for retrieving
the commerce of th-^ Indies by this route \
Let us now return to that great channel of the Indian TAe ad-
commerce before the paflage by the Cape of Good Hope '^antag^
was found, the port of Alexandria; and let us confider f^JYaV'' f
3 little of what confequence it was to thofe by whom it Venice by
was managed. It was indifputably the true foundation of her exclu-
the extenfive trade, the prodigious wealth, and the for- J^'ve pof-
mitlable naval power of the Italian ftates. It was in con- f^^°^ "-^
fequence of this that they not only drew a confiderable ba- " ^^ *
lance to themfelves from every other nation in Europe ;
but, which is much more furprifmg, actually fent their
agents to relide in, and manage the trade of other coun-
tries '•'. If, in time of peace, money was to be remitted
from one country to another, they had the management
of it ; exchanges were fo entirely in their hands, that Lom-
bard and Banker were fynonymous terms. If taxes .were
to be impofed, they were fure to be employed ; and this
traffick contributed not a little to render them odious in
Spain, France, and England. In time of war they fur-
nifhed both parties with fhips, becaufe other nations had
them not ; and the reafon why other nations had them
not, was, that thefe Italian fhates were in poiTeffion of all
the commerce of the Mediterranean, and not only fup-
plied, but carried their goods to moft foreign markets *.
"We fay mofl, and not all •, becaufe the Hanfe Towns were,
in thofe days very powerful, and had a great deal of ffiip- '
ping ; but then it is to be confidered, that the profperity
of thefe northern cities arofe chiefly from their trade to
Italy, and their carrying thither cargoes collected from
t Hiftoire de Venice, p. 391, u Gerard Malines Lex Mer-
catoria, lib. xi. cap. i». ^ Si^ William Monfon's Naval
Tra^s,
differenC
1 2 Comnkrce of the Italian States
different countries, and returning into the North with
thofe kind of goods and manufactures which they obtained
by that channel which has been fo often mentioned ^,
There is, therefore, nothing in nature clearer than that
this commerce gave the fuperiority in wealth and naval
power to thofe who enjoyed it before the Portuguefe ; to
the Portuguefe, in confequence of their fupplanting
them •, and to every other nation that, following the lights,
and improving on thie example of the Portuguefe, has fent
fleets, and eftablifhed colonies in the Indies.
"We need not, therefore, be at all furprifed that the
Italian dates exprefled not barely uneafmefs and difplea-
fure, but even paflion and refentment, when, from the
paflage of the Portuguefe to the Indies by fea dire6lly,
they faw themfelves in danger of lofing, in a great mea-
fure, that trade, which, of all others, it imported them
moft to keep. The Venetians particularly took this mat-
ter fo much to heart, that they offered to fupply the Mo-
hammedan prince with naval and mihtary flores, to be
employed in driving the Chriftians out of India. And if
he had purfued his own intereft with any proportion of
that vigour ufed by them in profecuting their's, in all pro-
bability he would have fucceeded, fince, at that jundlure,
the naval power of the Mohammedans in the Indian feas
was incomparably greater than any the crown of Portugal
could have fent thither ^.
How this '^^^ foltan of Egypt found his dominions but ill provided
fcheme for a war ; though violently folicited by thofe of his own
failed faith in the Indies, and by thofe who preferred gain to
them* 2j^y faith in Europe, yet, frightened with the apprehen-
fions of bringing all Chriftendom upon him if he attacked
the Portuguefe, he loft that (hort opportunity, in which,
with any probability of fuccefs, they might have been at-
tacked. His fucceffor, Thomam Bey, was the laft mo-
narch of the fecond dynafty of the Mamelucs ; and pe-
rifhed, together with their principality, under the victo-
rious arms of the firft Ottoman emperor Selim =*. By
thefe means Egypt was annexed to the Turkifh empire,
of which it has" continued a province ever fince ; but the
confufion which naturally attends a violent revolution pre-
vented any interruption from being given to the Portu-
guefe by that power which was mofl able to oppofe them.
y EflTai fur la Marine et far la Commerce, p. 177- ^ Hiftoire
de TEmpire Ottonii part ii. lib. i. » Vannel Hiftoire dcs Turcs,
torn. ii. p. 277*
Thus
with the Eaft Indies^ 13
Thus the commerce of Alexandria received its lafl and
moft fatal blow ; not that the port is abfolutely deferted,
or that fhips from Venice and other places do not trade
thither, and even for Indian commodities to this day, but
not to any confiderable amount. The commerce of Alex-
andria, and the power of the Italian ftates, have been
finking ever fince ; not in the fame proportion indeed,
becaule the Venetians have been affilled by the wifefi
counfels in Europe, and the Turks have continued with-
out any poHcy at all ^.
It will certainly be acceptable to the curious reader if, Theprodi-
after difcourfing fo long on the profits which accrued to giouspro^
the people of Egypt, by their having this commerce for fo ^*^ «"''«-
many ages nxt, as it were, to their country, we ihould tlmcom-
attempt to form fome computation, or, to fpeak with merceto
greater propriety, indicate certain circumflances, which ^gypt*
may enable us to form fome notion of the diirerent ftate
of the affairs of this people while that trade was in their
hands. As to the immenfe wealth of the Egyptians in
the earlieft times, it would require more time and room
than we have to fpare, to give fo much as a concife ac»
count of it. Diodorus Siculus fpeaks of three thoufand
cities in that country, where now it would be very diffi-.
cult to find the tenth part of as many towns. Under the
Romans they were^fo rich, that it was a point of policy to
opprefs them s and after the defeat of Zenobia, there
was a fingle merchant of Alexandria who undertook to
raife and pay an army out of the profits of his trade '^.
The Greek emperors drew from thence prodigious tri-
butes ; and yet the Arabian khalifs of Egypt found their
fubjecSIs in fo good circumftances, as to fcrew their re-
yenues up to three hundred millions of crowns. Under
the firil dynafliy of the Mamelucs Egypt feemed to de-
cline; but under the laft trade flourifhed; and though
the people became wanton and weak, yet both the fub-
jedt and government were wealthy. The laft foltan of
Egypt but one gave twenty millions of ducats, as a
bounty to the foldiers, upon his eleftion ^ ; and yet at
this day the Turks levy but three millions, and are hardly
ever without a civil war upon their hands, from the
difficulty with which this inconfiderable fum is raifed.
Yet the ancient fertility of Egypt remains ; it is ftill ex-
tremely populous, it enjoys to this hour the advantage of
•"Defcription de TEc^ypte, du Monfieur Maillet, p. 171. « Zo-
{jm. lib i.'Vopirc. in Vit- Aurelian, * D Herbelot Bibliotheque
Orienta!e,p. lo^jr,
its
1 4 Commerce of the Italian States
Its moil happy fituation ; what then can be the reafon of
this amazing alteration ? Why, it is fallen under the go-
vernment [oi Turks, who prefer immediate profit to
every thing ; and it has loft the Indian trade, which is a
convincing argument that its prodigious weali in ancient
times flowed in a great meafute from that commerce.
SECT. IIL
7 he Hijlory of the Difcoverles, Conquejls, and Eft ah -
lifJoments made by the Portuguefe in the Eaji Indies*,
By what means the Portuguefe were induced to undertake Ex-
peditions on the Coaji of Africa \ the Series of thefe Expe-
ditions, and the long'wijhed-for Difcovery and Doubling
of the Cape of Good Hope,
Bad efeBs 'T^ H E Holy "War, as it was called, in which moft of the
of the Holy *- Chriilian princes of Europe were, by the felicitations
^f^A/"- of feveral popes, engaged to refcue the city of Jerufalem,
Chrijien- ^^ ^"^ ^^^ country of Paleftine, out of the hands of the In-
^^^ fidels, gave the firft opening for renewing a direcl corref-
pondence between the people of Europe and thofe who in-
habited the remoteft countries of the Eaft ", There is no
doubt that a violent fpirit of ambition, together with a
mixture of private views and political intrigue, had a
great fliare in exciting and fupporting this long and
bloody war, which, in fome refpe6ls, had very untoward
confequences with regard to thofe countries in Europe,
whofe monarchs, to fignalize their courage, and to ac-
quire the then fafhionable reputation of martial piety, left
their dominions expofed to many inconveniencies, while,
with a vaft expence of blood and treafure, they were en-
gaged in expeditions which promifed little, and which pro-
duced ftill lefs ^, But the confequences of the holy war
were highly beneficial to Chriftendom ; it gave a check to
the Mohammedan power when at its height ; it taught
the European princes the value of a naval force ; and, by
affording them an opportunity of gaining a true knowlegc
of the fituation, produce, and ftate of the great powers in
Afia, made way for thofe difcoveries and conquells which
have been fince attended with fuch mighty advantages. It
ePurchas's Pilgrim, book viii. f Mezeray Abrege del'Hif-
toire dc France, torn, ii, p. 535.
muft
with the Eajl Indies. i^
muft be allowed that thefe confequences followed at a
great diftance of time, when thofe expeditions were all
laid afide ; but this delay dero<jates not at all from the
truth of our aiiertion, as will hereafter fully appear ?. Be-
fides, it was propofed and pointed out at the very time by
a Venetian, who MTOte a learned and judicious trcatife
upon the fubje^l, which, though in that feafon it might
have little or no efFe6»:, yet remains an inconteftible proof
that thofe beneficial confequences were forefeen long be-
fore they were either felt or underftood *'.
Another great event contributed not a little to the fame Jen^/itu
purpofe. This was the amazing irruption of the great ^^^ak's
Tartar monarch Jenghiz Khan, who, in the fpace of ^°*7"''A
twenty-five years, from being the inconfiderable and un- ^/^^ comf-
known head of a tribe of his own nation, becam.e the fondenu
greateft and moil famous prince of his time; and, all between
things confidered, perhaps of any time. He died in the ^'^^J^^P^*^
year 1227, after having overturned the ancient empire of ^^arts^^
China, made himfelf mafter of the beft part of the Indies,
and fubverted the great monarchies which the Mohamme-
dans had ere£led in Perfia and Chaldea ^ His immediate
fucceffors extended their dominions flill farther ; and hav-
ing thus changed the face of affairs in the Eaft entirely,
we need not at all wonder that the Chriftian princes, who
were then warmly engaged in the Holy War, were very
defirous of procuring the friendlhip of thefe new con-
querors ^* It was this difpofition that produced the em-
baffies that were foon after fent into Great Tartaxy ; and
as, according to the genius of thofe times, thefe were
chiefly managed by monks, it was from the accounts they
gave of their travels that the Europeans came to have any
diftin£t knowlege of the remoter parts of Afia j and in-
deed, except this, hardly any thing refulted from their ne-
gociations.
The firft of thefe ambafladors, or rather agents, was a Voyages of
Francifcan, one John Du Plant Carpin, who, with five or -^^ ^]^^^
fix other monks, carried letters from pope Innocent IV. o^t^^ -
to the grand khan of Tartary, in favour of the Chriftians j,;;^ Grand
inhabiting in his dominions. He made this journey in the Tartary*
year 1 246 ; and, at his return, wrote an account of his
travels, in which he has inferted' many ridiculous and ab-
6 P. Gerberon Hiftoire des Tartares. h Sanudo in Libro
cuitit. Secreta Fideliurn Crucis. JPetis de la Croix Hiftoire
de Ginis Kh^n. k Abulglnzj Bayadur Khan Hiltoire Genea-
logique des TaitareS; ^'art iii! chap, i,
furd
i6 Conquejl and Settlements of
furd things upon hearfay ; but what he reports of his own
knowlege feems agreeable enough to truth, but contains
nothing very confiderable '. Seven years after this event,
the French king, St. Lewis, fent William Rubruquis to
eftablifh, if poflible, an amicable correfpondence with
that monarch*". He embarked at Conftantinople, and
having pafled the Black Sea, traverfed the vaft country of
Tartary ; and having done as much as could be expe£led
from him, returned by another route. Having pafled the
river Euphrates, he continued his journey to Tripoly in
Syria, from whence he wrote to the king his mafter, and
afterwards compofed a large account of his whole journey,
which was very faithful, very exa6t, and gave a juft no-
tion of the Tartars and their conquefts. It does not ap-
pear that either of thefe pieces could have been of any
great ufe towards facilitating a correfpondence between
the weflern parts of Europe and the interior parts of Afia ;
but the humour of travelling and feeing ftrange places be-
gan ftrongly to prevail, infomuch that feveral, moved
partly by curiofity, and partly from the hopes of making
their fortune at the court of the Tartar emperor, refolved
to run the rifk of vifiting his dominions ". To this humour
we owe the hiftory of Marco Polo, to whom the Euro-
peans are indebted for the firfl clear and diftin61: account of
the utmoft limits of Afia. His difcoveries were of fuch im-
portance, and were attended with confequences of fuch a na-
ture, that the reader will be certainly pleafed to meet
with a fhort account of him, his family, and adventures.
The won- Signior Nicolo Polo, the father of Marco, and his bro-
derfuldif' ther fignior Maffio, began their travels from Conftantin-
co^eriesof ^pjg -j^ ^^ y^^j. j^^o ; and having proceeded to the court
h and the °^ ^^ grand khan of Tartary, refided there for many
dlflanttra- years. They returned to Venice, about the year 1269,
'vels of Sir where they found the wife of fignior Nicolo dcceafed, and
John Matt" j^ej. fon, of whom fhe was left big at the time of their de-
deviIU* parture, a well accomplifhed youth of nineteen years of
age °. Him they carried back to the court of the khan ;
and, after having fpent twenty-fix years more in that
country, returned again to Venice, in the year 1295. A
fhort time after his return, Marco Polo ferving his coun-
try at fea againft the Genoefe, his galley, in a great naval
engagement, was funk, and himfelf taken prifoner, and
1 Hackluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. ai. ^ Itinerarium FratriJ
Willielmi de Rubiuquis ad Partes Orientales, 4to. " Guyoii
Hiftoire des Indes Orientales, p. i. cap. 9. " Ramufio, voU
ij. Furclias'* Pilgrims, vol. iii,
carried
the Portugtiefe in the Eafi Indies, I J
carried to Genoa. He remained there many years in con-
finement 5 and, as well to amufe his melancholy, as to
gratify thofe who defired it from him, he fent for his notes
from Venice, and compofed the hiftory of his travels. Irt
this work there are, without doubt, many ftrange circum-
ftances, and fome falfehcods, which he related from hear-
fay ; but what he wrote from his own knowlege is both
curious and true. He riot only gave better accounts of
China than had been before received; but likewife ^fur-
iiiflied a defcription of Japan, of many of theiflands or the
Eaft Indies, of Madagafcar, and the coalls of Africa; fo that
from his work it might be eafily collefted, that a direic
paflage by fea to the Indies was not only poffibk, but prac-
ticable. Ayton, or Haiton, king of Armenia p, after he
had traverfed many of the mod remarkable countries in
the Eall, about the year 1305 retired to Cyprus, and there
took the habit of a monk; after which ftep he wrote, or
caufed to be written, a kind of hiftory of the empire of
the Tartars ; to which he added the principal obfervations
made by him in his travels, which, in refpec^ as well to
the dignity of the author as to the many new and fur-
prifing particulars which they contain, v/ere much efteem*
ed, and univerfally read. Our countryman Sir John Man->
devile, a man of a good family, and liberal education,
who had applied himfelf to the (ludy of phyfic, being very
defirous of vifiting remote countries, and more efpecially
thofe of which he had read fuch Itrange things in ancient
authors, fet cut on this defign in the year 1332, and fpent
no lefs than thirty-four years in his peregrinations through
Armenia, Egypt, Lybia, Arabia, Syria, Media, Mefopo-
tamia, Perfia, Grand Tartary, and other countries, 0/
which he wrote an account, which has been very difFer-^
ently cenfured ; fome efteeming it an excellent piece, and
others looking upon it as a heap of fables and falfehood ^*
The truth is, that his learning, his curiolity, and his de-
fire to excite the wonder of his readers, have had a very
bad efFe<Sl: upon his work, into which he has thruft every
thing that he had either read or heard, as well as what he
had feen : but whatever may be thought of his travels
p Inferted alfo in the Colleftions of Ramufio, Purchas, and
Harris. q His Travels, or rather extradls from them, are to
be found in various col!e8:ions ; but the only genilme edition bears
this title, the Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile, Knight,
which treateth of the Way to Hierufalem.'and of Marvayles of
Inde, with other Ihunds and Countryes. From an original MS.
in the Cotton library j Svo. 1727-
Mod. Vol. VIII. C now,
1 8 Conquejls and Settlements of
^owy they were highly valued at the time when they ap-
peared, and had a confiderable effe£l: in fupporting this
humour of vifiting remote countries, which muft have been
flrong enough before, fince, as he tells us in the relation
of his travels, the world was amufed in his youth with the
ftory of a man who had gone round the world "■ ; upon
which he makes fome remarks, which fliew him plainly to
have been a man of parts, and no defpicable mathemati-
cian for thofe times.
*The con- There was yet another great event that happened towards
^ueflsmade the clofe of the fourteenth century, which operated power-
by Timurj f^Hy towards removing thofe obftacles the Europeans would
Tane^h the "^^doubtedly have met with upon their coming into the In-
Eaftt fa' dies ; whereas the reader will fee they found but a feeble
niourable to refiflance, moft of the nations they had to deal with being
ihe Chr'tf' hardly recovered from former confufions. This event was
iians. ^j^g fecond irruption of the Tartars under Timur Bck, or,
. as our hiftories caJl him, Tamerlane, who refolved, though
perhaps his rights were not extremely well founded, to
vindicate the title derived to him from his anceftor Jeng-
hiz Khan ; a defign which he fortunately accomplifhed,
becoming in procefs of time mafler of the greater part of
-Afia, which he divided amongft his fons, leaving to his
third, Miracha, the empire of the Indies, with other ter-
ritories ; and though part of thefe was afterwards loil, yet
the Indies remain in the pofTeffion of his pofterity to this
day '. By this time the humour of travelling, and feek-
ing adventures in the Eaft, had prevailed fo much in Eu-
rope, that feveral perfons of courage, and fome of good
families, but for the moil part Italians, were in Tamer-
lane's army, and did him good fervice ^ It mull be ac-
knowleged, that, even after fo very great a blow given to
the Turkifh power by this conqueror, the Ottomans foon
recovered themfelves, and made a great impreflion upon
Europe, fome parts of which were alfo invaded and fub-
dued by the Tartars ; yet neverthelefj] it may be affirmed,
that about this time that fpirit fprung up of oppofing the
Mohammedans by land and fea, which foon after drove
them out of Spain, gave a check to their conqueils in the
North, and has kept their power within bounds in mofl:
places ever fince ; to which nothing has contributed fo
much as deftroying that ftrength they were forming, and
» Maundevlle's Travels, p. «**. • D'Herbelot Biblio-
theque Orientale, au mot Timur, ct autrcs. * Cherefedin
All Hiftoire dc Timur Bck.
indeed
the Foriuguefe in the Eajl Indies. 19
indeed had in part formed, through the maritime provinces
and iliands of India.
As from the feveral means before mentioned, as well as The Port*'
other lefler incidents, of which we have not room to take gue/e under
notice, there was a general report fpread over Europe of l^V^^Y.
the great riches of the Eaft, fo it created an inclination in f^^ i„'ear^
feveral princes and ftates to try whether fome method nejitomake
might not be found for correfponding with them by fea. dijcomtrieu
Amongft thefe there was none thought fo ferioufly of
railing a naval force, and employing it for augmenting his-
revenues, and extending his dominions, as king John I.
of Portugal ". He was a prince whom his courage and
conduft had placed upon the throne, being the natural
fon of the monarch he fucceeded ; but, notwithllanding this
flaw in his title, and fome others in his government, he
had as many great qualities as any perfon in his rank at
that time, which made him beloved by his fubjefls, and
refpecfled by his neighbours. His affuming the crown had
involved him at once in a civil and foreign war ; out of
which being extricated by the afTiftance of John of Gaunt,
duke of Lancafter, whofe daughter Philippa he married,
and by whom he had eight children, he was defirous of
employing the brave men and bufy fpirits, naturally pro-
duced in fuch ftirring times, in fuch a manner, as to hin-
der their difturbing that tranquility which had been fo
lately reftored to his dominions ^, He contrived, there-
fore, feveral expeditions for difcovcries ; in one of which
the ifland of Madeira was again found, which had been
long before vifited by Edward Macham-, an Englilhman,
who had fled thither with his miftrefs ; and, ihe dying ,-
there, he built a little chapel over her grave, which prov-
ed at once a monument to the lady, and of his difcovery,
as the Portuguefe writers unanimoufly allow (E). 1 his
event,
»» Emanuel de Faria y Soufa Epitome de las HiftoriasPortugue-
fas, lib. iv. cap. i. w Hiftoire de Portugal, p. 391,
(E) The time when this dlf- with a lady he had ftolen, was
covery was made is not a little by a ftorm driven to fea, and
uncertain ; according to one carried to the ifland of Madel-
writer, it muft have been about ra, then defert, and overgrown ».
1344, but, according to others, with wood. He landed with
later. The fubftance of the re- his miilrefs, who was much in-
lation, than which nothing can difpcfed, and fome few other
be better atteiled, is this : Ed- perfons, provided for her with
ward Macham, on board an as much conveniencr as he
Englifli fliip bound to Spain, could, in which thofe who
C 3 wert
20
Succinii
charaSiers
of the Jive
princes his
fans,, ivho
prcfmoted
thefe difco-
*veries»
Conquefts and Settlements of
eventj which happened in 14 19, and the finding Puerto
^Txnto two years before, encouraged captain Yanez to
double cape Bojador, which had never been attempted be-
fore. King John alfo tranfported a great army into Africa,
where he made himfeif mafter of the fortrefs of Ceuta in
a few days, and projected great fchemes, the execution of
which, however, he left to his fucceflbr ^.
As Providence had been pleafed to blefs this great and
wife prince with five fons, he neglefted nothing that
.might improve this blefTmg in refpedl to their education*
Wf have faid that, he had formed great defigns, and he
had hopes that his fons might live to execute them with
as much fuccefs as he had fiiewn prudence in contriving
them. His eldcfl fon Edward, whom, after the Englifli
cuftom, he caufed to be flyled prince of Portugal, he
took the pains of inilrudling in the arcs of government,
and particularly in tliofe maxims which he thought mofl
conducive to. the welfare of his dominions. His fecond
fon Don Pedro had at once very quick parts and a very
folid underuanding, which enabled him, under the eye of
^ Manuel <le Faiia y Soufa-, lib. iv. cap. 3..
•vCfere with him a ill lied ; but
while they were thus employed,
the ftiip put to fea and left
them. How long they re-
mained upon this ifl^ind is un-
certain I but the lady dying,
Macham, liaving interred her
body in a homely chapel,
which he had raifed to the ho-
nour of the holy jefiis, ereded
a monument to her memory,
on which be infcriled their
names, and thefe particulars of
their llory* After this, he
and his companions cut down a
large tree, which they hollowed
iato a kind of canoe ; and, em-
barking on board it, reached,
with much difficulty, the op-
polite coalt of Africa, where
they were feized by the na-
tives, and j refented to their
king, who feiit them as a pre-
fent to the king of Caftile.
Tin's affair made icy great a
nolfe, that it occafioned the
fitting out of thofe v^ffels by
which the Canaries were dif-
covered, as fome fiiy in 1395;
but, as others relate, in 1405.
However, thofe difcoverers
met not with the ifland where
Aiacham had been, which was
found again, as we have men-
tioned in the text, in '4^9> hy
John Gonzales Zarco, and
Trill:ram Vas Teixera, who,
from its being overj^rown with
wood, gave it the name of
Madeira, which the Spaniards
write Madera ; and meeting
wich the chapel 'and tomb be-
lore mentioned, they bedowed
upon the bay, on the fide of
which it Hood, 'the name of
Machico, in honour of the
original difcoverer of this
iiland(i).'
( ) J, de Bancs, Decad. i. lib. i. cap. 3.
his
the Poriuguefe in the Raft Indies^ 2t
his father, to acquire moft branches of learning while he
was very young ; and, for his farther improvement, the
king fent him with an equipage, ' fuitable to his quality,
to vifit feveral parts of Europe*; after which expedition,
he made a tour into Afia and Africa y. It may be inferred
from hence, that his father relied chiefly upon him in re-
ference to the difcoveries and foreign conquefts he had
projected ; but that young prince, being obliged to turn
Jhis thoughts' early to civil affairs, contented himfelf with
giving all the lights, derived from experience and learning,
to his younger brother Don Henry, of whom we (hall
fpeak more at large hereafter. We fhall here therefore
only obferve, that, from his very infancy, that prince was
addidled to the ftudy of the mathematics, took great de-
light in converfing with men of letters, but more efpe-
•cially fuch as underftood cofmography and aftronomy,
-which were his favourite ftudies ^ He had a penetrating
genius, and a temper calm and fedate ; an extreme pafFion
for the glory of his country, without any mixture of am-
bition, unlefs we befhow that name upon his earneft de-
fire to do good, agreeable to the French motto he took,
'' Talent de bienfaire," which he caufed to be infcribed
under the arms of Portugal, on the crofTes and forts
erected in the places difcovered at his expence. He was
mafter of the order of Chrift, and kept his court at
Sagres, at a fmall diftance from cape St. Vincent, in the
kingdom of Alg?irve. Don John, the fourth fon, was
mafter of the order of St. James ; Don Ferdinand, the
youngeft, was mafter of the order of Avis, which had
been his father's firft title ; and, after his deceafe, was
ftyled the martyr, upon account of his dying a prifoner
among the Moors ^.
Prince Edward fucceeded his father on the throne of ^^^^f ob-
Portugal. In the year 1433 he undertook an expedition J^^^°"^
againft Tangier, which proved unfuccefsful, and where '^d^a^amfl
his brother Don Ferdinand was taken prifoner, for whofe the \njant
ranfom the Moors demanded the fortrefs of Ceuta ; which Don Hen-
the king being unwilHng to part with, that unfortunate rfsconJuS
prince fpent the remainder of his days in captivity. King 1^^"
Edward died September the 9th, 1438, leaving behind
him two fons, both very young ^. The eldeft of thefe,
y Hiftoirc de Portugal, p. 4.IV "^ Lafitau Hiftoire des Coiir
quetes des Portuguais dans le Nonveau Monde, vol. i. p. 8, 9.
Manuel de Faria y Soufa, lib. iv. cap 3. ^ fiiltoire de Portugal,
p. 419. b Manuel de Faria y Soufa, lib. iv. cap. 4.
C3 Don
tl Conquefts and Settlements of
Don Alonzo, fucceeding to the crown, his uncle Don
Pedro was declared regent, yet not without great oppo-
lition J which obliged him, though naturally incHned to
ftudy, and the love of difcoveries, to devolve all cares of
this fort upon his brother Don Henry, duke of Vifeo, to
whom, however, while in power, he gave all the affift-
ance he could. It is the more neceflary to make this ob-
fervation, becaufe, in the former reign, the enterprizes
of that worthy perfon were looked upon with a jealous,
or at lead an envious eye. It was fuggefled to king Ed-
ward, that the affairs of the Portugucfe nation, did not
by any means admit the hazarding fhips and men in ex-
peditions of an uncertain nature, tiie very fuccefs of which
would be naturally produftive of new and greater enter-
prizes, altogether improper, fince the country was already
exhaufted by the unfortunate attempt upon Africa, for ad-
vifing of which, this prince was aifo blamed ; but, after
the acceflion of his nephew Don Alonzo, he was freed
from thefe reftraints, and fuffered to employ his own re-
venues according to his own mind. Yet the domeftic
troubles which enfued very much impeded his progrefs ;
for, when Don Alonzo came to take the reins of govern-
ment into his own hands, he in a very fliort time quarrelled
with his uncle Don Pedro ; and a civil M'ar broke out, in
which that great and gallant prince, who had diflinguiihed
himfelf both by his fword and by his pen, was killed
in the field «=, to the great regret of thofe who fincerely
wiflied well to Portugal, and who now difcerned that it
was much better to employ high and relllefs fpirits in ex-
peditions for the fervice of their country, than to afford
them opportunities of difturbing its peace.
Difcoveries The duke of Vifeo was endowed with all the qualities
of the itt- ^^^j. diflinguifti heroes. He had (hewn his courage in
Henry reca- *^^ wars againft the Moors ; but he thought the moft
pitulated proper objecSl of valour was, the facing thofe dangers that
for forty hinder fuch defigns as may be beneficial to the human fpe-
jears, ^ies. He refolved, therefore, in order to gratify his paf-
fion for difcoveries, to make himfelf mailer of the Cana-
ries, then in the hands of Maciot de Bethancourt, who
held them from the king of Caftile ; and who, for a con-
fideration, made them over to prince Henry about the
year 1 406 **. He fent Ferdinand de Caflro to take poffef-
fion of them ; and, conceiving that they might be of
e Lafitau Hiftoirc dcs Conquetes des Portuguais, vol i. p. 35.
-' «* Galvano'i Difcoveries.
ufe
the Portuguefe'in the Eaft Indies* 25
ufe in the dlfcovery of the coafts of Africa, which -vrere
then very little known, he began about the year 14 10
to fit out fhips, admitting Spaniards, and others who
werellcilled in navigation, into his fervice for that purpofe.
The limits of the fouth-weft part of Africa, at that time
known to the Portuguefe, was a cape running out from
the foot of mount Atlas, the proper name of which was
Chaunor, but called by the feamen Cape Non, fituated in
the latitude (as it was then efleemed) of 28 deg. lomin.
north 5 and thefe vefTels proceeded beyond that, along the
coaft, to Cape Boj adore, in twenty- fix degrees north lati-
tude, but they had not the courage to double this pro-
montory. In 1 4 1 8 Triftan Vaz difcovered the ifland of
Porto Santo ; and gave it that name, becaufe he firft faw
it on the feaft of All Saints. The next year the Portu-
guefe difcovered the ifland of Madeita, which, as we have
obferved, received its name from its being covered with
wood. In 1439 a Portuguefe captain doubled Cape Bo-
jadore, which fome think Ptolemy called Cape Canarea.
The next year they failed as high as Cape Blanco, in the
latitude of 20 deg. fo that they difcovered about eight
degrees in the firft forty years ^
In 1446 Nuno Triftan doubled Cape Verd, in the lati- An account
tude of 14 deg. 40 min. In 1448, in the fpring, Don of the dif-
Gonzalo Vallo failed to the A9ores, or The Hawk IJlands, "217%^^
from the word agor^ which in the Spanifh language fig- portuguefe
nifies a hawk They were at that time uninhabited, and in the next
were fettled by this commander, who did not, hovftwhr, forty years,
vifit the iflands of Florez and Corvo, which, being dif-
covered and planted by Flemings, were from thence called
the Flemifh Iflands ^ In the year 1449 ^^^ iflands of
Cape Verd were difcovered for the infant Don Henry.
The firft of thefe was called the Ifland of May, becaufe
they landed on May-day ; and at the fame time they be-
ftowed the names of St. James and St. Philip on two
of thofe iflands, the reft not being vifited till the year
1460 ^. The progrefs made by the infant Don Henry
gave great fatisfacStion to the princes that poflefl^ed the
crown of Portugal, infomuch that king Alphonfo the
fourth, or rather the infant Don Pedro, who governed the
kingdom during his minority, granted him the iflands of
Porto Santo and Madeira. The infant, however, accord**
e MafFsei Hift. Indica, p. i. lib. i. cap. 3. *" Emanuel de Faria
y Soufa Epitome de las Hilloria* Portuguefas, Jib. iv. cap. 6.
Galvano's Difcoverics,
mg
34 Conquejls dnd Settlements of
ing to the cuftom of tliofe times, was defirous to obtain
the fandion of the holy fee j and, for that reafon, fent
iJon Ferdinand Lopes d' Azevedo, his ambaflador, to pope
Martin V. M^ho, as the conceffion was honourable to
the chair of St. Peter, beftowed on the crown of PoN
tugal all that fhould be difcovered on that fide, as far as
the Indies. This bull was dated in 1444, and confirmed
by his fucceflbrs Eugenius iV. Nicholas V. and Srxtus IV.
Prince Henry, who began as well as laid the plan of thefe
difcoveries, lived to fee them puflied as far as Cape Sierra
Leona, within eight degrees of the Hne ; and, being far
advanced in years, dcceafed A. D. 1463 ^. In 147 15
Pedro d'Efcovar difcovered the illand of St. Thomas, and
Prince's Ifland j and, on the firft day of the next year,
another illand on the fame coaft, which he called Anno
Bueno, now called &rruptly Annobon. In 1484 Diego
Cam difcovered the kingdom of Congo ; and, having
heard of a Cliriilian moirarch who reigned in Ethiopia,
he magnified his power fo much on his return, that
John II. took a refolution to fend by land two perfons
he could trull, to gain certain intelligence of this prince,
whom he judged to be Prefbyter John, and to acquire at
the fame time the mod fatisfa^loi y knowlege they could
of the flate of the Indies ; but they returned without per-
forming much, and the king found himfelf obliged to
make a new choice ^
CemUlan The perfons charged with this comimiffion, May 7, 1487,
find Pay- were Pedro de Covillan and Alphonfo da Payva, who had
'^Vl^^' ^^^^ orders to reduce into v/riting whatever they judged
InJd into ^'orthy of notice, more efpecially the fituation of places,
the Indiest and the navigation of the coaft of Ethiopia, which it was
end Etliio- hoped might be made the means of pafTmg by a new route
p^* to the Indies'^. Thefe gentlemen, who fpoke Arabic
perfeftly, went together to Alexandria, and from thence
to Cairo, from which city they proceeded to the famous
port of Aden in Arabia, where^ by converfing with traders
of all nations, and from all parts of th^ Indies, they learn-
ed many things of great confequence. Here they refolved,
that while one made a tour through the Indies, the other
fliould go to the emperor of Ethiopia. Accordingly Pedro
de Covillan went to the Indies; and, having made a very
exact map of the coaft s of that country^,-4i£-xroired the
^ Spond. Ann. Ecc. ad an, 1420- n. 12. * Maffaei Hid.
Indica, p. i, lib- i. cap. 5. ^ J. de BnrrOs, Decad. i. lib,
jii. cap. 5.
Arabian
thiPortuguefe in the Eqft Indies. 2$
Arabian fea to Africa, and, after having vifited moR of
the principal ports there, came to Sofala, fully perfuaded,
as well from the reafon of the thing, as from the con-
curring opinions of the feamen he converfed with, that a
fhort and eafy pailage might be found round the continent
of Africa into the Indies ^ He made the bell of his way
to Cairo, very well pleafed with what he had already
learned, as expecting there to meet his companion ; but
being informed, on his arrival, that the unfortunate
Alphonfo de Payva had been' murdered on the road to
Ethiopia, he refolved to acquaint tHe king with the difco-
veries he had made, by letter, and to continue his journey
into Ethiopia, that, at his return to Portugal, he might be
able to fatisfy the king in every refpe6t "'. He executed
this journey with the fame good fortune that had attended
him hitherto ; and was perfectly well received by Alex-
ander, ac that time emperor of Abyflinia, who was
extremely well pleafed with the offers made him, and
promifed to fend Pedro de Covillan back again with letters
to the king his mailer *, but the emperor dying fuddenly,
his fucceflbr Nahu treated our Portuguefe not only with
coldnefs and difrefpeft, but with the g'reatell crueitv, re-
fufing,him leave to return home, and keeping him at his
court as a prifoner for many years, fo that in Portugal
they concluded him dead^ though he lived afterwards to
recover his liberty (F).
But, while this new method of inquiring by travels over
land was purfued, the other plainer method of pufhing
1 Maffasi Hift. Indica, p. i. lib. i. cap. 19. *" P, Lafitau Hiftoire
des Conquetes desPortuguais, vo). i. p. 63.
(F) While thefe gentlemen who fent them back with orders
were thus employed, the king to meet Don Pedro de Covillan,
fent two Jews into the Indies, who received from them the
from whom he received a dif- king's direction to repair to
tin6l account of the prodigious Ethiopia. He is reported to
commerce carried on in the have been the firfl: Portuguefe
ifland of Ormuz ; of the route that entered the Indies ; and it
of the caravans that went from was from his journal, fent by
Balfora to Aleppo, with the na- the Jews, that t;h<^ ' king his
tare, the quantity, and the va- mailer was fully perfuaded his
iue, of the merchandize, that endeavours would be attended
one year with another was rhis with fuccefs. This Don Pedro
way conveyed ; v/hich account remained a kind of prifoner in
was very pleafing to the king, Ethiopia to the year 1520 (1),
(0 MafF£ei Hift. Indica, p. i. lib. i. cap. n.
gradually,
26
Captain
Diaz. dou.
bles Cabo
ilel Bueno
E [per an-
%a. and
Jbe'ws the
pajfage
cpening to
Afta.
Conquejls and Settlements of
gradually, though flowly, the difcoveries made along the
coaft, was not negleded For the fame John 11. em-
ployed Bartholomew Diaz, a perfon remarkable for
prudence, and fkill in navigation, as well as for invincible
courage, to proceed along the fouth coaft of Africa. This
he accordingly traced in the year 1 486, till arriving in
fight of a high cape, he met with very bad weather,
and loft the company of his victualling bark ; upon which
his crew mutinied, complaining that it was too much to
endure at once the hardilnps of the fea and of famine. But
captain Diaz, reprefenting to them that the former was
not to be efcaped by going back, and that the only means
they had of preventing the latter, was, to proceed till they
came to fome place where they could get refrefhments, he
prevailed upon them to double this cape, and to fail a good
way beyond it, to a place where he had ere£led a pillar of
ftone. Having obtained a fmall fupply, he returned, and
in his paiTage homewards met with his bark, in which, of
nine men that he left, three only furvived, and of thefe,
Ferdinand Colazzo died with joy at the firft fight of his
captain ". He continued his voyage fafely to Lifbon,
where he arrived in December, 1487, fixteen months and
feven days after his fetting out, having difcovered in that
time above one thoufand miles along the coaft. He gave
the king his mafter a full account of all that had happened 5
and infifted particularly on the difficulty with which he had
doubled that ftupendous promontory, which he thought
iit to call Cabo Tormentofo, that is, the Tcmpeftuous Cape :
but the king, who, from the lights he had received from
Covillan's letters, v/as enabled to form a right judgment of
the importance of this difcovery, ftyled it Cabo del Bueno
Efperanza, or, the Cape of Good Hope, which name it has
ever fince retained ; for he faw clearly, from the agree-
ment between thefe accounts, that the paffage was open,
and that there wanted but one voyage more to finifli what
they had fo much defired, namely, the finding a dire£l
paflage by fea to the Eaft Indies °. But, while King John
meditated this great defign, and bufied himfelf in con-
triving the means of executing it in fuch a manner as
might be moft honourable to himfelf, and advantageous
for his fubjects, the great Ruler of all things difpofed of
him otherwife, by calling him out of this life.
n Purchas Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 7. MafFaei Hift. Tndica, p. i lib.
j. cap lo. • Ofor. de Reb. Eman. lib. i. MafFaei Hift Indica,
p. i. lib. i cap. 17. P, Lafitau Hiitoire de$ Conquetes des Portuguais,
vol. i.p. 58.
the Portuguefe in the Eqft Indies. 27
The Voyage of Vafque% de Gama to the Coaji of Malahar %
the Dijputes and PVars with the Samorln ; and the Pro^
grejs of the Portuguefe Affairs^ to the fending over the
Firft Viceroy,
^""11 IS wife and good king, John II. who, for his Arguments
^ virtues, was furnamed the Perfect Prince, dying, ufedtoper^
0£^ober the 25th, 1495, without lawful iflue, left the/"-*^-? King
crown to Don Emanuel, the fon of Don Ferdinand, duke ^^^^^'uel
of Vifeo, to whom of right it belonged. This prince fuc- pJofec t'^**
ceeded, in the flower of his age, being about twenty*»reven, djcoveriis,
and poflelfed moft of thofe qualities worthy of a monarch.
He had great parts, much penetration, and an excellent
judgment ; yet fo diffident of his own abilities, that, fore-
feeing the execution of his predeceflbr's projefts would be
attended with larger expences than hitherto they had been,
he declined profecuting them, without the advice of his
council, before whom he laid all the informations that
either himfelf or King John had received p. The Portu-
guefe llatefmen were divided in their opinions ; for fome
prefled the king to tread in the footileps of his anceftors,
and to complete with glory what they had begun j while
others as vehemently oppofed his purfuit of this defign ;
neither did each party fail of advancing very plaufible
arguments, in maintenance of their propofal. Such as
were delirous that this new navigation might be attempted,
obferved, that the trade to the Indies had been the
fource of power and riches to every empire that had been
poflefTed of it : that Providence feemed to have thrown it
into the hands of their nation in fuch a manner, that it
would not only be difadvantageous, but diftionourable to
refufe it : that all difficulties were in a manner already
overcome ; fo that there remained fcarce any thing, but
going to take pofTeffion of thofe fine countries, and that
vaft wealth which, though all the world thirfted after,
none but themfelves knew how to reach : that the engrofT-
ing fo rich a trade to Portugal would balance their fmall
extent of territory, and enable the king's fubjefis to make
as great a figure as the inhabitants of kingdoms much more
potent in appearance : that, in fine, there were as many
dangers to be apprehended from abandoning this defign,
as benefits to be expeded by purfuing it ; fince, in all pro-
bability, their ambitious neighbours the Spaniards would
p Emanuel de Faria y Soufa Epitome de las Hiftorias Portugue*
fas, lib. iv. cap. 9.
under-
28
Clher rea-
Jcnsjor
difcr.niinu-
ing them,
tts pr (judi-
cial to Pov
iugal
A.D.M94.
VaJquftT:, da
Gama pro-
ceeds, by
the Cape cf
Good Hope,
to the In-
dte$»
Conquejls and Settlements of
undertake, and accomplifli this great work, the weahh
derived from which would enable them to execute with
eafe, whatever they might be prompted to by their bound-
lefs ambition.
On the other fide, it was alledged, that there were
many things more apparently neccflary to the kingdom,
than fuch long, fuch expenlive, and fuch uncertain expe-
ditions ; fince there were feveral large trails of land, and
particularly that fpacious plain between the Ebro and rhe
Tagus, not properly cultivated, the improvement of which
would free them from the neceffity of depending for their
daily bread upon flrangers : that their country was but
thinly peopled, at leaft in proportion to the numbers, it
might be able to maintain, if, inftead of maritime expe-
ditions, they turned their , thoughts tov/ards making the
moft of what was in their power ; fo that it was very un-
reafonable to confume numbers of men that might be im-
mediately ufeful to their country, for the fake of diftant,
and perhaps fallacious, expe£lations : that all difcoveries
and conquefts hitherto had furniflied only a few negroes,
elephants teeth, fcrange birds, and other curiofities ; in
procuring which they had fuIFered many ihipwrecks, and
run the hazard cf many more : that, for a century toge-
ther, they had been amufed with thefe golden dreams,
and therefore it was high time to awake from 'this delu-
fion : t{iat the kings his predecelibrs had been at vail ex-
pences,, to very little purpofe, in purfuit of the like de-
figns ; and that this ought to render him not only the
more cautious in following their example, but oblige him
alfo to confider the dangerous confequences of running an
exhaufted nation into diiburfements {"ae. was unable to
bear : that befides, the fucccfs of the undertaking might
bring fuch demands up/on the crov/n of Portugal, as would
greatly exceed her force ; fo that, perhaps, her interefts
at home might come to be facrificed to thofe abroad 'J.
Don Emanuel, having maturely confidered what had been
offered on both fides, refolved to feleft fo much of either
opinion, as might conduce mofl to his own reputation,
the completing his predeceffors fcheme, and the welfare
of his fubjedis.
It was in confequence of this refolution, that in the
fpring of the fecond year, he ordered four fhips to, be
equipped; three of which were armed veffels, with fome
q P. Lafitau Iliftoire des Conqusftes des Portugais, vol. i,
piece?
the Vortuguefe In the Eajt Indies, 2(j
pieces of cannon on board, and the fourth a fmall ftore-
flilp. We may be fure that thefe veiTels were not very
confiderable, fince, in the whole, there were on board
but one hundred and lixty foldiers and feamen. The
perfon chofen to command them was Don Vafquez, or
Vafco da Gama, a man of very high quahty, who pof-
fefled all the talents neceffary for fuch an employment.
On the 9th of July, he embarked on board the Gabriel,
which was the admiral, of the burthen of a hundred and
twenty^ tons, and the fame day put to lea. On the 3d of
Auguft, he left the ifland of St. Augufline. On the 20th
of November, he doubled the Cape of Good Hope. In
the beginning of the month of January, he put into a
port of Ethiopia. And on the ift of March, he entered
that of Mozambique ; where the fcurvy kiikd many of
his people, and where they were in great danger of being
deftroyed, as foon as it was known they were. Ghrirdans.
His artillery, however, preferved him ; and from thence
he continued his voyage to Mombaza ; where he met
likewife with perfidious dealing. He failed from thence to
JVlelinda ; the king of which country received him with
civility, and promifed to fend an ambaffador to king Ema-
nuel, when diey returned to Portugal. Don Vafquez, in
obedience to his inftru£tions, failed from thence for the
coaft of Malabar; and arriving at Calicut, firft heard of
a puiiTant monarch in thofe parts, ftyled the Samorin.
There he met, very unexpe6ledly,with an extraordinary a61:
of friendfhip ; for on his officers firft going on fliore, they
were met by a Moor of Tunis, whofe name was Mon-
zaida, who knew them, by their drefs, to be Portuguefe ;
and though, as well on the fcore of his country as Jiis
religion, it Vv^as natural for him to hate them, yet he very
kindly offered them his fervice, and fincerely fulfilled all
that he had promifed. He acquainted the Samorin, that
a powerful and warlike nation were come from the far-
theft parts of the earth, to feek his friendfhip, and to trade
with his fubjefts. This reprefentation had its effects ;
Gama was allowed to anchor in that port, and alfo ad-
mitted to an audience, in which he was treated with kind-
nefs and refpeft ^ ' -
But things did not remain long in this poftiire ; for the Different^
Mohammedans, who were fettled in the dominions of this '^^^^ ^^^
prince, forefee^n^ theii* owit coliii^fce muft b'e- 4eflrOyed, ^f^°^}^"*
' \ I ^ . V' ■''■' *i* '• - obliges Don
r Oior. de Reb. Eman. lib. i. F. Lalttau HiHoire d^ Conquef- i^aihue-z
te. d'S rortiyi^uais, vol, i. p. 112. to'^lea-ve
|3y lalicut.
JO Conquejls and Settlements of
by the arrival of the Portuguefe, took incredible pains to
mifreprefent them, as an ambitious and cruel people, who
meant nothing lefs than to depofe the Samorin, and to
conquer his country ; which infinuations had fuch efFeft
on the Indian monarch, that he began to lay fnares for
the deftruftion of Gama and his people. Don Vafquez
had very early intelligence of his defigns, and therefore
haftened on board bis fliips, and quitted the coaft. He
wrote, however, a letter to the Samorin ; in which he
complained of this breach of faith, juftified himfelf from
the imputations before mentioned, and advifed the Samo-
rin to return to his former fentiments. The Samorin
wrote him a polite anfwer ; in which he laid the blame
on his minifters and the Mohammedans, promifing to
punifh the guilty, aiTuring him, his nation fhould meet
with no reafon to complain \ and, to thefe complim.ents,
added a refpecl:ful letter to the king of Portugal*, in
which he accepted the propofitions made him on his ma-
jefty^s behalf, and promifed a free trade to his fubjcfts,
without prejudice, however, to his former allies (G).
Don Vafquez having received the letters, proceeded to the
ifland of Angediva, at the diftance of fifty leagues from
Calicut *, where having repaired his veflels, and refrefhed
his people, he failed thence for Europe. In his palTage,
he took care to put into Melinda, where he was received,
as before, with great friendfliip *, and the king, according
to his promife, lent with him an ambaflador to Portugal.
He proceeded then to the iiland of Zanguebar ; but find-
ing by the way his crew much diminifhed, he burnt the
baint Raphael, which was commanded by his brother
« MafFaei Hift Indica, parti, lib. i. cap. 29.
(G) It was to this Moor opportunity had offered, it i^
that Don Vafquez owed his thought he was well enough
own fafcty, and the Portuguefe inclined ; but the Moor gave
the pofleirion of the Indies ; Don Vafquez intelligence of
for the Mohammedans laid all, from a fpirit of honour
before the Samorin all the con- and generolity, taking at the
fequences that would attend fame time, a refolunon of
the coming of the Chriftians fliaring his fortune, and ac-
into the Indies ; and fliewed cordingly returned with him
him, that the only method to to Portugal; where he became
prevent it was to cut off thefe a Chrlftian, lived with ho-
ftrangers to a man, and burn nour, and died in peace (i)«
their jlJiips ; to which, if a fair \
(0 MafFsci Hift. Indie.
Paul
thg Portugue/e in the Eafl Itrdles. ^l
Paul Gama, and took the men on board his own fhip.
From Zanguebar he failed to Mozambique, where he
took in a fupply of frefli provifions. On the 20th of
March following, he doubled the Cape of Good Hope \
proceeded from thence to the Terceras ; and in the month
of September, 1499, arrived fafe at Belem ; having
fpent two years and ten months in his voyage, and hav-
ing loft, by ficknefs and fatigue, one hundred men, and
amongft them his brother. The fuccefs of this voyage
put an end to all difputes ; all ranks of people were loud
in their commendations of the noble perfon who had at-
chieved this enterprize -, but it was obferved, thofe were
loudeft in their applaufe, who, before his departure, had
treated this difcovery as a vifion ^ (H).
The council of Portugal being unanimous, the king was J^^ /[^^o«ri
folicited not to lofe time, or fpare expence, in feconding ^j^^ i^Jjl^
his good fortune, and reaping the benefits of that difcovery, ^^^g^ Don
of which his royal predecefTors had only a profpeft. The F^dr-o dc
fleet for this fecond expedition was compofed of thirteen CapraL
fail, fome of which were large fhips ". Don Pedro Al-
varez de Capral was appointed general and commander in
chief, and carried with him one thoufand five hundred
t J. de Barros, Decad. i. lib. iv. cap- 11. MafFaei Hift. Indica,
part i. lib. i, cap. 29. u J. de Barros, Decad. i. lib. v. cap. a.
(H) Don Vafquez da Ga- nourable marks of favour, the
ma, as foon as he arrived at king granted him more folid
Lifbon, went to fpend a week evidences of his gratitude and
in devotion at the hermitage efteem, by augmenting his coat
of our Lady, built by the in- of arms with part of thofe qF
fant Don Henry, and where Portugal, declared him admi-
he had offered up his prayers ral of the Indies, added to
to God, for the fuccefs of his that, a perpetual rent-charge
voyage, at the time of his de- of a thoufand crowns out of
parture. Thither the king his exchequer, with a permif-
lent feveral perfons of diilinc- fion to inveft two hundred
tion to compliment him in his thoufand crufadoes in every
name; after which, he made cargo fent to the Indies;
his public entry into Lilbon, which produced upwards of
with all the pomp and cere- two hundred thoiffand pound*
mony of a fovereign prince, of our money in return ; and
illuminations, bonfires, and Ibme time afterwards, he cre-
every other teilimony of pub- ated him Count de Videguie-
lic joy, being exprelTed on ra (2).
his return. Befides thefe ho-
9,
(*) MafFei Hift. Indica, part. i. lib. ii. cap. i,
regul^
32 Conquefts and Settlements of
regular troops. In the month of March, experience hav-
ing ihewn that was the propereft feafon of the year for vi-
fiting the Indies, he failed from Lifbon. In his paflage,
keeping out at fea, in order to avoid the ftorms that had
been met with in doubhng the Cape, he found himfelf
near an unknown continent, oppofite to that of Africa,
and, as it made a very pleafant appearance, he judged it
requifite to go on fhore, and take pofleffion on the behalf
of the king his mafter, v/hich country he called the Land
of the Holy Crofs, but it has been fince known by the
name of Brazil ; and thus the Portuguefe firft fet foot on
the continent of America ''. This difcovery feemed of
fuch confequence to Don Pedro, that he thought fit to
fend Gafpar Lamidos back to Portugal with the good
news, putting one of the natives of the new-found coun-
try on board \ and having left likevv^ife twenty condemned
perfons, who were fent with him for fuch defperate fer-
vices, in Brazil, profecutcd his voyage >'. In a fliort time
after he had left Brazil, he was furprifed by a moft dread-
ful florm, in which he loft many of his people, and one
of his fhips, on beard which was Bartholomew Diaz, who
firft doubled the Cape of Good Flope, and who, by this
accident, perifhed with the reft. The general, notvvith-
flanding, continued his voyage to Mozambique, v^here he
arrived, with no more than fix fail, and thole but in a
poor condition. The inhabitants remembering the dif-
putes they had with his predeceftbr, received him with
refpe£l, and furnifned him with whatever he demanded.
He proceeded from thence to Qailoa, and then continued
his route to Melinda, where he let on Ihore the ambaflador
of that prince, whom Vafquez da. Gama brought over.
He failed from thence, with a ^air gale of wind, to the
Angedive Ifiands, where he refreftied .and refitted.
Tails upon The Samorin fent to compliment him upon his arrival,
the Samo- and to invite him to Calicut,an invitation which he accept-
rifiyforine ^^^q^i condition of having hoftages for his fecurity. Thofe
fault of lis -^^ demanded were the catual, or commiiTioner of the
'tor" 'vo hick cuftoms, and fome other of the Samorin's miniftcirs. The
created an prince hefitated at firft, but at length confented. On his
infurrec' Janding, he was admitted to an audience of the emperor ;
tion* 3t which Capral, who was naturally vaiii, made a difplay
of his magnificence. The Samorin, to demonftrate the
fincerity of his profeffions, made him a prefent of a houfe,
X Maffei Kid Indica, p. i. lib/ii: cap. 2. y P. Lafi'au Iliftolrc
desConqiieftesdes ?or?uguals, vol. i. p, 160,
by
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies, 33
by a deed of gift, ingrofled in letters of gold -, he permit-
ted him alfo to fet up the ftandard of Portugal, to appoint
n fa£l:or, or conful, for his nation, and to open magazines
for commerce ; but all this fair fliew of reciprocal friend-
fhip foon came to nothing. The Portuguefe hiflorians
acknovylege, that it happened through the imprudence
of their fa61:or Correa, who, on fome flight information,
acquainted Capral, that the Samorin's intentions were
mifchievous. The Portuguefe general, upon this intima-
tion, began to feizs fhips, and to commit other acts of
hoftility. The inhabitants thus provoked, attacked the
Portuguefe fa6lory, forced the gates, pillaged and burnt
the houfe, and of fixty-fix people that were in it, mur-
dered fifty, the reft faving themfelves, with great diffi-
culty, on board their f^iips "^ (I). The Portuguefe gene-
ral took a fevere revenge, by burning ten vefiels, richly
laden, in the port, making flaves of their crews, and beat-
ing down a great many houfes. After which exploit, he
failed for Cochin, which lies thirty leagues from Cali-
cut. On the throne of Cochin, at that time, ht a prince
worthy of renown, Trimumpara, who, having reafons to
be offended with the Samorin, received Don Pedro very
kindly, and concluded a treaty with him, into which the
kings of Coulan and Cananorwere afterwards adpaittcd^ :
z MafFcci Hift. Indica, parti, lib. ii.cap, 4. a J, de Barros,
Decad. i. lib. v. cap. 3.
(I) The Moors were at this intentions pofTible. As bad
time mailers of the befl part of men make the befl flatterers,
the commerce in rhe dominions fo this laft foon wrought him-
of the Samorin; for the ma- felf fo much into Correa's fa-
nagement of which, they had vour, that by filling his head
two officers refiding in his ca- with groundlefs fufpicions, he
pital, called fliaubanders, one induced him to commit various
of which had the infpectlon of a£ts of infolence and violence,
the caravans, and all the trade and at the fame time privately
carried on by land, as the other irritated the people, and put
had of the marine. The For- them upon attacking and plun-
tuguefe general appointed An- dering the Portuguefe ware-
drew Correa to be the conful, houfes, where they^ murdered
or merchant general of his na- Correa, and fifty more ; which ^-
tion, to whom both the fliau- produced thofe flagrant acts of
banders addrefTed themfelves, revenge that are mentioned in
the former with the fairefl, the text (1).
and the latter with the foulell
(1) J. de Barros, Decad. i lib. V. cap 5.
Mod. Vol. VHI. D for
34- Conquefls and Settlements of -
for Capral taking great ftate upon him, did not imme-
diately liflen to this propofal, but offered to carry their
ambafladors into Portugal, affuring them, that his ma-
jefty would fend them fpeedy and powerful affiftance
againfl the Samorin. They accepted this offer -, the ge-
neral having taken on board a rich cargo, paid a vifit to
the king of Cananor •, and having received the ambalfa-
dors of all the three princes on board, in the month of
January failed for Europe. In his paffage home, one
of his {hips ran afhore on the coafl of Melinda, when, to
prevent the Mahommcdans from making any advantage of
this misfortune, he firft fpiked his cannon, and then fet the
/ veflel on lire ; notwithftanding which caution, the king of
Mombaza found means to weigh the artillery, and to render
them ferviceable, to the great prejudice of the Chriftians.
The Portuguefe general continuing his voyage, doubled
the Cape without any great difliculty, and arrived fafely
at Lifbon on the 23d of July, 1501. He brought home
with him a large cargo, the ambafTadors of three princes,
r.nd a pompous account of the great exploits he had per-
formed againfl the Samorin ''.
y^ third The forefight of this fortunate king was fo great, that
fquadron before the return of Capral, he had fent a fmall fquadron
under ^Don ^^ ^^^ Indies, of four fail, under the command, of Don
Juan Cat- Ji^^^i Calleca, who very happily repaired the mifchiefs that
ieca, nvho had been done by the Samorin, and prevented his attempt-
does re- Jng greater, by defeating a fleet of eighty fail, of which he
markable deftroyed ten ; and by giving the king of Cochin fuch af-
* furances of continual proteSion, as kept him firm to his
alliance ^. This vigilance and moderation procured him
the univerfal eiteem and afl^c61:ion of fuch of the Indian
princes as had already negociated with the Portuguefe \
and enabled him to provide, in a fliort time, a valuable
cargo, with which he returned to Portugal. In his home-
ward paffage he touched at the ifland of St. Helena, and
was fo much pleafed with it, that he procured an order
from the king, that his fleets for the future fhould like-
wife flop there for refreflmient ''. It cannot be fuppofed
that the returns he brought from the Indies were of greater
value in themfelves than thofe of the former fleets j but,
in proportion to the force of his fquadron, and to the ex-
pcnce W'ith which his expedition was attended, they made
b Mnffffi Hift. Indica, pirt i. Db. ii. cnp. 5. c J. de Barros,
DrcaH. i. lib. v. cap. lo, «^ MafFaei Hilt. Indica, part i. lib. 11.
cap. 6.
a much
the 'Boriuguefe In the Eajl Indies, ^^
a much fuperior figure. To this we may attribute tliat
wonderful ardour with which all ranks and degrees of
people embraced the Indian commerce, that began now to
draw a vail number of foreign vefTels to Lifbon, and to ex-
cite fuch a defire in ftrangers, as well as natives, to em-
bark in this lucrative trade, that when king Emanuel de-
clared his refolution of fending a fleet of twenty fail of
large fiiips, he found himfelf in a condition to accom-
plifh it, as foon as the feafon would permit.
The twolaft expeditions (hewed plainly, that the choice Thfecond
of a commander in chief was a point of more importance '^(^yage of
than even the ftrength of a fleet : v/hen therefore this for- ^^ ^
midable armament was ready, the king defired Vafquez cama and
da Gama to undertake a fecond voyage to the Indies, his exploits
which, believing the fervice of the public ought to take i» ^^^e In-
place of that fatisfa6lion which, as a private man, he ^^^^*
tailed in repofe, that true hero, without any difficulty,
accepted. At the proper feafon of the year, the count
de Videguara failed from Lifbon ; and arriving at Guiloa,
forced the king of that country to become tributary to his
mafter, and to promife an annual tribute of two thoufand
crowns of gold. He failed from thence to Cananor, where
he landed the ambaflador, made rich prefents to the king,
renewed the alliance, and then proceeded for Cochin.
Soon after his arrival there, he received a deputation from
the Chriilians of India, or, as they are generally called,
Chriilians of St. Thomas, to whom he promifed affill-
ance, and accordingly left a fquadron behind him for
their prote£lion *^. The Samorin all this time neglecled
nothing that could be contrived or executed to deftroy his
enemies. He laboured to engage Trimumpara to betray -
Don Vafquez *, but that prince anfwered, that the Por-
tuguefe had behaved towards him with great generofity ;
and that while they continued to do fo, he would never
abandon them. The Samorin finding thefe meafures in-
efFe6lual, declared, by aflfembling a fleet of twenty-nine
fail, that he was refolved to attack Don Vafquez, when
ready to return with his fleet laden, and in a condition
leaft able to oppofe him ; and this defign he actually exe- .
cuted. Don Vafquez fuffered them to come as near as
they pleafed, and then engaging two of their largeft fhips,
the feamen and foldiers boarded and took them fword in
hand, a circumflance which ilruck fuch a terror into their
^ e Emanuel deFaria y Soufa Epitome de las HiftoriasPortuguefas,
lib. iv. cap. 9. MafFaei Hift. Indica, part i. lib. ii. cap, 6,
D 2 companions.
^6 Conquejts and Settlements of
companions, that they bore away 'in the utmofl confu-
fion. In the two fhips taken were found immenfe riches,
hefides gold and filver plate, to a great value -, all which
being brought onboard the admiral, the fhips were fet on
fire ^ Don Vafquez proceeded, after his vi6lory, to Ca-
nanor, conferred with the king on the meafures necefTary
to be taken in his ab fence ; and then leaving fix large fhips
under the command of Vincent Sodrez, failed for Mo-
zambique. Having taken in neceffary refrefhments, he
continued his voyage, without any unlucky accident, to
Lifbon, where he Was received with the utmofl joy, and
the tribute of the king of Guiloa, in a filver bafon, was
carried in triumph before him, at his public entry s (K).
The Samo' The Samorin did not fuffer this opportunity to be lofl ;
rin invades but as foon as the Portuguefe fleet left the Indies, marched
Cochin g^ ^i^g head of fifty thoufand men againfl the king of
preat Cochln, M^iofe fubje6ls were unwilling to fight in this
army, and quarrel, and therefore befought their fovereign to make
dri'ves his peace, by giving up the ftrangers ; but Trimumpara
Trimum- a6led with the utmoll fortitude and good faith. At this
Jreat di" c''^^^^^^ feafon Vincent Sodrez arrived, to whom the king
ffre/j, of Cochin applied for relief, defiring he would land a part
of his forces, to aflift him in this extremity ''. This Portu-
fuefe officer was a very brave man, and underflood his
ufinefs perfetflly 5 but he loved money, and had found
f P. Lafftau Hiftoire des Conqueftes des Portuguais, vol, i. p, 184.
E Maffsei Hift. Indica, part i. lib. ii. cap. 7. ^ Lafitau Hiitoirc
des Conqueftes des Portuguais, vol. i. p. 203.
(K) Among the precious duced. In the management of
fpoils that adorned the triumph this folemnity, all flowed from
of the admirante, there was a the king ; for the admiral of
famous idol of gold, taken on the Indies heightened the me-
board one of the Indian iliips. rits of his fervices, by an un-
it weighed fixty pounds ; the affeded modeily, and that ge-
pupils of the eyes were erne- nerous repugnance, which hq
raids, perfe6lly fine; and on fhewed in receiving the rewards
the breafl there was a ruby, of that were due to them, faying,
the fize of a chefnut, upon upon all occafions, that the fuc-
which the jewellers knew not cefs of his endeavours vvas to
how to fet a value. Befides be afcribed wholly to God, and
this, there was a irsantle over- that all the honours he had re-
laid with the finefl: pearls the ceived flowed from the bounty
Perfian gulph had ever pro- of his prince (1).
(i) P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conqueftes del Portuguais, vol. i.
p. 196, 197.
an
the Port ugueje m the Eaft Indies, 27
an cafy \^ay of acquiring it, by plundering the Mahom-
Hiedan traders, a practice which he was loth to abandon.
He therefore pretended, that by his inftrutlions he was to
a£t only by lea ; on this pretence, therefore, he would
not conient to land fo much as a iingle man K This re-
fufal amazed the good old king, and difobliged the Por-
tuguefe at Cochin to the lad degree ; but Sordez defpifing
their refentments, failed for the Red Sea, in order to
make prizes j where his own fhip was loft, and he and
his brother were drowned. The Samorin, during his ab-
fence, marched with his army into the territories of Co«
chin ; where the king being betrayed, a pafs was opened
that led to his capital, by which the Samorin imagined he
had him entirely at 1:4s mercy. As foon as Trimumpara
was informed of this unlucky accident, his firft care was
for the fafety of the Portuguefe, whom he conveyed to-
the ifland of Viapan, over-againft Cochin. This ifland
was confecrated to the myfteries of the Indian religion,
jind had therefore been hitherto accounted inviolable in all
the difputes between monarchs of that faith ; but it was
alfo a place of ftrength, not only in fome meafure inac-
ceffible by nature, but from its being rendered quite fo by
the affiftance of art ; and in this ifland there were confi-
derable magazines, and a competent garrifon of good
troops. The Samorin carrying all before him, a great
part of Trimumpara's fubjedls deferted their mafter, and
Submitted to that tyrant ; by which means the king of Co-
chin found himfelf at laft obliged to follow the Portu-
guefe, and take fhelter in the fame place ^. The gover-
nor of Viapan remained firm to his mafter's intereft, and
thereby preferved him from the rage of his enemy ; for -
the Samorin having burnt the town of Cochin, attacked
the ifland of Viapan feveral times, but was as often re-
pulfed, with lofs, and at laft obliged to abandon his de-
fign, and to return again into his own dominions, the
winter feafon coming on, in which it was impoflSble for
an Indian army to keep the field. He left, however, a
confiderable garrifon in Cochin, and ordered feveral forts
to be erefted, refolving to return thither again in the
fpring, and perfedl his fcheme of expelling the Chrif-
tians K
i MafFjei Hlft. Indica, part i. lib. ii. cap. 8. k Lafitau Hiftoire
des Conqueftes des Portuguais, vol. i, p. aog, zio. * MaflPaei
liiA. Indica, part i. lib, ii. cap. 8.
D 3 But,
38
Conquefis and Settlements of
Don Fran- ^^t, before that feafon of the year returned, a new
cifco Albu' fleet, well manned, arrived at Portugal, under the com-
querqusar- mand of Don Franclfco Albuquerque, a man of equal
^hidiesVnd ^^"^^g^ ^"^^ fagaclty. Having very luckily joined that
reflores the f<^ua<iron which the commander in chief had left upon the
hing of
Cochin.
coaft, he found no great difficulties in difappointing all
the Samorin's fchemes, or in executing his own. He
drove out the garrifon which the Samorin had left in
Cochin, and having demoHfhed their forts, brought the
king back to his capital. As this fuccefs gave the Portu-
guefe admiral an irrefiftable intereft over the monarch of
Cochin, he took occafion from thence, to defire liberty of
ereding a place of ftrength, for the fecurity of his
countrymen, that they might not be expofed to fuch dan-
gers for the future. The propofal was, without dif-
ficulty, accepted ; and the king of Cochin not only gave
him leave to built a fort, but to build it where he thought
fit". In confequence of this permiffion, Fran cifco Albu-
querque made choice of an eminence, commanding both
the town and the royal fort ; and as the king, to facilitate
it, allowed him to cut down the fme palm-trees that were
planted round his palace, he quickly fmiftied the fortrefs,
in the beft manner fuch materials would permit. He
likewife built a chapel for the performance of divine fer-.
vice. And thus, the Portuguefe nation " became pofleiTed
of the dominions, as well in fplrltuals as temporals, of
the Indies. Don Franclfco profecuted thefe ambitious
proje6l3, under pretence of reducing fuch as had rebelled
againft the king of Cochin •, he made himfelf mailer of
their countries, pillaged all their towns and villages at
pleafure, and committed even greater devaftations than
thofe that were made by the Samorin, during the laft in-
vafion °.
The poor Indians were amazed ; it was impoffible for
them not to abhor thefe ftrangers, who treated them
with fuch infolence and barbarity ; but, at the fame time,
they knew not where to fly for refuge, except to the cle-
peace with mency of their fovereign, who, like the true father of his
him and the people, forgot their difobedience to him, and, by his in-
tortuguefe. terceffion, procured them fome indulgence from the Por-
tuguefe. The Samorin entered, about this time, into a
private negotiation for peace j which was quickly con-
" Guyon Hiftoire des Indes Orientales, p. i. cap. lo. " MafFa;i
Hifi. Indica. p, i. lib. ii. cap. 9. ° P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Con-
cjueftcs des Portuguais, vol, i. p. 117.
fludcd.
Upon
nvhich the
Samorin
concludes a
treaty of
the Portuguefe in the Eafi Indies. 39
eluded, Lut with great fecrecy. All the articles of it
were favourable to the crown of Portugal, and the con-
fequences might have been highly advantageous to its
fubjefts; but they were now become fo infolent, that
they broke the peace as foon as it was concluded. When
the Samorin complained, Francifco Albuquerque heard
his ambaflador very coldly, and, to fhew his contempt
for his mailer, did not fo much as vouchfafe to give him
an anfwer. It was impoilible for fo great a monarch to
iit down tamely under fuch ufage, and therefore he began
to make, though with as much fecrecy as poflible, all
the preparations in his power, to take revenge. Trimum-
para had inteUigence of this defign, with which he ac-
quainted the Portuguefe general, and defired him to delay
his return to Europe ; to which propofal Alphonfo Albu-
querque, the nephew, would have confented, but Don
Francifco abfolutely refufed to flay. All he could be
brought to was, to leave Edward Pacheco, with three
Ihips and one hundred and fifty men, to aihft the king
of Cochin p. The reafon of this obftinacy, was his
having made a vail fortune in the Indies ; which, how-
ever, proved fatal to him, and thofe about him ; for, in
their paflage home, meeting with bad weather, and the
fhip being crouded with rich goods, they went altogether
to the bottom ''.
The war broke out in the kingdom of Cochin as foon as Trimum-
the Portuguefe failed; the people of the country either ran para's
away, or deferted ; but Pacheco defended the king with ^'^g<^om
great courage and generofity, till, by the arrival of frefh 5^/>^il^^*
forces from Europe, and repeated vi£lories gained over Edward
the Samorin, the peace of that part of the world was Pacheco,
entirely reftored. After feeing this fully eflablifhed. Pa- ^»^ «
checo returned home, with a very moderate fortune, but ^*'^J'^^ ^
with ample teftimonials of his courage and condu£l, of -S / •
his zeal for the honour of his country, of his equity and
juftice, which procured him a very extraordinary recep-
tion in Portugal ; where the king ordered one of the
moil eloquent prelates of that age to write the luftory of
tbis war, and to do juftice to that difmtereftednefs with
which Pacheco had behaved ^ The king drew from him,
many lights towards carrying into execution a very great
defign, which he had been for fome time meditating,
p P. Lafirau Hiftoire des Conqueftes des Portuguais, vol. i. p.
^^^. A Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 32. ^ Emanuel
de Faria y Souia Epitome de las Hift. Portuguefas, lib. iy. cap. 9.
D 4 namely,
<j0 Conquejls Mud Settlements of
namely, the expulfion of the Mohammedans entirely out of
the Indies, Don Emanuel had been informed that there
were three great ports in the Eaft, in which the Moham-
medans were eilabliflied, and from whence they carried ou
all their commerce to the Jtnoil diftant parts of the Indies.
Thefe ports were, Aden in Arabia ; Ormuz, in the ifland
of the fame name, on the coaft of Perfia ; and Malacca,
near the ftreights of Sincapour. As their itrength was
by this means divided, Don Emanuel judged it not im-
poffible to make himfelf mafter of all thefe places in their ■
turns ; and, with this view, he began to fit out a ftronger
fleet than hitherto he had fent to the Indies ^ His no-
tions were well founded ; and we (hall fee, that by degrees,
and more efpecially by a due diilribution of his deligns,
this v/ife and fortunate prince a(9:ually accomplilhed all
bis vaftproje6ls»
Various Fortunes of the Portuguefe, from the regular Foun-
dat'ion of their Empire in the Indies^ to the Death of tJyeir
fuccefful Statefman and renowned Captain ike Great Al-^
' huquerque,
Bv the ad- THERE happened in the m.ean time a new fcene of
lice of the affairs in the Eaft, v/here the Bramins, who v/ere about
Bramins the Samorin, fheu'cd themfeJves able politicians, by giv-
theSamorin j^g hi^n the very beft advice his affairs would admit.
^c{uinihe ^^^^' obferved that tlie Chriilians and Mohammedans
aid of the were equally his enemies , and therefore the wifeft thrnrg
Mamelucs he could do^ was to call in one to combat the other;
(tj^aihft the that, thus wafting their forces, they might be fo reduced,
Uirijiiam, ^^^ j^^ become a match for both. He, in purfuancc of
their advice, demanded fuccour fro'nl the foltan of the
Mamelucs, who were at that time in pofleifion of Egypt ;
the news of which demand alarmed all the Chriftians in
the Indies, and occafioned their fending immediate ;ad-
vice to Portugal. This obliged king Emanuel to difpatch
his fleet fooner than he intended, and with fmaller force,
though even then very confiderable, confifting of thir-
teen large (hips and fix caravels, with a large body of fol-
diers on board ^ He made choice of Don Francis Al-
meyda, count d'Abrantcs, to command it, who had ferved
king Ferdinand of Caftile with great reputation, and gave
him firft the title of vice-king and governor-general of the
» MafFaei Hift. Indica, p. i. lib iii. cap, 5. t Eraaniiel de
faria y Soufa Epitorae de las Hilt. Portuguefas, lib. iv. cap. 9.
Jndies \
the Torttiguefe in the Eaft Indies. 41
Indies ; affigned him guards for his perfon, a certain num-
ber of chaplains, and whatever elfe could be thought ne-
ceiTary to give an air of grandeur to his office. On the
25 rh of March, 15 05, the fleet failed from the river ofLifbon,
and on the i ith of April foiio vising reached the iflands
of Cape Vcrd ; from whence ftretching too far to the
fouth, in hopes of doubling the cape with greater eafc,
the fleet ran fo far fouth, that the feamen had many of
them their fingers frozen ; but, varying their courfe a
point or two to the eaft, they at length arrived fafely at
Guiloa, where Abraham, the tyrant of that country, re-
fuCng any longer to pay tribute, the viceroy drove him
out, and fettled Mohammed Anconin in his place, raifing
a fort there, to keep the people in fubje£lion ".
Thence he proceeded to Mombaza, a fmall city in an The pro-
ifland, well fortified with two citadels, furnifhed with ^^^''|J «/
fome fmall pieces of cannon, which encouraged the king J"jii^^"'
to refufe Almeyda entrance. This, however, he foon ^a, thefirjl
forced by beating their forts to the ground ; he afterwards fortugueje*
took the city by ftorm, and made flaves of a great part '^'^ceroy in
of the inhabitants. He next continued his voyage to the ^ ^«^'^'«
Angedive Iflands, which are five in number, not far from
Goa, where, according to his inftru£lions, he built a fort;
proceeding then to Cananor, where, with the confent of
the king, he likewife built a fort, and fecured it with a
ftrong garrifon w. On his arrival at Cochin, he found
Trimumpara, worn out with years, had refigned the
crown to his fifter's younger fon Noubeador, reje6ling the
elder becaufe he had deferted him on the laft invafion.
This occafioned gr^at troubles ; but the viceroy put an
end to them, and, as a vaflal to Portugal,' fixed Nou-
beador firmly on his uncle's throne. He was a vain and
a proud man ; but underftood the interefts of his country,
and purfued them. While the count d'Abrantes was in
pofleflion of the government, the great ifland of Mada-
gascar was difcovered ; which received the name of St.
Lawrence, becaufe firft feen on the day confecrated to
that faint. Don Lorenzo Almeyda, the fon of the viceroy,
firft furveyed the Maldive Iflands, and then difcovered
the great ifland of Ceylon, the chief monarch of which he '
compelled to fubmit to the protection of Portugal. After A.D.icoS.
his return from this expedition, he joined the Portuguefe 1.
fleet, which was to be ■ employed againft Calicut, the
" MafFasi Hift. Indica, p. i. lib. iii. cap. 5. w p. Lafitau Hifl,
des Conquetes dcs Ponuguais, vol, i. p. 277,
viceroy -
diath.
^2 Conquejis and Settlements of
viceroy being determined to fix the fecurity of the Portu-
gufe empire in the deftruftion of that power. Don Lo-
renzo d'Almeyda behaved very gallantly in a great fight
at fea, which gave a mortal blow to the naval ilrength of
Wsunfor- the Samorin 5 but in that a6lion this gallant young officer
tunate loll his life, nor could his body be found. The viceroy
gave upon this occafion a very extraordinary tellimony of
his heroic courage ; for, when he was informed of the
vi£lory, and of the lofs of his fon, he contented himfelf
with faying, ** All men muft die, and Lorenzo could not
die better than in the fervice of his country ''."
A defire of revenging his fon's death, and reducing the
whole coaft of Malabar under the power of the Portu-
guefe, entirely occupied the mind of the viceroy, in which
defign he might have been greatly affifted by Don Al-
phonfo Albuquerque, who was now returned into the In-
dies, and had performed fome great exploits ; but the jea-
loufy of the viceroy was fuch, that he not only declined
his affiftance, but even carried his refentment io high as
to confine him in the citadel of Cananor, on pretence of
mifcondu£l: at Ormuz, becaufe he knew the time of his
government was nearly expired, and that the king intend-
ed Don Alphonfo fhould fucceed him ^. But before he
quitted his command, he had the fatisfa6tion of engaging
the whole power of the Mohammedans at fea, and of
gaining a complete vicl:ory ; by which, in a great mea-
fure, that formidable league was broken, from which the
Samorin was in hopes of compelling the Portuguefe to
abandon the conqueits they had made in the Indies. The
arrival of the marfhal of Portugal with a great fleet, and
three thoufand land-forces on board, put an end to the
difputes between the viceroy and Don Alphonfo Albu-
querque ; the marfhal acquainting the former, that it was
the king's exprefs pleafure he fhould refign his charge and
return home, and that the latter fliould fucceed him,
though with the title only of general and commander in
chief of the Portuguefe forces in the Indies ^. The vice-
roy accordingly, having refigned the adminiftration, em-
barked the great riches he had acquired, and leaving Co-
chin, continued his voyage to Europe, which, however,
was fatal to him through his own imprudence j for land-
X MafFaei Hift. Indica, p. i. lib iv. cap. ». y P. Lafitau Hift,
<le3 Conquetes des Portugais, vol. i. p. 479. z Purchas's Pil-
grims, vol i. p. 52. Guyon Hilloire des Indes Ori.enialeS; p. i«
cbsp. 10.
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies', 43
5ng upon the coaft of Africa with an intent to procure
fome freih provifions, his attendants provoked the bar-
barous inhabitants, fo that a fray enfued, and the vice-
roy rafhly interpofmg, fword in hand, in fupport of his
domeftics, was unfortunately run through the body by
one of the natives with a lance *.
As foon as Alphonfo de Albuquerque was invefled with The firjl
the government, the marfhal of Portugal reprefentedto him, ^^'o« ©/"
that it was impoffible to execute the fchemes formed by £^^/^.
himfelf, or the court of Portugal, without previoully re- ^/^/.
ducing Calicut, and thereby putting an end to a power querque,
which had already given them fo much trouble. Don Al- governor
phonfo entered readily into this advice, and made the ne- j. ' ^"'
cefTary difpofitions for the fervice, attacking the place by
land and fea with fuch fury, that he quickly made himfelf
mafter of the town, which he burnt, and of the fortrefs,
which he demolifhed. The marfhal, in the mean time,
attacked the royal palace, which he likewife carried, after
an obftinate refillance ; but finding an immenfe booty
therein, his fokliers fell to plundering, of which circum-
flance the Indians taking advantage, furrounded, and cut
them all to pieces ; for they were fo embarrafled with
their plunder, as to be unable to defend themfelves. The
general, perceiving the danger they were in, advanced to
their afliftance ; but receiving two dangerous wounds in
his paflage, was not able to come up time enough to fave .
them ; and, in renewing the attack, was fo unlucky as to
be crufhed under a large ftone that fell from an adjacent
building. By this accident he was fo terribly bruifed,
that his foldiers, with much difficulty, carried him on
board his fhip, and made the beft retreat they could, after
lofing in the a6:ion eighty men killed, and three hundred
wounded, befides the great marftial, who fell a martyr to
his own impatience, and the ambition of becoming mafter
of the emperor's palace without any affiflance ''.
As foon as Albuquerque was tolerably recovered, he He attach
formed a defign upon Ormuz ; and for that purpofe af- andre-
fembled a fleet, and a body of troops, amongft which were ^"^"^-^ '^^
two thoufand veteran Portuguefe, that had ferved fome t^°rfjf°^'
time in the Indies ; but, on the point of failing, he altered Qqo.
his fcheme, and refolved to attack Goa, a large and rich
city, in the ifland of Ticuarin, with one of the beft ports
a Maffgei Hift. Indica, part i. lib. iv. cap. 4. b Purchas Pil-
grims, vol. i. p. 32, P. Lafitau Hilloire des Conquetes des Portu-
guais, vol.ii. p. 13,
in
44
Trgtetds
next to
Malacca,
tind be-
comes maf-
Uroftlie
flfue.
Conqiiejl's and Settlements of
in the Indies. This ifland, which is about nine or ten
leagues in circumference, was efteemed, from its fituation,
the moft important poll: on the coad of Malabar. It be-
longed to the king of Decan, and the perfon who com-
manded for him there was one Idalcan, a Moor by birth,
a man of great courage and experience. He took all ima-
ginable care to put the place in a good pofture of defence,
notwithftanding which, the whole illand was reduced,
and the city of Goa taken by ftorm, the Portuguefe being
affifted by a fleet and army belonging to the king of Onor,
under the command of Timoia, his general ^. Don Al-
phonfo Albuquerque made his public entry into Goa on
the 17th of February, 1510, with great magnificence;
and having fettled every thing there in the beft order, ap^
pointed his nephew, Antonio de Norogna, governor of
the city ; but Gafpar de Payva was director of the com-
merce, and Timoia had the charge of the revenues, which
amounted to eighty-two thoufand pieces of gold, or cru-
fadocs, per annum. This conquell was not long main-
tained, for Idalcan returned with fuch a force as enabled
him to recover the place, and the new governor, Antonio
de Norogna, was flain in the difpute, a difafter which,
however, ferved only to incre^.fe the defire of -Albu-
querque to raife the credit of his nation, by fecuring a
country and city of fuch confequence **. This aim, after
a war of long continuance^ he accomplifhed, and this
city became, in 1559, the feat 'of the governor, and the
fee of an arclibifliop and primate of the Indies, which
lofty titles it ftiil continues to bear.
The conqueft of Goa, though in itfelf of vafl: import-
ance, was far from fatisfying the ambition of Albuquerque,
whofe m.tnd was continually occupied with the defire of
extending the power of his prince, and his own reputation.
It was with this tiew th'at he failed v/ith a great fleet to
the road of Malacca, where he demanded the Portuguefe
prifoners whom the king of that place had in his hands.
The Indian monarch amufed liim with fair words and pro-
mifes ; and the general, being afraid that he might put
the prifoners to death, bore with this treatment fome
time ; but at lad he was fo provoked, that he made an
attempt on the place, and adtually fet it on fire ; upon
which the king of Malacca immediately delivered Up all
*^GuyonHi(l. des Indies Orientales, vol. i. p. 385.
Hiftoire Hcs Conquetes des Portugais, vol, ii. p. 45.
Hiit. InJka, part i, lib. iv. cap. 7.
P. La fi tail
d Maifaei
his
the Tortugusfe in the Eafi Ingles, 45
his prifoners, and offered to make peace with the Portu-
guefe upon their own terms. Thofe prefcribed by Albu-
querque were pretty high. He demanded leave to build a
fort where he thought fit ; reparation of all damages done
to the Portuguefe ; and a fum of money equivalent to the
expence of this expedition. The Indian rnonarch abfo-
lutely refufed to yield to them ; and thereupon hoftilities
recommenced on both fides, which ended in Albuquerque's
attacking the city of Malacca by fea and land with great
fury. After an obilinate refiftance it was taken by ftorm,
and given to the pillage of the Portuguefe foldiers ; and we
may judge of the riches of the place by the clear fifth which
was referved for the king, and which was bought on the
fpot by the merchants for two hundred thoufand pieces
of gold ^.
The general immediately caufed a fort to be ere£ied Precau"
for the fecurity of the place, and putting a good garrifon twts for
into it, he gave the command thereof to Rodriguez Pata- P^^f^'^'^'^'^S
lino : he raifed Utimut, an Indian lord, who, by defert- '^* *''"^/
ing the king of Malacca, had been very ufeful to him,
to the poll of fupreme magiftrate of the Indians and
Mohammedans ; and having received the compliments
of feveral Indian princes upon his viftory, prepared to
return to Goa. " Before he quitted the place a confpiracy
was difcovcred, in which Utimut was principally con-
cerned, who thought to have made himfelf mafter of the
place. As his letters were intercepted, the proof againfi:
him was clear, and the general ordered him and his Ton
to be executed, notwithftanding his great age, and an
offer made him of a hundred thoufand pieces of gold to
fpare their lives ^ After having flayed in this place about
a year, he left an experienced officer commander at Ma-
lacca, with a fufficient number of fhips and men, and
failed for the coafl of Malabar ; but in his paflage met
with fuch a ftorm as deftroyed the greateft part of his
fleet, with all the riches on board. It was with very great
difficulty that the general himfelf efcaped, and with his
fhattered veffels returned to the port of Cochin ^
After having regulated the affairs of this place Don AI- //^^ aaU
phonfo returned to Goa, which he found in fome confu- 'vity and
fionj but he foon reftored good order, and humbled all ^'"'^/o'*-
the Indians in his neighbourhood to fuch a degree, that *""^*
«* P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conqnetes des Portugais. vol. ii. p. T09.
« Purchas Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 33 Maffaii Hilt. Indica, part i. lib v.
cap. r, 2. f P. L-ititau HiiiSi e des Conquetes-des Portugais,
vol, ii. p. 160.
*■ • " . the
/6 Conquejls and Settlements of
the Samorin himfelf fent ambafladors to defire peace, and
to offer his confent to build a fort at Calicut. The em-
peror of Ethiopia alfo fent an ambaflador to Goa, and
from thence to Portugal ; and fb ftrong was the terror of
the Portuguefe arms now become, that Idalcan, and the
princes that had given the greateft oppofition to their
fettlement, were glad to atone for their indifcretion by
offering to accept fuch terms as Don Alphonfo thought fit
to prefcribe. Such a fplendid fcene of profperity would
certainly have turned the head of a man of lefs ahiHties
than the great Albuquerque, to whofe capacity the Por-
tuguefe were more indebted for their conquefts than to
the armies and fleets which he commanded s. He loved
the ancient frugality of his country, and did not fuffer
himfelf to be at all corrupted by the power and wealth
that he poffeffed j and, indeed, he made no ufe of either,
but for the fervice of the crown.
The *v'ir' When he obferved it was the difpofition of the Indians
iues and ^q meafure every thing by outward pomp, he feemed to
Hies Tf^' i^^^ ^"^° their notions j and afle^led, upon pubhc days,
Don Al' prodigious magnificence, even in the minuteft things ;
fhmfo yet, in the midft of all this, he relaxed nothing in his
iTAibu- former feverity ; but lived, in the midfl of public fplen-
^T*G^ dor, as coarfely, in refpeft to his perfon, as any private
man. In exadling the dues of the crown he was fome-
what fevere ; but with regard to his private fortune, he
took fo little care of it, that, except his public appoint-
ments, he had fcarce any thing he could call his own.
His officers were his children ; and he took as much pains
in teaching them their duty, as an afFe(!^ionate parent
takes in the education of his fons. He overlooked mif-
carriages ; but punifhed treachery, or neglect of duty,
with inexorable feverity. He was extremely ready to re-
ward, and all his difcourfe at table was of the great ac-
tions performed by his officers ; while he was not barely
filent as to his own, but would not even permit others to
commend them. It was a faying frequent in his mouth,
that he was afraid of nothing but flattery ; and it was ob-
ferved, that he never preferred any who attempted to gain
his favour that way. It has been well obferved by fomc
of the Portuguefe hlftorians, that the vanity of Almeyda
made him affect the flate of a prince, when the power of
the Portuguefe was but indifferently eftablifhed ; whereas
the modcfty of Albuquerque was mofl confpicuous when
e Maffsei Hift. Indica, part i. lib, v. cap. 3.
hrs
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies. ' 4.7
his vi£lorles left him nothing to fear, and when the greateft'
princes of the Eaft fent ambafladors to intreat his friend-
fhip''. Yet, with all thefe (hining qualities, this hero
wanted not his faults : his ambition was boundlefs ; and,
carried away by an extravagant defire of extending the
dominions of the crown of Portugal, he httle regarded
whether the meafures he took for that purpofe were jufh
or not. In his private Ufe he was a man of the ftrifteft
honour ; in his pubHc charafter, truth will not permit us
to fay fo much.
He made himfelf mafter of Goa without any other pre- Tet mt
tence, than that it was neceffary to the crown. He feized ''-wholly Jree
Malacca for the fame reafon ; and meditated the conqueft f^^^f^^^-
ofOrmuz from the Hke motive, which he accompliihed "^ *
in the following manner. He had, before he was de-
clared general of the Indies, attempted to raife a citadel
there, without being able to efFe61: his defign \ but the
power of the Portuguefe being fo much increafed, that all
the commerce of the Eaft depended upon them, the king
of Ormuz had been obliged to become tributary, becaufe
his city and fubjefts depend upon trade. The name of the
king of Ormuz at this time was Torun Shah, a young
prince of no great abilities, and of a weak and timorous
fpirit. In the beginning of his reign he was entirely go-
verned by an old minifter, whofe name was Noradin, a
man of immenfe cunning, but of no enterprifing genius,
who, to fupport himfelf, and fecure the adminiftration to
his family, brought three of his nephews to court, and
gave them great pofts in the government and army. Ha-
med, the youngeft of thefe, in a fhort time, by his in-
trigues, gained fuch a ftiare of power, that neither the
king nor his uncle had any more than a ftiadow of autho-
rity left'.
Don Alphonfo Albuquerque, being informed of this His Jaft ^
circumftance, aflembled his army ; and gave out that his enterprise
defign was to attack Aden ; but, when at fea, he failed °^ OrmuT^
direftly to the coafts of Perfia, and appeared before Or-
muz when he was leaft expected. He demanded that the
citadel ftiould be immediately put into his hands ; that
Portuguefe faftories fbould be fettled in the place, and
that the king ftiould acknowledge himfelf dependent on •
the crown of Portugal. Torun Shah judging it better to
be the vaffal of a fovereign prince than the Have of his own
^ J. de Barros, Decad. ii. lib. x. cap. 5. * MafTaji Hid. In-
dica, parti lib, v, cap. 7.
minifter, '
48
ComplU
mtnted hy
the Jbah
of Perfia,
a-dd other
IfiJian
princesi
this con*
queji.
Conquefis and Settlements of
minifter, exerted his authority to leflen his ov;/n dignity,
admitted the general into the citadel, affigned the Portu-
guefe fome of the beft houfes in the town for their factory,
and ordered their flag to be difplayed upon the palace.
Hamed could not help difcovering his impatience at a
change fo fudden Smd unexpefted j to prevent the efFefls
of which, he formed fome defigns againft the general's
life ; of which Don Alphonfo was no fooner informed,
than he gaye orders to fome of his foldiers to difpatch
him ; a fervice which they without ceremony performed.
If the general had ftopped here, it had been well enough ;
but his projefts were not of a nature to be bounded by any
thing but the abfolute pofleffion of what he aimed at ; and
therefore, under pretence that a fleet was coming from
Egypt to make a defcent upon the ifland, he demanded all
the artillery of the place, which he faid was neceflTary for
preferving it from the enemy. Torun Shah aflembled his
council ; who declared they knew nothing of any fuch de-
fign, and that they thought it very imprudent to comply
with the general's defire. The cowardice of the king got
the better of the good fenfe of his minifters ; the artillery
was put on board, which the general would never reftore.
Having made Pedro d' Albuquerque governor of the citadel,
he feized fifteen princes of the blood, with their wives
and children, and carried them away with him to Goa,
that he might have hoftages for their good behaviour.
And thus, for the prefent, Ormuz was fubjedled to the
Portuguefe ^.
The Portuguefe general had the fatisfaftion, foon after
this, of receiving an ambaflador from the fhah of Perfia.
That monarch could not but fee, with apprehenfions, fo
powerful a nation eflablifhed fo clofe to his own coaft ; but
neceflity taught him to difl^emble ; and befides, he thought
on it better became a prince to put on an appearance of
• friendfhip than of fear. Don Alphonfo penetrated into
the true motive of this embafly ; and, with very great fa-
gacity, managed it fo as to remove the jealoufy of the
Perfian, and to convert a fufpicious compliment into real
confidence. He received the ambafl~adors very refpedl-
fully in public •, in private very gracioufly : he exprefl^ed a
great efteem for the perfon of the fhah ; and, in return
for his pre fen ts, fent him a train of field pieces, with fome
good engineers to manage them. The fhah was equally
furprifed and pleafed with this poHte behaviour in tlie
k Guy on Hiftorie des Indes Orientales, vol. i. p. 3S8, 3 5? 9.
Chriilian
the Fortuguefe in the Eqfl Indies, 49
Chrlftian general, who very wifely contrived by tlils mea-
fure to put it in the power of the Perfians to acft fuccefsfully
againft the Turks, who were the common enemies both of
them and of the Portuguefe. It is certain that Don Al-
phonfo d'Albuquerque was one of the moll formidable, as
well as one of the mod determined enemies that nation
ever had : he forefaw that they would be one day mailers
of Egypt ; and he knew that when they became fo, they
might, by wife management, fecure the trade of the Indies.
This misfortune he refolved to prevent •, and, with that
view, formed two fchemes that he did not live to execute,
but which, notwithllanding, will for ever do honour to
his memory, and fliew that his genius was as extenfive as
his ambition ^
The firftof thefe projects regarded the reviving the trade Other or-eat
by the way of Alexandria, in which he knew the Vene- proUBs
tians would have affifled the Turks, or any other Barba- formed by
rians whatever, for their own fakes. He inhnuated to the f'^"^*'^^"<^^
emperor of Ethiopia, that, for his own fecurlty againft ^.^^ ^^
fuch bad neighbours, the bed ftep he could take would carry into
be to divert the channel of the Nile, by cutting a paflage for executm,^
it into the Arabian fea before it reached Egypt. If this
defign had been prafticable, it would have rendered the
greateft part of Egypt uninhabitable, and made it at the
fame time impra6licable to renew the old method of tranf-
porting Eail India commodities from the. Red Sea to
Alexandria, which was the principal point he had in view.
His fecond proje£l was, to tranfport three hundred horfe
from the ill and of Ormuz to the oppofite coail of Arabia,
which is but feventeen leagues diftant -, and this party he
thought fufficient to plunder the tomb of Mohammed at
Mecca, which he conceived muft have been attended with
advantageous confequences- He thought It would have
flruck the Mohamm.edans in theEaft with terror and amaze-
ment, and put an end to that concourfe of people, who
going thither in pilgrimage, in fome meafure fupports
the commerce of Arabia ; and confequently would have
promoted in a great degree his other defign of refcuing the
trade of the Eaft out of the hands of the Turks, and other
Mohammedan nations. In a very little time after the re-
turn of Don Alphonfo to Goa, he was feized with a
diftemper, which in a few days brought him to his end, pg^^ ,g,
at the age of fixty-three. He was called by the Moham- 1515.
medans Albuquerque Malandy, becaufe he was born at
i Ofor. de Reb. Eman. lib, 10.
Mod. Vol. VIII. E Melinda
50 Conquejls and Setiletnenls of
Melinda in Africa, which in all the eaftern tongues is
called Malanda j by the Portuguele he was ftyled> and
that very juftly, Albuquerque the Great. Ke was the
ableft flatefman, and by far the mofl: confummate general,
they ever had in the Indies, and left their affairs in the
beil fituation ; and yet he performed all the great a6lions
of his life with a very inconfiderable force. With thirty
{liips he took Calicut; with twenty-one he became mailer
of Goa ; with twenty-three he furprifed Malacca ; and
had no more than . twenty-two in his expedition againll
Ormuz. The death of this excellent commander proved
a confiderable difad vantage to the Portugucfc affairs ; and
would have been a much greater, if his fucceflbr had not
been at that time at Cochin with a fquadron of ten fail,
with which he was jufl arrived from Portugal. Albu-
■querque left all the fettlements in the Indies in perfedl:
peace, and in admirable order, with fuch a body of regu-
lar troops as were .capable not only of maintaining what
was acquired, but alfo of adding fuch conquefls as the
king or his fucceffors fliould judge necefTary. His funeral
was performed with great folemnity ; and his body inter-
red in a chapel dedicated to the bleffed Virgin, he had
built at Goa, and which was much enlarged by his fon
Alphonfo Albuquerque, who lived to the age of fourfcorc,
and wrote a large book of memoirs, in which he recorded
his father's adions ™ (N).
"» Maffasi Hifl:. Tndica, p. i. lib. v. <iap. 7. P. Lafitau Hifloirtf
des Conquetes des Portuguais, voUii, p. 250, 151, 251.
(N) This truly great man, at heart than the king's; to
who had done fuch wonders for which, however, n© great ere-
the crown of Portugal, and who dit was given, till unluckily
had the honour to ferve one of Don Alphonfo, fufpeding that
the wifeft and befl princes that Goa might be lefs carefully
ever fat upon a throne, had not- preferved than the importance
withftanding the misfortune to of the place merited, demand-
die in difgrace. His ambition, ed it, with the title of a duchy,
his aufterity, and his flrid re- as a rev/ard for his lervices.
gardtojuflice, raifedhimabun- This demand infpired the king
dance of enemies. Mofl of with jealoufy, and a refolution
thefe were returned into Portu- of putting his affairs into other
gal, where they were continu- hands. Don Alphonfo receiv-
ally filling the king's ears with ed the news when he lay upon
infinuations to his prejudice, as his death-bed; and is laid to
if he had his own interefl more have exprefied himfelf In thefe
words :
the Vortuguefe in the Eqft Indie Si $1
The Succejfion of the Portngucfe Viceroys ; and a fiiccin^
View of their refpcnive Admin'ijlrations^ to the Govern^
ment of Don Conflantine Bragan^a, under whom their
Empire arrived at the Summit of its Grandeur*
THE fucceflbr of Don Alphonfo Albuquerque was ^<^P'^
Lopez Suarez de Albergaria, who without delay entered fu^^^
upon the adminiltration of -affairs. He was a perfon of ria Juc-
great candour and integrity ; and thofe virtues are faid to ceeds in the
have rendered him but little qualified for his office* He govern-
made the neceffary difpofitions for preferving and fupport- ^^"'' ^^'
ing his countrymen in the pofts of which he found them ^^^^ ^of*
pofTeiTed. He like wife difpatched a fleet to China, which Albuqu.r*
was in truth the wifeft a£t of his government " ; but he que^
was not over forward in feizing new countries, or in form-
ing defigns to the prejudice of his neighbours. Upon re-
ceiving intelligence that the fultan of Egypt had fitred out
a great fleet in the Red Sea, he failed thither with the
whole Portuguefe naval force, which was very far fuperior
to any thing that had been feen in thofe parts. Fortune
feemed to favour him extremely at the entrance upon his
government; for the people of Aden, finding their forces
much diminiflied, and the fortifications of their city in a
great meafure ruined, were fo apprehenfive of being at-
tacked by him, that they fent deputies to offer their fub-
miflion. He received them kindly, accepted of refrefh-
ments j and, relying upon the profcffions tliey made, took
no care either to ere6l a fort, or fend a garrifon, to fecurs
the place. Of this negleft the people foon took advan-
tage J fet about repairing their walls with great diligence ;
n Mafiaei Hill. Indica, p. i. lib. vi.
words: *' How! Suarez go- there: to the grave!'* He
vernor of the Indies ! Vafcon- wrote a letter to the king, in
cellos, and Diego Pereira, favour of his Ion, who was a
whom I tranfmitted to Portu- natural child,; very (ho rt, and
gal as criminals, preferred ! I concluding v/ith thcfe words :
Incurred the hatred of men by " I fay nothing of the Indies ;
my love for the king, and am they will fpeak for themfelves,
difgraced by him through his and for me.'* He died De-
prepofTeflion for other men. cember i6th, 1^15, in the
To the grave, unhappy old fixty-third year of his age (i)v
man, it is time thou wert
(0 P» Lafitau Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, vol. ii.
p. 248, 149. Guyon Hiftoire des Indes Orientales, vol.i. p. 391.
E a an4
52 Conqtiefis ana Seltlements of
and in a little time put themfelves into fuch a pofture of de-
fence, as enabled them to make him fenhble of his over-
fight, by defpifing the orders he afterwards fent them y
a circumftance which made him repent of his credulity,
and difcern the bad effeds of his want of diligence wlien
it was too late. He fhewed the fame want of fpirit in op-
pofing the progrefs of the Turks, who in a fliort fpace of
time made themfelves mailers of Egypt, and began to
make themfelves formidable as well in the Perfian as in
the Arabian gulph ; fo that it became daily more and more
vilible, that, notwithllanding his great virtue, and ftri£l
regard to juilice, he was by no means fit for the dignity
to which he was raifed ; and, in all probability, the affairs
of the Portuguefe in the Indies would have fuffered Hill
more through his ill conduct, if Diego Sequeira had not
arrived from Portugal and taken upon him the com-
mand.
tion Diego The new viceroy landed at Malacca, and fettled every
i:equeira thing in thofe parts to the benefit and fatisfaftion of the
tie admi' Portuguefe. He afterwards turned his arms againft the
nifirauon Mohammedans ; and reduced the king of Baharen, an
ivnh bet- illand in the Perfian gulf, who had revolted from the king
'^'"^^"^^C/J^- of Ormuz. This wife and well conduced enterprizc
contributed not a little to fpread the reputation, and ex-
tend the power, of the Portuguefe. He mifcarried, how-
ever, in fome attempts upon Diu ; and began to be fenfr-
ble, that the carrying on of continual wars, in order to
profecute the great defign of driving the Mohammedynf
out of India, had much weakened the force of his country-
men, and thereby rendered it very dilficult for them to
fupport that vaft empire which they had obtained. His
three years being expired, he was fuccceded by Don
Duart Menezez ; who quickly found himfelf involved in a
variety of contefts, againit which he ilruggled with great
patience and fortitude, and with fome diverfity of for-
Dec. 15. tune °. In the firft year of his government died Emanuel
•«52i» the Great, king of Portugal, who had happily acquired,
prudently kept, and by dint of his admirable policy ex-
tended the influence of his crown over a great part of
Afia and Africa. His great fecret in government, by
which through his whole reign^ he was continually ac-
quiring victories, without any remarkable check or re-
o P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, vol ii. p.
«7i, 277. vol. iii. p. 3. MafFaei Hift. Indica, p. i. lib. vii, Cvip. I,
a, 3.
vcrfe
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies. 53 .
verfe of fortune, was this : he never trulled to chance or ex-
pedients. His revenues were very large, which he managed
with great frugality; he wafted nothing upon favourites or
pleafures; he rewarded merit to the full, and commonly be-
yond the expeaationof its pofieffor; he fentout new fleets
every feafon, and never fufFered the leafl relaxation in his
naval or military difcipline : he very eafily pardoned mif-
takes, but never fraud -, and punifhed treachery with the
utmofl feverity ".
He was fucceeded by his fon John III. who, be- John JIL
ing defirous to purfue his father's maxims, immediately y/»^j/orff/
fent a reinforcement of fliips and men into the Eafl Indies, ^j^^^J^f
by which Menezez was enabled to profecute his defigns in
all parts of the Indies, which, fo long as the government
remained in his hands, he fuccefsfully performed. Next
year Vafquez de Gama, count de Vidcguira, was appointed
viceroy of the Indies ; but, as he was in a very advanced
age, it being improbable he fliould live fo long as the ufual
term of three years, a commifTion was made out for Henry
de Menezez to fucceed in cafe of his deceafe. There was
a third commifTion to Pedro Mafcarenhas, appointing him
viceroy if Menezez fhould die ; and a fourth to Lopez de
Sampayo, to fucceed in cafe of the death of Mafcarenhas.
Don Vafquez de Gama did not enjoy his new honour for
any time •, but, having firft defeated the people of CaUcut
in an engagement at fea, died w^ithin four months after his
arrival at Goa, fo that the viceroyalty devolved upon
Henry dc Menezez p.
The commifTion, by which he was to fucceed, was Diforders
fealed up with this fuperfcription, " Not to be opened till °^ ^^^
(which God forbid !) Don Vafquez de Gama, viceroy and yf/^^l^'
high-admiral of the Indies, fliall have departed this life." Gama,
This being opened by the commanding officers in the great
church at Cochin, Menezez, who was then abfent from
the place, was proclaimed viceroy, whofe adminiflratiou
was likewife of a fhort date, and diverfified with both good
and bad fortune ; for, after feveral engagements with the
people of Calicut, with various fuccefs, he defeated their
fleet in the port of Guleta, and made himfelf mafter of
mofl of their fliips ; foon after which atchievement, he
deftroyed a fleet of Turkifli fliips off Dabul ; another of
Moors, off Zeila ; engaged and defeated that of the prince
of Patana, and Laqueximenes, the admiral of Bintamj
o Emanuel ile Farla y Soufa Epitome de las Hiftorias Portugue-
fas, lib. iv. cap. jo, Ofor. de Reb. Eman, lib. xii* p. 366, P Maf-
fei Hift. Ipdica, p. i. lib. viii. cap. 14,
E 3 and
54 Conquejls and Settlements, of
and then, advancing to relieve the Portuguefe befieged by
the enemy in the fortrefs of Calicut, he very gloriouily at-
chieved it ; but died of a wound he had received in his leg
by an arrow, fuppofcd to be poifoned. This unlucky acci-
dent had very bad effefts on their affairs ; and, as thefe
were chiefly the refult of the very precautions taken to
avoid them, it may not be amifs to examine them parti-
cularly '^.
Two rvue- As foon as it was known at Goa that Henry de Mene-
roys at a ^ez v/as dead, the great officers aflembled, to open the bil-
^'"^' lets by v/hich the fuccelTor was appointed ; and, from
thefe, it appeared the authority of viceroy devolved upon
Don Pedro Mafcarenhas, who was then at Malacca. One
of the officers prefent thought proper to dillinguifh upon
this occafion between a general prtfent and a general at a
diftance : he faid, that the intent of thefe fubftitutions was
plainly, that the government in the Indies might never
want a head 5 and that an abfent head being in effe<fl: no
head, it was necefl'ary to open another billet, in order to
procure a viceroy for the prefent, till Pedro Mafcarenhas
fhould arrive from Malacca. This propofal was far from
being univerfally approved, becaufe many forefaw, that,
under pretence of providing againil a flight evil, or rather
inconvenience, they were on the point of running upon a
much greater mifchief. However, Alphonfo Mezias
prefied it with fuch earneflnefs, that at lail it was complied
^ with •, and the billet being opened, Lopez de Sampayo,
the fourth fubflituted viceroy, took upon him that charge,
and gave the Malabars, then in arms, a fignal defeat in an
engagement at the mouth of the Bacanor ^ But Mafca-
renhas would by no means acquiefce in the authority of
Sampayo, but affumcd the title and office of viceroy.
Being forced to wait the proper feafon for coming to
Goa, he took that opportunity to repair with a fleet of
nineteen fail to the coaft of Bintam, where he defeated
Laqueximenes, the enemy's admiral, together with the
fleet of Pahang, which came to their affiflance; then taking
the city of Bintam by ftorm, he burnt it ; and the king
dying with grief at his ill fuccefs, Mafcarenhas appointed
another in his room, on condition that hefhould maintain
no army or fleet without leave from the Portuguefe, but
commit himfelf wholly to their protection. On his failing
thence with his fleet to Goa, he defired arbitrators might
be appointed to judge whether he or Sampayo was the
<? P. Lafitau Hlftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, vol. iii. p.
117. ' Maif:si, Sec. p. ii. lib. ix. cap. i.
proper
I
the Portuguefe in the Eajl Indies, 55
proper viceroy, but the latter refufed to fubmlt to any ar-
bitration ; nay, he feized and imprllbned him, fuppofing
that this ftep would put an end to the conteil j but this
violence, inftead of lefTening the intereft of Don Pedro,
increafed it ; fo that he found himfclf under a neceflity of
yielding to his propofition ; and thirteen judges were cho-
ien to decide this difHcult queftion, which, by an accident
that happened in the mean time, was made Itill more dif-
ficult \
A fmall fquadron arriving from Portugal, at Cochin, An untx- ^
brought the king's orders to Alphonfo Mexias for fuppreff- pf^edacci
ing all the former billets ; inftead of which new ones were f^J ^JJ^"
fent : Mexias, contrary to the adviceof a great part of the ciifpute jiill
council, ordered the firft of them to be opened ; and, more per*
finding therein what he expelled, made no doubt of carry- plexed*
ing all things at his pleafure. This billet being in favour of
Lopez de Sampayo, he aflerted, that both the former no-
minations were void, and infifted only upon this laft ; and
they being for the moft part of his faftion, or corrupted
by Mexias, declared him viceroy. To put an end to all
difputes, he ordered Don Pedro Mafcarenhas to return
immediately to Portugal. On his arrival at Lifbon he laid
the whole proceedings before the king, who heard and de-
cided this matter with great juftice and wifdom ; for, in
the firfl place, he cancelled the decree of the arbitrators,
and ordered that the prcfent viceroy Lopez fhould pay to
Don Pedro twenty thoufand crowns, as the profits of his
two years government. He made a regulation for the fu-
ture, that, on opening thefe billets of fubftitution, abfence
fhould not prejudice in any degree, provided the perfon
named was between Cape Cori andDiu, which, taking in
the beft part of the Indies, rendered impoflible that any
fuch accident fliould fall out, as that which had occafioned
all this confufion. But as Don Lopez Vaz de Sampayo
had, in other refpefts, behaved well, it was judged expe-
dient to leave him in poficffion of the government, more
efpecially fince he was obliged to part with all the money
it had hitherto produced ^
As foon as the king's orders arrived in the Indies, Don Don Lopt%.
Lopez executed them with all imaginable punctuality, re- Sampayo
conciled himfelf to the friends of Don Pedro Mafcarenhas,- J^^^^To-
and behaved in every other circumftance as became a wor- ^emment
thy man and a good fubjedt. He had a flrong defire to by the king
his majltr*
s P. Lafitau.Hiftoire des Conqiietes desPortuguais, vol. iii. p.
X58. t MafFaei Hilt. Indica, p. ii. lib. ix. cap. 4..
E 4 blot
£6 Conquefis and Settlements of
blot out, by his great fervices, all memory of former mif-
takes ; and therefore, having inteUigence of a great fleet
of one hundred and thirty fail, bound to Mecca, with
fpices, he attacked them in their pafTage, difperfed and
deilroyed a great part, and took the rell. He likewife re-
duced a formidable pirate, who had taken pofieffion of a
place called Porcaj and had amafledfo much wealth, that,
when the booty came to be divided amongil the Portuguefe
foldiers, every private man had a thoufand dollars for his
fliare ". He gained not long after another vi£lory over the
Indians and Mohammedans ; and then returned to Goa,
where, knowing that his term was near expiring, he made
all the preparations requiiite for the reception of his fuc-
cefTor, and omitted nothing that wa-s in his power towards
putting all things into the beflpoflure poilibie. His fuccefs
in this refpecl was equal to his zeal ; fo that the beft hif-
torians agree, that at the time he delivered up his charge,
their aflairs in the Indies were in all refpecls in the moll
flourifhing condition. The royal palace, the cathedral,
the convent, and the great hofpital at Goa, vi-ere com-
pleted ; all the fortrefles upon the coafts and in the iflands
in thorough repair •, every governor was at his pofl ; every
garrifon complete; the magazines were well furnifhed; and,
to crown all, the fleetwas in the bell orderjConrifling,in the
whole, of one hundred and thirty fail, of which fourteen
M'ere large flii'ps of war, fix royal frigates, eight light
armed veflels, fix brigantines, and one hundred and two
feluccas; and, before he refigned his command, he if-
fued from the royal treafury three hundred thoufand
crowns in gold, by which all the arrears to the fleet and
army were entirely difcharged. Such was the fituation of
things when Don Lopez quitted his office.
Sunho da His fuccefibr, Nunho da Cunha, fe'Lting out from Portu-
Cunha, ge- gal with a commiffion to be general, accompanied by his
rural of the brother Simon da Cunha, who was conftituted admiral of
hit fu-cef- the Indies, attempted to put in at Mombaza, in order to
Jors, to the pafs the winter there ; and being refufed entrance by the
aeathoj D. king, forced a paflagc into the port ; then making himfelf
7«tf« de mailer of the town, he gave the plunder to the mariners,
^^^'^' and fet it on fire. Sailing from thence early in the fpring,
he proceeded to India ; where he was no fooner arrived in
1529, than he refolved to reduce the town and fortrefs of
lOiu, fituate in an ifland of the fame name, near the en-
" p. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, vol. iii.
trance
the Portuguefe in the Eafi Indies, 57
trance of the gulf of Cambaya. Accordingly he repaired
thither with the fleet, and upon his appearance ofF the
place received an ambaflador from Badur king of Cam-
baya, with offers of yielding the fortrefs into his hands 5
winch being accordingly performed, it was committed to
the cuftody of Anthony Silveira "". Not long after this fur-
render, the king of Cambaya, at the inftigation of the
Turks, who were very defirous of getting Diu into their
hands, made an attempt to difpofTefs the Portuguefe, and
recover the place ; but was unfortunate in the undertak-
ing •, he with his Turkifli auxiliaries being entirely routed,
moll of his fleet funk, and himfelf mortally wounded in
the engagement.
Not long after this mifcarriage, Solyman, bafiiaw of
Cairo, came to befiege it with a fleet of fixty-two
gallies, fix galleons, and other fmaller veflels, having on
board four thoufand Janiflaries, fixteen thoufand other fol-
diers, befides gunners, feamen, and pilots ; on their ar-
rival before the town, they were joined by eighty fail of
fhips of Cambaya, and fome land troops belonging to the
young king Mohammed. The Turkifli bafhaw, landing
his forces, battered the fortrefs with fixty pieces of can-
non ; but the governor, with great bravery, fuftained his
attack till the arrival of Garfias de Noronho, the new
viceroy, from Goa. This oflicer, by a ftratagem, which
was no more than putting out four large lanthorns from
every fhip in the fleet, fo terrified the Turks, that they
raifed the fiege in the utmoft confufion, leaving behind
them their tents, ammunition, artillery, and above a
thoufand wounded men, befides the like number that were
foraging, all which fell into the hands of the Portuguefe*.
Afterwards Mohammed fubmitted to the crown of Portu-
gal. But the Cambayans and Turks made another at-
tempt on Diu, in the viceroyfhip of Don John de Caftro,
who routed them both by fea and land with very great
flaughter ; after which, he added feveral works to the
place, and raifed a new citadel in a more advantageous
fituation, compofed of much better materials than the
former ; which fecured it for a confiderabletime y.
^ P. Lafitaa Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, tora.iii.
p. 284. Emanuel de Farm y Soufa Epirome de las Hiftorias Por-
tuguefas, lib. iv. cap. iz. " MafFaei Hift Indica, part ii.
Jib. ii. cap. 15, 1 5. /P. Lafitau Hiltoire des Conquetes des
Portuguais, torn. iv. p. 31. limanuel de Faria y Soufa Epitome
ties las Ililturias Portuguefas, lib. iv« cap. 12,
Upon
£8 Conquejls and Settlements of
Thego' upon the death of Don John de Caftro, the billets he-
*vernintnt ing confulted relative to the order of fucceffion, the firft
de'voli'es name that appeared was that of Don Pedro de Mafca-
G r^aj de ^^"^^^^ ' ^*^^ ^^ having failed for Portugal, there was a
^^. neceffity of opening the next billet, in which was found
the name of Don Garfias de Sa, an old officer of thd
crown, univerfally cfteemed and admired. He entered
upon his adminillration by completing whatever remain-
ed unfiniflied of the wife and great plan formed by his pre-
deceflbr ; and, though he lived but a fingle year, he added
fourteen ftout fliips to the fleet of Portugal, and perform-
ed many other fervices that M'ere very ufeful to fucceed-
ing governors. Don George Capral was next called to
the command ; and, foon after, found himfelf engaged
in a war with the Samorin, whom he quickly reduced to
the neceihty of demanding peace -, and would have per-
formed greater things, if Don Alphonfo Norognez had
not arrived with the title of general of the Indies from
Portugal ^ It was during the government of this general
that the Turks attacked Ormuz, and v;ere very near be-
coming mafters of that fcrtrefs ; but at length the fiege
>vas raifed. Some other difafters happened during his
adminiftration, which iafted about four years ; at tjie ex-
piration of which, he was fucceeded by. Don Pedro de
Mafcarenhas, who died in a year after he was fettled in
his new dignity. His place was fupplied by Don Pedro
Barreto, who found himfelf engaged in perpetual wars
with the Indians and Mohammedans, againft whom he
afled with courage and fuccefs, till he was reheved by
Don Conftantine de Bragan9a, brother to the duke of the
fame name, the firft viceroy of the Indies appointed by
the regency after the death of King John, and one of the
wifell and worthieft men intruded with that great ofEce.
Under his government every thing profpered in fuch a
manner^ that the Portuguefe perfuaded themfelves their
empire would be as lading in the Indies as it was glorious
and extenfive •, but they were very quickly convinced of
their miftake, and that there is nothing io fleeting and
tranfitory as human profperity.
y Maffaei Hill. Indica, part ii. lib. xvi. cap. 5.
Jc
the Tortuguefe in the Eajl Indies* 59
^ coyicife Reprefcniat'ion of the Nature of the Portuguefe
Dominion in India, and a more particular Account of their
great Governments of Alo'zambique and Ormwz,,
IN the fpace of about threefcore years they had raifed '^he great
fuch an empire in the Eaft, as, to thofe who are competent ^^fi'J^y^
judges, will appear truly wonderful; their power ex- the PortU'
tended on one fide as far as the utmoft limits of the coaft gueje,
of Perfia, and their influence over all the Perfian gulph;
fome of the fmaller princes in Arabia were their tributa-
ries, fome their allies, and all lived under the greatefl
awe and apprehenfion of them. On the other fide of Ara-
bia they had an intercourfe with, and influence over, the
emperor of Ethiopia, or of the AbyfRnes; fo that they
might be truly faid to command from fea to fea. Along
the coaft of India and the frontiers of Perfia they were
in pofleiTion of almoft all the ports and iflands of any ^
confequence, fuch as Diu,^ Daman, Chaul, &c. They
poiTeffed the whole coaft of Malabar, from Cape Ramoz
to Cape Commorin : they were mafters alfo of the coail
of Coromandel, of the gulf of Bengal, of the city, for-
trefs, and peninfula, of Malacca ; the potent ifland of
Ceylon was tributary to them, fo were the iflands of Son-
da; the Moluccas alfo acknowleged their dominion: final-
ly, they obtained a fettlement in the empire of China,
and a free trade with the inhabitants of Japan ^
With refpe£l: to the Portuguefe, what chiefly requires
our notice, is, the real fource of their decay, and the
precife time in which they were difpoflefl^ed of their
fettlements ; for, as to the more interefting particulars -of
fuch tranfaftions, they belong properly to the fucceeding
fe£l:ions, in which wc are to relate the progrefs of other
nations in the Eaft Indies.
The fiipreme power, while the Portugefe remained The vafi
mafters of the Indies, was vefted in a fingle perfon, affift- potver in
cd by a council ; though, as we have already feen, that ^^^,i^P^^^^
perfon was honoured vf ith different titles, being fometimes ^^^ indhs-
11 vied general, fometimes governor, but ufually viceroy, of
the Indies; an honour feldom conferred but upon perlbns of
the higheft rank for birth and quality, as well as abilities; and
to the honour of this nation it mull be acknowleged, that
braver, wifer, or better men, are feldom to be met with in
»Guyon Hifloire des Indes Orientales, vol. i, p. 393,
hiftory,
6o Conquejls and Setthnents of
hiftoryj tlian amongft thofe who have enjoyed this high {la*
tion. The power of the viceroy was in a great meafure unli-
mited ; but, to balance this, the time of his adminiftration
was butfhort, rarely exceeding- the term of three years. The
military affairs were in his hands without reftrid: ion, and
though there was frequently an admiral of the Indies, yet
he atied altogether under the viceroy's orders. In civil
concerns, the tribunal of the viceroy eilabliflied at Goa
judged in the lafl' inftance, and without appeal *, but in
matters criminal, the viceroy could not put any gentleman
of Portugal to death (and every perfon in the king's fer-
vice is fo elleemed) without the king's knowlege ''•
Freroga- Yox the fupport of his dignity, the viceroy had large ap-
tives and poJ^t-^ents, which enabled him to live in the utmoft mag-
9/ other niiicence and fplendorj fo much the more requifite, as
governors^ he really commanded many kings, who, as vafTals to the
and how crown of Portugal, paid him a ready and flri6l obedience;
the product jj. ^,^g -^^ order to fecure this, that in many of their capi-
p\ oal- ^'^^^' ^"^ ^^^ other the mofl convenient places in their do-
■^ minions, forts were erected, and garrifons maintained ;
by which, to fpeak plainly, their power was fo much limit-
ed, that they could do nothing prejudicial to the interefts of
the Portuguefe, or to what they were plea fed to confider
and call their interell. In their ports the Portuguefe had
their faftories, and the entire management of the trade, fet-
ting the price at their pleafure upon the goods and manu-
fad:ures of the country, and claiming a right of pre-emp-
tion ; by Vv^hich not the Mohammedans only, but even
the native Indians, were in a great meafure excluded
from commerce. By thefe means immenfe and inexpref-
fible riches in gold, precious ftones, fpices, perfumes, rare
woods, drugs, and all kinds of piece goods, were carried
in annual fleets from their eftabllfliments on the coaffcs of
Malabar and Coromandel, in the gulf of Bengal, in the
kingdoms of Camboya, Decan, Malacca, Patana, Slara,
&c. the iflands of Ceylon, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, the
Moluccas, China, and Japan, into Portugal, whither ail
the nations of Europe reforted to purchafe thefe com-
modities Wc need not therefore at all wonder how fo
fmall a kingdom fhould be able to furnifh fuch prodigious
navies, or fend fuch numbers of people into thefe dlitant
countries, fince the defire of fliaring in their wealth and
b Tieatifc of the Portugal Indies, contaJninp: the laws, cuftoms,
revenues, &c. by the Viceroy Don Duart de Menezez.
profpcrlty
the Portuguefe In the Eajl Indies, 6 1
profperity drew continual acceffions of people Into their
territories, both in Europe and in the Indies '^.
It was a high point of policy to eftablifh univerfal li- Liberty of
berty of confcience at Goa, and this notwithitanding the ^^n'^fl^^^'
inquifition was alfo eftablilhed there, but without ^ny^^;^^^^^^
power over thofe who had not entered into the bofom of
the catholic church. This freedom drew thither mer-
chants and traders of all nations and religions, and kept
up for many years a prodigious circulation from all parts ;
fo that private perfons became immenfely rich, and con-
fequently could afford to pay liberally for the protection
they received from their governors **.
The minority which followed the death of king John '^f^e con-
III. of Portugal was very detrimental to the affairs ^^ %l^i^^°^jt^
that kingdom in Europej and ftill more fo in the Eafl y^^ the In-
Indies, where the viceroys wer« no longer obeyed with dies dedint
the ufual chearfulnefs and punftuality ; bjiit, on the con- from the
trary, every governor began In fome meafure to fet up for i^!^ ?(,
himfelf, and to endeavour to raife a vaft fortune within -^ * ^"
the fhort fpace of time allotted to his adminiftration. This
fpirit occafioned plots, infurre6lions, and wars, with many
of the Indian princes ; in confequence of which, Goa A.D.x57a,
and Chaul were befieged, one fix months, and the other
nine, by almoft the whole force of the Indies ®. Don
Sebailian, king of Portugal, was very defirous of going
in perfon to the relief of thofe places, and was, with great
dIfHculty, difTuaded. It might, perhaps, have been as
well, if he had been fufFered to take that flep, fmce, to
divert him from it, it was found necefTary to engage him
in that fatal expedition to Africa, which produced the de-
flru(^ion of himfelf, and of his fubjedis. The Portu- ^
guefe in the Indies defended themfelves, however, with
io much bravery and refolution, that they preferved both
thofe fortrefles, and forced their enemies to rife from be-
fore them with very great lofs. But this was the lafb great
effort of their ftrength, by which alfo it was exceedingly
weakened, and from thence the declenfion of their power
has been generally and very juftly dated. But as their
empire rofe by degrees ; as the foundations of it had been
laid very deep ; as their eftablifhments were numerous,
and fome of them very ftrong \ and as a long courfe of
profperity had drawn multitudes of people into thofe parts
<^ Guyon Hiftoire des Indes Orlentales, vol. i. p. 391, 39^,
^Emanuel de Faria y Soufa Epitome de las Hiftorias Portuguefas,
ib. iv. cap, 10. i». « Idem, lib. v. cap. i.
of
62 Conquejis and Settlements of
of the world, and confequently into their fcrvice ; fo it
may be well fuppofed, that fuch a ftrudure could not fall
at once, but mull fink and crumble by degrees ; and that
as there were many fortunate circumfiances which contri-
buted to the happy progrefs of their power, fo there muft
have been likewife a llrong concurrence of different caufes
to bring on a total declenfion of their affairs, the principal
of which we fliall endeavour, by the afliftance of the beil
authors, to difcover and defcribc.
Occa/ioned The misfortune of Portugal's being miited to the king-
kythere- Jom of Spain, after the death of cardinal Henry, uncle to
dtfciplhe king Seballian, gave a terrible blow to their force in ths
corruption Indies, by the introdudion of thofe changes which na-
of manners, turally follow fuch a revolution in government, by the
and gra/p- neglect which quickly enfued of fending the ufual fup-
ingheyond piigg^ j^d keeping up the royal fleet at Goa, and the fe-
poiver. veral fquadrons ftationed upon the coafls of the different
countries in their pofTefTion ; and above all, by that ge-
neral relaxation of difcipline which quickly enfued s (H).
Another caufe was the general corruption of manners,
which immenfe wealth, abfolute power, and exceffive
luxury, introduced araongft all ranks and degrees of people
in the Indies ; fo that the fincere piety, the generous
courage, and indefatigable fpirit and diligence, which
g Guyon Hiftoiredes Indes Orientales, vol. iii. pi 36, 37, 38, 39.
(O) This great change hap- FranclfcoMafcarenhas with the
pened in the Indies in 1581, tide of viceroy, fuppofmg that
where Don Lewis d'Ataida was he would have found Don
viceroy, but worn out with age, Lewis d'Ataida alive, and in
infirmities, and care, breathed pofTelfion of the government,
his lafl, before any flep was whom he created count of
taken for acknowleging a new Snntaren, that he might the
prince, by which the govern- more readily yield his place to
ment devolved upon Don Fer- the new viceroy : but Don
dinandTellesdeMenefeSjWho, Francifco finding the old man
in hopes of making his court to dead, and all things previoufly
his new mailer, caufed Philip fettled as well as the king could
the Second to be proclaimed, dcfire, difpolVeffed the noble-
and acknowleged, through the man, who had taken all this
whole extent of his gpvern- care, with the profped of a
jment. Asit wasimpolfiblefor reward, which he never re-
king Philip to forefee this, he ceived (i).
had taken care to fend Don
(0 P. Lafitau Hifloire des Conqueftes dcs Portuguais, vol. \v,
p. 383,384.
made
the Fortuguefe in the Eajl Indies, 63
made the original conquerors appear more than men, eva-
porated entirely ; infomuch, that their fuccefibrs became
indolent, debauched, and effeminate, to a degree which
we fhould rather the reader would conceive, than expert
us to defcribe. We may add to this, that their boundlefs
third of dominion prompted them to make fomany fettle-
ments, and fome of thefe at fo great a diftance, that their
force, though great in itfelf, if it could have been, as oc-
cafion required, collefted together, was, by this ill ma-
nagement, fo extenuated, as to become incapable of mak-
ing a vigorous defence, more efpecially when attacked in
feveral places at the fame time ^.
By the ill ufage they gave the natives, by that refiilefs But more
impetuofity with which they l-aboured to find an entrance pankular^
into every country, and by that obflinacy with which they -^ ^ Jr"'*
perfifted in driving out the Moors, Arabs, and Negroes, thena-
wherever they were able, they raifed a general and im- ti-vesy and
placable fpirit of hatred againll them throughout the whole ^^'^ itiva-
Indies ; which caufes, taken together, without doubt, -^°" ^■^'^^
would have been flrong enough to have weakened and re- ^ ^ *
duced them in time, if the laft and more immediate
fource of their deftrucSEion had not broke out as it did.
This M^as the arrival of the Dutch in the Indies, after
PhiUp II. had, by an edi£l', forbid their trading in
the ports of Portugal ; by which he flattered himfelf,
that he fliould have reduced the United* Provinces, and by
which, on the contrary, he gave them the empire of the
Indies : for being themfelves hardy and neceflitous, hav-
ing all things to hope, and nothing to lofe, and having to
do with a people divided in their councils, depraved in
their manners, and detefted by their fubjects and neigh-
bours, they foon found the means of fixing themfelves in
fome diftant iflands; from whence, by continual accefiion
of new comers from the Low Countries, partly by force of
arms, partly by their intrigues, but chiefly by taking ad-
vantage of the errors committed by the Portuguefe, they
fupplanted them every-where, and efFeclually flripped
them of their dominions.
During the flourifhing ftate of the Portuguefe dominion
in Alia, the viceroy had five great governments in his dif-
pofal, which, in. refpe£l: to their value and importance,
were ranged in the following order : firft, that of Mozam-
^ Emanuel de Faria y Soufa Epitome de las Hiftorias Portu-
guefas, lib. v. cap. 6. * Conquilta de las Iflas Malucas, par
cl Licenciada Bartolome Leon de Argenfola, lib. vii.
bique.
^4 ' Conquejls and Settlements' of
biquc, on the coafl of Africa; next, that of Malacca, up-
on the peninfula of the fame name ; the third, was that
of the citadel and illand of Ormuz, in the Perfian gulf;
the town and fortrefs of Mufcat, on the oppofite coaft of
Arabia, was the fourth government ; and that of the
ifland of Ceylon, the fifth. Befides thefe, there were
many others of lefs confequente, and' yet very confider-
able, of which we fhall fpealc in their proper places ^. It
is true, that as Mozambique lies on the coalt of Africa,
we might difp'enfe with it here, and refer the defcription
to another part of this work ; but inafmuch as it was al-
ways reputed a part of the Indies ; as the commerce of it
was, and ftill is, of the higheft con?equence to the Portu-
guefe ; and as it remains yet in their po'Cefiion, we think
it neceffary, for the fake of perfpicuity, ^to begin tjiere-
with, and the% to proceed to the Perfian gulf, and the
coaft of Arabia, and from thence reJuHrly, in the order
in which places lie, we pafs quite through to the Moluc-
cas, the town and fortrefs of Macao in China, aifd the
pofieflions which the Portuguefe formerly had in Japan.
Defcrip- The ifland of Mozambique, ia latitude 15 deg. fouth,
Hon of the Jialf ^ mile from the continent, contains about three quar-
'^ ' ters of a league in length, a quarter in breadth, the whole
hique. compafs not exceeding a league and a half, with a white
fhore. It extend^ fouth and north, along the main land;
between which, and this^ifie and fort, appears the bay,
ferving for a convenient haVen, land-locked from all wind«, •
beinc: very large, and carrying eight or ten fathom water ;
within a ftone's-throw of whicji, the fliips ride at atichor.
The fortrefs which tlfe Portuguefe erefted here is a re-
gular fquare, well fortified with^our flrong bafticms. and
by much the moft defenfiblti place that was ever in tHeir
pofieflion on the coaif of Africa. It is very certain, that
the whole ifland is well inhabited, but it is not eafy to fay
how thofe habitations are difpofed ; for/ome writers fpeak*^
of cities, as if there had been two ; others reduce thefe to
villages ; but the beft accounts fay, that houfes are very
thick over the whole ifland, of which fome'ai^ ftrong and
well built, others mean and contemf>tible ^ The inhabit-
ants are of cUiFerent nations and religions ; fome forty or
fifty families of Portuguefe, without the fort, a much
k Les Etats, Empires, et Principautez, du Monde, p. 2^4..
1 Dapper Defcription de TAfrique, p. 398. Les Etats, Empires,
et Principautez, du Monde. P. Lafitau Hiltoirc des Conqueftes des
Portuguais, torn. i. p. 110.
larger.
the Portuguefe in the Eajl Indies, 6$
larger number of Meftizes, fome hundreds of Arabian
families, that arc Mohammedans, and a great many na-
tives of the continent, of whofe religion we have no dif-
tin6l account, in all, to the number of between three and
four thoufand. This ifland was reduced to the obedience
of the crown of Portugal, at the beginning of the fixteenth
century, and belongs to it ftill.
The Dutch have made feveral attempts upon it, parti- A.D. 1604.
cularly two : the laft time they attempted it, they befieged A.D. 1606,
the fortrefs thirty-two days, and were at length forced to '7' ~~7"
retire, but carried off a prodigious booty ">. The climate ^/^^ j^Jcli
is very hot and moid, confequently very unwholefome, unfuccefs-
except to the natives, or fuch as have been long fettled /«/.
there. The jurifdiftion of the governor extends very far
along the coafts, to Sofala on one fide, and to Melinda on
the other. The iflands of Querimba belong likewife to
the Portuguefe, in which the houfes are built with Itone,
and fo well fecured, that they may pafs for forts. There
is alfo a Portuguefe town upon the river, which falls into
the port from the continent, at the diftance of ten days
rowing and failing. To this town the European and In-
dian merchandize is carried, and from thence diftributed
through the countries that lie behind it, fome at the di-
ftance of three or four months journey ". In former times,
it was a common thing for the Portuguefe governor to
raife a fortune, in three years, of half a million of crowns.
The Portuguefe fleet fails from Mozambique for Goa an-
nually, in the month of Auguft, and returns thither in
April \
The commerce carried on here confifts in gold, dug Of t\i na^
out of the mmes, or gath-ired out of the rivers ; in filver, '"''^ ^f '^*
brought from the mines ; in the fineft ebony, of which ^'^'^^•
they have whole forefts ; in ivory, of which they have „^^g^
great quantities ; in flaves, which are efteemed the beft
in the Eaft Indies; in cattle, fowl, palm wine, fruits,
and roots. The European and Indian commodities fent
hither, are Spanifh and Canary wines, oil, (ilks, linens,
cottons, coral, fhells, and toys j thefe are tranfported up
the river Senna, and from thence through the continent.
The bulk of their riches comes from the mines of Sofala,
m Recueil des Voyages qui ont fervi a I'Eftabliflement de la Com-
pagniedes Indei Orientales, torn. vi. p. 335. ° Dapper Defciip-
tion de 1' Afrique, p. 401. Les Etats, Empires, et Principautez,
du Monde, p. 107, zo8.
Mod. Vol. VIIJ. F which
66 ' Conquefts and Settlements of
which are efteemed the richeft in the world, fince, if
the accounts of the Negroes may be depended upon, they
have produced, for a long feries of years paft, to the value
of a million and a half fterling annually, of which the
Portuguefe had formerly by far the greateft part, and in
which they have ftill a very confiderable (hare ; fo that,
without the fupport of this commerce, that of Goa would
have long ago come to nothing. "We have therefore no
reafon to doubt, that, in times of their greateft profperity,
when the Portuguefe were mafters of Qjjiloa, Mombaza,
and other places, and had a very great force upon all thefe
coafts, they muft have drawn from thence prodigious ad-
vantages ; and even now, they are in pofleffion of all the
liuropean trade of this place, which cannot but be of very
great value, though much inferior to what it was p.
Thejiiua- The illand of Ormuz lies in the mouth of the Per-
tion, pro- Han gulf, at the diftance of five miles from the oppofite
ijuce, and continent. It is of no great extent, thofe who have de-
quence of fcribed it moft accurately allowing it not more than feven
ihe tfland of miles in circumference. It is, ftri61:ly fpeaking, no better
Qrtnuz* than a rock of fait, the very duft of the country within
land being very white and pure, as well as very pungent
to the tafte. Springs there are none, and when fome
writers m.ention fmall lakes of frefli v/ater therein, we
are to underftand no more than cavities filled with rain,
which, however, falls but feidom in that climate. This
illand was not only inhabited, but had alfo a good city,
and a ftrong fortrefs, in which the kings of Ormuz re-
fided, who had likewife fome dominions, though not of
any large extent, upon the continent of Perfia, It was
from its commodious fituation, that it became the greateft
mart in the ^^aft, to which fliipping repaired, from all parts
of the Indies, from the coafts of Africa, Egypt, and
Arabia, befides a regular trade carried on by caravans
crofs the country. I his made the fovereigns of Ormuz
rich and refpe61:ed, if not great and potent monarchs ;
and, at proper feafons of the year, there was a prodigious
refort of merchants, from all countries, befides factors,
that refided conftantly there ; particularly the Venetians,
whodroye a great trade in jewels tranfported from thence
to Baflbra, and fo by caravans to Aleppo ; or to Suez by
fea, then over land, by the Nile, to Alexandria, where
F Di^ionaire Univerfcl de Commerce, torn. ii. col. 675, 676*
^hey
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies, 67
they were delivered to the merchants to whom they were
conligned ^.
It was the known wealth and prodigious commerce AD. 1506,
of this place, which excited the ambitious Portuguefe to •
attempt the conqueft of it, which, how they atchieved, Portuguefe
we have already fliewn. As it was not for their intereft, K'.
they did not deprive the king either of his title or of his
dominions, but were content he fhould retain the one,
and pay a tribute for the other. They were, however,
abfolute mailers of the town and citadel. The former
flood upon the fea-coall, and confided of about three
thoufand houfes. The fettled inhabitants were, for the ^
mofl part, Arabians, Mohammedans, and fubjedls to the
fovereign ; a few Indians, who were Pagans ; and about
one hundred families of Jews •, fo that, in all, they were
computed at forty thoufand fouls ^ The Portuguefe re-
ading there built very ftately houfes, gilding all the bars
of their doors and windows, and often boafting, that, in-
flead of lead and iron, they would fubflitute filver and v
gold. The materials with which they built, were no other '
than the folid fait, which conflitutes, if the expreffion may
be allowed, the foil of the ifland, very durable in that
climate, and not unpleafant to the eye. The ftreets were
ftrait and narrow, and the houfes lofty, the better to Ihade
them from the fun. On the roofs they had flight apart-
ments of wood, where they lay in the fummer time, and
a kind of ventilators, built of pumice-ftone, for the fake
of lightnefs, by the help of which, they admitted frefh
air into all the apartments below. Their beft rooms were
beneath the furface of the lireet, in which they had baths
and frefh water, for themfelves, their wives and children,
to lie in, during the fummer heats, more exceflive here
than in any other part of the known world, the oppofite
continent only excepted. The Portugufe built alfo a moll
ftately church, dedicated to the Blefled Virgin, which
ferved not only for devotion, but for their recreation, by
v/alking in the cool and fhady cloiilers.
The fortrefs, or citadel, built on a point of knd ex- T/ie great
tending towards the Perfian coaft, was regular, beautiful, A^«ir'^ 0/
and very ftrong, furnilhed, by degrees> with no lefs than (^fjfi^^<^\
three hundred pieces of cannon. The king or fultan had ^^^e/fgj^.'
his palace in a fine plain, with fome pavilions and plea- mandutg it»
q Hakluyt's Voyages, p, 215. Les Etats, Empires, et Piinci-
pautez, du Monde, p. 209. r Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 47.
T vernier, Thevenor, &c.
F 2 fure-
68 Conquejls and Settlements of
fure-houfes near it, and among them a fmall tuft of palm-
trees. The illand has two harbours, one on the eaft, the
other on the weft fide, but neither of them very commo-
(dibus ; fo that all Ihips of a le^rger burden than fix hun-
dred ton, were obliged to lie in the bay, at the diftance of
half a mile from the ihore. Between the harbours, and,
as it were, in the center of the ifland, there rifes a moun-
tain, on the fummit of that, another fmaller and fteeper ;
the lower is compofed of fait and fulphur, the upper of
fait alone, fo pure, that, at a diftance, it looks like a
great hill covered with fnow. Upon this mountain there
are ftill difcernible the ruins of certain towers, in one of
which, the fultans of Ormuz kept their brethren, after
they had deprived them of fight, where they wer€ well
attended, and fumptuoufly entertained ^ The Portuguefe
had likev/ife a fortrefs upon the oppofite coaft, for the
fake of protefling their barks, and other fmall veflels,
the fea being fo ihallow between the continent 4nd illand,
as not tc admit of fliips. The fliore all round is covered
with a black fnining fand, very heavy, and of a furprifing
luftre. The natives, in the fummer-time more efpecially,
in the mornings and evenings, run into the fea, up to
their necks ; but this refrefhment the Europeans could
not enjoy, becaufe it made their {kins peel, fo that they
had retourfe to the baths in their vaults, which have been
before mentioned ^
It hath been very juft'y obferved, that the wealth, the
fplendour, and concourfe of people, not only rendered
Ormuz the wonder of the world, whilft in its flourifliing
condition, but afforded a perpetual memorial of the al-
thenati'veSi moft omnipotent power of commerce, in refpe^l to fub-
findof the lunary things -, for here, at the trading feafons, which
^^n^l^It* lifted from January to March, and during the months of
September and Ocl:ober, there was not barely an inter-
courfe between multitudes of bufy people, fome of whom
came, as it were, from the very ends of the earth, to
reap the benefit of thefe conferences, but mirth and plea-
fure alfo entertained their votaries here. The fait duft of
the ftreets was concealed, and kept down by neat mats and
rich carpets -, the beams of the noon-day fun were ex-
cluded, by canvas awnings raifed over the tops of the
houfes. The rooms next the ftreets were adorned with
rhe
nveahhf
magnifi-
cence, and
luxury of
jff Ormny^*
P Rsimufio, torn. i. fol. 187,291,338,388.
^c. t Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ii. p. 414,
Baptifte Tavernier, primierc partic, chap. 23.
Tavern ier, Thcv,
Voyages de Jean
India^i
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies* 6g
Indiail cabinets, and piles of the fineft porcelain, inteir-
mixed with odoriferous dwarf-trees and (hrubs, fet in
gilded vafes, elegantly adorned with figures. Camels
laden with water itood at the corners of every ftreet *, the
richeft wines of Perfia, the moft coftly perfumes, and the
greateft delicacies of the Eaft, were here poured forth
with profufion -y and fo long as it lafted, which was
fometimes for fix weeks, it looked like a magic fcene,
' diverfified with the moft oppofite appearances ; cunning
and gravity in the exchange ; an air of officious politenefs
appearing every where in the fhops ; a kind of haughty
and fupercilious decorum reigning amongft the Portuguefe
officers, civil and military ; an air of wonder and delight
amongft the common fpeftators ; tranfport and joy in the
public places ; where rope-dancers, mountebanks, jugglers,
dancers, and fortune-tellers, difplayed their feveral talents
fordelufion and deceit. Such, in fpiteof the frowns of na-
ture, could human induftry, direfted by art, and fupported
by trade, render this defpicable rock of fait, which remains
now as defart and uninviting, as it was then captivating in
the eyes of thofe multitudes who came in the train of ava-
rice, luxury, and curiofity ".
It is eafy to conceive, from this defcription, that the Jf^/iat pr^.
poft of governor of Ormuz muft have been exceedingly digious
lucrative, more efpecially in later times, when the gover- P-*^,^'^'''^
nors laid it down as a capital maxim, that their principal //;/ goijer^
bufinefs was to enrich themfelves. To anfwer this pur- nors of this
pofe, they took large fums out of the cuftoms, paid by all ^'«f^. ?'»
the {hipping that entered the port or road of Ormuz ; they ^^^^^ fl^or^
impofed likewife high duties upon the pearl-fiftiery at the pj^gf/^
ifland of Baharen j the barks from the coaft of Arabia and
Perfia, though freighted only with necefiaries, paid mighty
fums every year, from the great confumption of all things
made, as well by ftrangers as inhabitants. The governor
claimed a privilege of fending his own veflels to Goa,
Chaul, Bengala, and Mufcat; and, that his profit upon
their cargoes might be the more confiderable, the market
was not opened to private merchants, till the governor
had purchafed a lading for his ftiips ^ Add to all this,
the exclufive power of felling horfes throughout the
bounds of his jurifdiftion, which muft have amounted
to a great fum, fince they were generally valued at four or
« Ramufio, torn. i. fol. 388. Eflai fur le Marine, et fur le pom-
merce, p. 184., 185, 186. x Hakluyt's Voyages, p. 215. Les
Ecats, Eii.pircs, et Principautez, du Monde, p, 207, 2o3.
F 3 five
7© Conq^uejls and Settlements of
five tKoufand crowns a-piece. The caravans from Aleppo
fet out twice a year, in the months of April and Septem-
ber, for Baflbra ; with a vafl number of camels, efcorted
by JanifTaries, and from thence themfelves and their mer-
chandize were eafily tranfported by fea to Ormuz. Thefe
caravans confifled of from two or three to five or fix thou-
fand perfons, and the wealth they brought was prodigious.
On the other hand, the regular trade from Malacca,
private fhips from all parts of the Indies, and the cara-
vans that pafTed through the provinces of Perfia, brought
likewife the richeft and molt valuable commodities, in
vafl quantities ; neither could any of thefe be bought or
fold, but the gov^ernor of Ormuz, and his dependents,
would be gainers by them, more or lefs. One would
have thought, that the value of this place being fo
thoroughly underllood, and the fecurity of it being fo well
provided for, there fhould have been but little fear of its
being loil ; more efpeciallv, at a time when their own
power was fo very great, and that of their enemies,
reckoned fingly, very inconfiderable y.
Tkf Perf,~ But the infolence of profperity made all the precau-
ans^ tn con- tions taken in thofe times, when prudence and public
^vj'th^he ^P^^'^ prevailed, altogether fruitlefs. The famous Perfian
En^li(h,at' monarch, Shah Abbas, had long meditated the conqueft
tack the of this important place 5 but, for want of a naval force,
ijland by found it altogether impra£licable. The Portuguefe, now
Jea and under the dominion of Spain, fupplied him with a fleet,
by their indifcretion, which all the power of his monarchy
could not have raifed, or his policy obtained : in fhort,
they quarrelled with, and infulted, the Englifh, who were
become lately confiderable in the Indies. Thefe entered
into a treaty with the Perfian, from certain motives, and
upon certain terms, of which an account will be. given in
a fubfequent feftion, furniftied a fquadron of nine fail,
with which they blocked up, and battered, the city and
caflle, and landed an army of three thoufand Perfians on
the ifland. The befieged nad a great flrength, and a good
fleet, but all was very ill managed. The city furrendered
foon, fome writers fugged through treachery, but it
feems to have been rather through indifcretion and folly :
the fleet was, for the moil part, burnt and defl;royed.
After all, the citadel made a good defence, and might
have been preferveil, if the governor had not been obfti-
y Voyage de Jean Baprifte Tavernier, primiere partie, chap. 13.
Lci Etal8, Empires, ct Fiincipautcz, dii Monde, p. 207, 20S.
natc,
the Portuguefe in the Eqft Indies. yl
nate, In refufing to let the fea through the peninfula,
which joined the point of land upon which the fortrefs
flood, to the ifland, becaufe it was an expedient that did
not occur firft to himfelf. In fine, after about two months
difpute, the garrifon of that important place capitulated
with theEnglifh; and thus, after remaining in their hands
almoft one hundred and twenty years, Ormuz was iofl by
the Portuguefe y.
It was computed that, excluiive of jewels and rich mer- A.D.1622.
chandize, the plunder, and ready money, amounted to ,
above two millions. The articles of the capitulation ^^ ^^"
were but ill obferved, and the Perlian was not very fcru- riches nuere
pulous in executing the treaty; fo that the Englifli were acquired hy
far from having their full fliare of booty ; and of what ^he plmder
they did receive the greateft part perifhed at fea. The o/"//^/j m^-
Portuguefe made an attempt for the recovery of Ormuz, ^Q^i.^fj^^
in which they might have been fuccefsful, if the viceroy
at Goa had not, through want of capacity, indolence, or
pique to the officer who commanded in that expedition,
failed in his duty. After it once fell into the hands of the
Perfians the place was quickly ruined, and the trade tranf-
ferred to Bander AbbalFi, or Gambron. In procefs of
time the Dutch carried off the materials of the city, under
pretence of taking in ballaft, which turned to very good
account, till, at length, this praftice was forbid by the
Perfians when it was too late. A garrifon was kept in
the citadel for fome time, but, by degrees, that islikewife
fallen into ruin, the iiland utterly deferted, and fcarce the
fmailefl remains are now left to vindicate the records of
hiflory, or to prove, that this was once a place of fuch
great confequence, and the capital magazine of the whole
Eafl^
y Purchases Pilgrims, vol. ii. p. 17^7. Voyages de Jean Baptifte
Tavernier, primiere partie, chap. 23. z Travels of Pet«r della
Valle into the Eaft Indies, p. 5. ^ Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ii.
p. 1793. Voyages de Jean Baptifte Tavernier, primiere partie,
chap, 23.
F 4 The
72 Conquejls and Settlements of
^The fame SuhjeSl continued, with an Account of their Settk-
ments at Mujkat^ Dluy Daman, Chaoul, Onor, Cananor^
Calicut y Cranganor, and Choulan j their D If appointment
at the Maldives ; their lucrative Fljhery at 'Tutocorln ;
with their Ejiablljhments at Negapatan, MeUapour^ and
Adalacca,
An account THE next government in the Portuguefe Indies, was
of the Par- that of Mafcat, or Mufkat, a very famous town in
^"/Yrk ^^^^^^ the Happy. It is fituated between the capes of
mentai ^^^ '^^ ^^^^ ^ Moccandon, in 23 deg. 30 min. north
Mujkat, latitude, exacElly under the tropic of Cancer, about three
miles in its circumference, built at the bottom of a fmall
bay, encompaffed with high rocky mountains, and guarded
with a ftrong wall. Befides, it is fortified with five or
fix caftles and batteries, and lies very convenient for trade,
on account of its excellent harbour. Before the Portu-
guefe arrived in the Indies, there was a great refort of
merchants hither. The town, though not large and well
buift, was one of the moil confiderable upon the coaft,
fubjeft, or at leaft tributary to the kings of Ormuz, who
had a cuftom-houfe, and proper officers there, who re-
ceived the duties arifing from the pearl-fifhery on the coaft
of the ifland of Baharen, which were eftimated at half a
million of ducats. The great Albuquerque fummoned,
and obliged this place to fubmit in the year 1507; but a
body of two thoufand Arabs getting into the town, imme-
diately raifed an infurre£l:ion, in fpite of all the care the
governor could take to keep them quiet ; upon which a
bloody and obftinate a61:ion enfued, ending in a complete
vidory gained by the Portuguefe '. The governor loft his
life in this difpute j but Albuquerque did all imaginable
juftice to his innocence, and prote&ed his family in their
poflefllons. The grandeur of Ormuz caufed fome decay
in the trade of this place ; for which ample amends was
made after the deftru6lion of that city, when the port of
Mufkat became the prime mart of this part of the world,
and thereby produced very great advantages to the crown
of Portugal, exclufive of the prodigious private fortunes
• made by the governors **, and other officers, while they
remained in pofleffion.
a MafFsei Hift. Indica, part i. lib. iii. cap. 8, k Les Etats, Em-
pires, et Pfincipautez, du Monde, p. 25Z.
It
the Portuguefe in the Eajl Indies. y^
It is very certain, that, during that fpace, the city oF improve-
Mufkat was very much improved ; for, befides regular ments made
fortifications, they cret^ed a (lately church, a noble col- h ^^'"f'
lege, and many other public ftru<Sl:ures, as well as very
fine ftone houfes, in vi^hich the principal merchants refid-
ed, and thofe who, by the management of public affairs,
had acquired fortunes to live at their eafe. In procefs of
time, however, they began to treat the natives fo ill, and
to lay their commerce under fo many difficulties, that at
length, defpairing of redrefs any other way, they had re-
courfe to arms ; and though it is on all hands allowed,
that the fubjeds of Portugal behaved very gallantly, yet,
in the end, they were reduced to fuch extremities, as to
be glad to embark, with their beft efFe£ls, on board their
fhips in the port, and retire to their other fettlements.
This was about the year 1648 : but the war did not end
here ; they made frequent attempts to recover a place of
fuch importance, fometimes by force, fometimes by ne-
gociation, but without efFe61:. It is true, that for many
years they difturbed the trade of this place ; but thefe ho-
ililities became difadvantageous in the end ; for, by de-
grees, the Arabians became expert feamen, excellent in
the ufe of fire-arms, and raifed a confiderable maritime
force. The fovereign of this country is at prefent mafter
of all the coaft, from Raz-al-Gate to Al-katifF, which is
an extent of five hundred miles. His capital is Nazura,
and Mufkat is entrufted to the care of a governor, who
has very extenfive pov^ers ^.
As this is at prefent by much the moll confiderable port 'I'hejliua*
for trade in this part of the Vv^orld, it may not be amifs to ''^^» ^^'-
dwell upon fome farther particulars.. The climate is ex- ^^'f' '"'^
cefRvely hot in fummer. The mountains that lie at the the countrf
back of the city are bare and barren ; but the vallies are about Muf"
frefh and fruitful, though it does not rain above twice or *<*'♦
thrice in as many years ; but the dew which falls in the
night fupplies the herbs with moifture, and the fruits
with the richefl juices. They have oranges, lemons,
grapes, apricots, and peaches, in abundance ; but what
they value much more than any of thefe, and therefore
cultivate vaft orchards of them, are dates, exquifite in
tafte, of which they have fuch plenty, that they ex-
port many cargoes every year. R.oots they have, and
herbs in great quantities, and in the higheft perfection ;
neither do they want cattle, fowl, or fiili. In a word, it
« Ovlngtcn's Voyage to Surat, p 410.
is
74
Authors
kwue highly
commended
the inha-
bitants of
the city of
Mujkat,
A defcrip'
tion of the
ijland and
fortrefs of
Diu,
Conquejls and Settlements of
is a fine and fertile country, confidered diftln£i:ly ; but,
in comparifon of the reft of Arabia, it is a perfe^ para-
dife ; and if we were to give entire credit to modern tra-
vellers, we would go near to add, that it is inhabited by
angels ^.
The people, indeed, have embraced the religion of
Mohammed, but have not only cancelled whatever feems to
favour of fenfuality in the Koran, but have alfo refined
upon the morality contained therein to fuch a degree,
that Chriftian writers, and thofe too of different nations,
defcribe them as the moft uncorrupt, and at the fame
time the moft polite people in the Eaft. They not only
refrain from wine and fpirits, but from coffee and tea, as
liquors drank to delight the palate rather than to anfwer
the necefflties of nature, for which plain water or fherbet
is, in their opinion, fufficient. The fame temperance is
obferved in eating, and in every thing elfe ; and, with re-
fpe6l to lewdnefs and debauchery, they are not punifhed,
becaufe they are not known. Robberies are never heard
of; and their policy is fo exa61:, that never any neceffity
is felt capable of exciting men to fteal. Their heads are
always fo cool, that ftrangers deal with them without trou-
ble: they do ftri£t juftice without feverity; and where
men's misfortunes make charity a virtue, it has no other
meafure than that of their need. Thefe are qualities that
attraft reverence and affection, and at the fame time
eftablifh a confidence which is the very foul of trade. All
mercantile tranfaftions are carried on in the day-time ; no
bargain can be made, no boat can go on fhore, after fun-
fet. Thefe circumftances may appear incredible, but they
are fupported by good authorities, neither have they been
contradicted ^.
The illand of Diu lies at the entrance of the gulf of
Cambaya, in the latitude of 22 deg. 20 min. and at the
diftance of two hundred leagues from Cape Commorin.
The illand, or rather peninfula, upon which the city
ftands, is about a league in length, and about a quarter
of a league in breadth *". The city is but fmall, yet well
built, and thoroughly fortified, exclufive of the three forts
raifed for its defence, two of which are very ftrong, and
the third is held impregnable. When the Portuguefe em-
d Hamilton'* Account of the Eaft Indies, vol. i. chap. 7,
« Diftionaire Univerfel de Commerce, torn. ii. col. 705. Ovington's
Voyage to Surat, p. 420. f Baldjeus's Defcription of the Coaft's
of Malabar and Coromandel, chap. 7.
pire
the Tortuguefe in the Eajl Indies* 73
pire was in its profperity^ and before Cambaya and Surat
were grown into reputation, it was a place of very great
trade, and the port always full of (hips. Notwithftanding
it has been long in a ftate of gradual decay, it flill holds
up its head j and though the merchants that refide there
are fewer in number, and do not make quite fo great a
figure as they did, yet they are ftill in a tolerable condi-
tion j and knowing how much their fecurity depends upon
the ftrengthof the garrifon, and the good condition of the
works, they very chearfully contribute to the pay of tlie
one and the fupport of the other. The narrow dillri£t
that lies without, fupplies them tolerably with provifjons,
which they are fo wife as to fell very cheap to the crews
of fuch fhips as put in here for refrelhments ; and have by
this moderation preferved feveral branches of commerce
that would have been otherwife loft. They maintain a
good correfpondence with the people of Guzerat ; who,
finding their magazines and ihops well fupplied with Eu-
ropean goods, and lying, as it were, juft at their doors,
commonly prefer this to more diftant markets ^. For
thefe, and for fome other reafons which will appear in
their proper place, Diu is looked upon as one of the mod;
important fortrefTss yet remaining to the crown of Por-
tugal in the Indies, at the entrance of which it lies, and
of which there are fome writers who ftyle it the key ^.
The firft place on the continent of the Indies, called The fortrefs
the peninfula without the Ganges, belonging to the Por- of Daman
tuguefe, is Daman, fituated on a peninfula at the mouth v^'"^^^^'
of the gulf of Cambaya, in the latitude of 21 deg. at an
equal diftance between Surat and Baffaim. The Portu-
guefe became mailers of it early, and fortified it regu-
liirly ^ The city is large, and was formerly very populous ;
the port is but indifferent, but the citadel is reputed one
of the beft fortrefles in the Indies. There is ftill fome
trade carried on here, more efpecially in corn and rice.
Some old families arc rich ; and the place having remain-
ed fo long in the hands of the Portuguefe, they have never
wanted a fufficient force to defend it when attacked,
which is the reafon that it remains in their hands at this
time ''. When the famous emperor of the Indies, Au-.
reng Zib, came before it with an army of forty thoufand
g Hamilton's Account of the Eaft Indies, vol. i. p. 140, i4t.
^ Didionaire Univeifel de Commerce, vol ii. col. 778. i P.
L^fitaii Hifl-oire des Conquelies des Pcrtuguais, vol. iv. p. aoo.
DeTcript. on of the Coads of Malabar and Corornande!, by Bal-
darus, cii.i[). ii,
ir.en,
7 5 Conquefts and Settlements of
men, he flattered himfelf with the hopes of driving the
Europeans out of his dominions ; but this fiege made him
entirely alter his notions. It was defended by an old
officer, who had under him three of his fons, and a gar-
rifon of eight hundred men. The Mogul having made
fome progrefs with his artillery, determined to make a ge-
jieral aflault on a Sunday morning about break of day.
The governor had intelligence of this defign, and refolved
to fave him the labour. About half an hour after midnight
he made a fally with fix hundred men, upon the ftrongeft
poll in the Indian army, where all the elephants were
kept : he began with throwing in a vaft quantity of dif-
ferent kinds of fire-works, and immediately after ordered
the drums to beat, and the trumpets to found. The ele-
phants, frighted with the noife and the light, broke
loofe, and turned upon their own army. The confufion
occafioned by this fudden attack was increafed by the Por-
tuguefe, of whom two hundred were horfe, and did great
execution. In fhort, the Mogul having loft half his men,
and all his artillery, retired with precipitation, and made
it thenceforward one of his maxims not to attack Euro-
peans any more K Not far from hence lay Bombay, one
of the beft ports they had, which being given to- the En-
glifli as part of the marriage-portion of the infanta Ca-
therine, there is no necelhty of our dwelling upon it longer
here.
An account The city of Chaoul ftands in the latitude of i8 deg. 30
of the for- min. It is very well fituated, and has a very fpacious
trefs of pQj-^ Qf ^ay, the entrance of which, however, is a little
**'• difficult. The Portuguefe took it in 1507, and improved
it prodigioufly. About it lies a Moorifti town, the inha-
bitants of which are dependent on the Portuguefe govern-
ment'". There is a greater number of rich merchants
left here than in any place that yet owns obedience to the
crown of Portugal. A great many, and thofe very excel-
lent, filk manufactures, are made here, and a confiderable
trade is carried on in fpices ; fome (hips annually refort
hither from China ; and here that fpirit of diligence and
induftry, for which the Portuguefe were formerly remark-
able, ftill fubfifts. There are feveral villages under its
jurifdidlion ; and the adjacent country being extremely
fruitful, their farms and plantations turn to a very good
1 Voyage de Jean Baptifte Tavernier, feconde partie, p. aSp,
m p. Lafitau Hiftoirc des Conquefles ties Portuguais, vol. iv. p.
191. 300.
account.
4he Portuguefe in the Eaji Indies » y-j
account, as they fupply all the neighbouring fettlements, and
part of the Mogul's dominions, with horfes, black cattle,
grain, and fruits.
Onor, in the latitude of 13 degrees 30 minutes, was the The king.
capital of a kingdom when the Portuguefe arrived in thefe ^'"» <^''^
parts, who firft owned the prince of it for their ally, and f^^^^P ^f
afterwards made him their fubject. They built a good fort ^^^^gJ
there to maintain their power, and to fecure the ipe^pcr- yet Jiill itt-
trade, what is found there being reputed the beft in the habited bj
Indies. This fortrefs being very llrong, rendered thePor- ^^^ Portu-
tuguefe carelefs ; and their fecurity induced the natives of ^"^'*
the country, at the perfuafion and with the affiflance of
the Dutch, to attack, and make themfelves mafters of It,
by which meafure they were enabled to (hake off the
yoke, and have been free ever fince. There are, how-
ever, a great number of Portuguefe inhabitants, who ftill
live there in peace and fafety ; and, if they are not ex-
tremely rich, they are at leaft quiet and content ".
Cananor is at this day a large and populous city, inha- Strength,
bited chiefly by Mohammedans, who carry on a very con- {''^^^i ^«^
fiderable trade. We have {hewn how the Portuguefe came ^^P°^'
to ereft a very ftrong fortrefs here, by which they became ^j/y o/Ca-'
entire mafters of the commerce ; and, if it had been as well nanor, and
fortified towards the land as it was towards the fea, it had prefent
ftill remained in all probability in their power ; but the ^t^'^"-^'^^
Dutch, with the affiftance of the natives, attacked it, and, ^ ^^''
after the garrifon had made a good defence, granted them
an honourable capitulation **. The rice of this country is
in great efteem ; and, befides this, they have fugar, pep-
per, ginger, and other rich commodities ; fo that it is
computed that not lefs than two hundred fail of fhips ar-
rive annually in the port, which is now open to all the
European nations that have fettlements in the Indies.
Calicut was the capital of the Samorin, or emperor of Calicut
Malabar, and, as we have fhewn, the firft port vifited by abandonei
the Portuguefe, when, by doubling the Cape of Good *^ 'Z^^^'*'
Hope, they opened a direO: paflage by fea to the Indies. pfacTof^
Here, after long wars, in which many thoufands of people great
were confumed, they erefted a ftrong fort, and were ab- t^'ade^ and
folute mafters of the trade till about the beginning of the •^^^^'f '^'
laft century, when the Dutch began to interfere with them, the SamQ*
and made a league with the Samorin, whom they affifted nVr.
in his wars againft the Portuguefe, and enabled him more
" Baldaens's Defcription of the Coafts of Malabar and Coroman-
del, chap. 16. • Guyon Hiftoire des Indes Orienralcs, torn.
than
78 Conquejis and Settlements of
than once to diftrefs them exceedingly : yet they defended
themfelves fo gallantly, that their enemies were not able
to reduce them by force ; but what violence could not ef-
feft, was quickly brought about by diflenfions amongft
themfelves ; which threw their affairs into fuch confufion,
that at length they blew up their fort, and abandoned the
place to the natives. It flill remains a place of great trade,
the French, Englifh, Dutch, and Danes, having factories
there ; and the bazar, or market-place^ is efteemed the fineft
in that part of the world p. Pepper, fine linens, falt-petre,
fweet-fcented woods, and rice, are the chief commodities.
The fand of the river, which falls into the port, is mixed
>vith grains of very fine gold ; and the poorer inhabitants
obtain a fubfiflence by wafhing them out, which is very
hard labour ^.
A.D.1504. Cranganor, the capital of a fmall kingdom of the fame
• name, was a place v/here the Portuguefe had a very ftrong
The paft fort, which obliged the natives to remove their town to
andprefent f^j^g diftance. That belonging to the Portuguefe was one
^iheforvref' ^^ ^^ faireft and fineft places in the Indies, and the chief
Jesanddif- refidence of the Chriftians of St. Thomas. The Portu-
tr'tas oj gucfe fettled here very early; and continued in abfolute
Cranganor pofieffion, to the great grief of the natives •", till their fort
Attd Cochin, ^^g attacked and taken by the Dutch, who granted the
garrifon a good capitulation, and tranfported them to Por-
tugal. The kingdom of Cochin was in the like condition,
that is, had tv/o capitals, one belonging to the Portuguefe,
and the other to the natives. The former, we have fiiewn,
was the firll place they had in the Indies ; and the people,
whether better ufed, or longer acquainted with the Portu-
A.D.1667. guefe, remained always faithful to them. This place, after
■ a good defence, was taken by the Dutch, who found it a
large well-built city, and many public ftrudlures in it,
fome of which are now wholly ruined *.
Account of Choulan is the capital of the laft and the leaft kingdom
the fortrejs on the coaft of Malabar, its whole extent being fifteen
andcountry leagues. It was divided into the upper and lower town, the
^y iff'^r' former belonging to the natives, and the latter to the Por-
any con''e» tugucfe ; and a very fine place it was, in which they had
qn'ence an feveral monafteries, iz-^Q,n handfome churches, a noble ex-
the coaft cf change, and a ftateiy caftle built of free-ftone, in which
Malabar, the Portuguefe governor refided. The port was fpacious,
p'BaldJEUs's Defcription of the Coaftsof Malabar and Coroman-
dcK chr.p, 17. \ Hamilton's Account of the Eaft Indies, vol,
i. D 309. t Guyon Hiftojre des Indes, torn ii. p. 93. » Bal-
daeus'j Dsfcription, &c. chap. 80.
and
the Portu^uefe in the Eafi Indies, 79
and fafe for fmall vefTels, which drew a great trade to
the place, rendering it very populous, and many of its in-
habitants rich ^ The Dutch made themfelves once maf- A. D. 1661.
ters of it, and could not keep it •, for the people furprifed '
their garrifon, cut their throats, and reftored it to the
Portuguefe, from whom it was again taken, after a long
.and bloody fiege ; fince which period it is much decayed,
and many marks of its former magnificence are reduced to
ruins ". This is the lafl place of ajiy great confequence
between the river Indus and Cape Commorin, which is the
point that terminates the peninfula that was formerly in the
hands of the Portuguefe, of whom it may be truly faid,
that if they had built fewer and larger fortrefles, and had
been as ftudious to reprefs luxury as they were to reduce
the natives, they might have retained much longer that
empire, the acquifition of which does fo much honour both
to their courage and conduct.
The Maldives are fo fituated, that it was impofhble the The Portu-
Portuguefe fhould be for any time fettled in the Indies ^^f/^ *'^'
without being acquainted with them, fince the mofl nor- ^^^Tf */•
thern of thefe iflands lie but fifty leagues from Cape Com- ^y permif"
morin. They extend from eight degrees of north latitude Jtom-, but,
to four degrees of fouth in length, confequently near two g^onvin^ -
hundred leagues ; but they are not above thirty or thirty- ^^M^^^f
five leagues in breadth, in any part of the Archipelago w. ^g^the "
Within this fpace are contained a prodigious number of Maldiies.
iflands j fo that even in the time of Ptolemy, that is, in
the fecond century, they were accounted upwards of thir-
teen hundred ; but the inhabitants maintain, that a fmall
part of them only were then known ; for their fovereign
takes the title of foltan of the Maldives, king of thirteen
provinces and twelve thoufand ifles ^. Admiral Suarez
difcovered them in 1507 ; and he made an alliance with
their king, which was confirmed by Sequeira, who de-
manded leave to build a fort upon the ifle of Male, the
Jargeft of them, and the chief city of the fame name is the
capital of their monarchy, which is ancient, rich, and
powerful y. John Gomez, who was fent thither for this
purpofe, met with a favourable reception, and, by dint of
prefents, prevailed upon the king to agree to his demand.
He built this fort of wood, there not being either ftone
t Hamilton's Account of the Eaft Indies, vol. i. p, 335. «Bal-
daeus's Defcription, &c. chap. 21. w Voyage aux Indes, par
Mandelflo, p. 184. Ptolema?i Geogr. lib. viii. x Guyon
Hiftoiie des Indes, vol. li. p. 187. y P. Lafitau Hiftojre des
Conqueftes des Portuguais, torn, ii, p. 297?
or
do Conquejis and Settlements of
or lime in the ifland. It was extremely well fituated, and
commanded the port, fo that it might have been of great
fervice to the Portuguefe if he had behaved as became him ;
but no fooner was the fort finifhed, than, prefuming on
the terror of the Portuguefe name, he began to lord it
over all the ftrangers that traded thither, though his garri-
fon confided but of feventeen men ; which infolence oc-
cafioned a confpiracy of the Mohammedans againft him,
Avho, attacking him when he expelled it leaft, cut off him
and all his people to a man, levelling the fort with the
ground. The Portuguefe were never afterwards able to
obtain any eftablifhment in the Maldives ^.
At the time the Portuguefe were mailers in thefe parts,
the taking of oyfters in the ftreight betwixt the illand of
Ceylon and the continent, was ftyled by way of excellence,
the Fifhery, and very defervedly ; for though fome prefer
the pearls taken near the ifland of Baharen in the Perfian
gulf, and thofe likewife found on the coaft of China at
Hainan, yet it might be very cafily proved, from the com-
parifon of the annual amount of thofe fifheries within this
period, that they were very feldom fuperior to this of
•which we are fpeaking *. It was one of the wifeft points
in the Portuguefe policy, that, though they were really in
poffeflion of this beneficial commerce, yet they chofe to
difiemble it, and took all imaginable precautions in order
to make the natives believe that they were perfe61:ly free,
and that their interpofition was not fo much the effetSls of
authority as of good-will ; it was for this reafon that they
never pretended to ere£l an^ fort either at Tutuccrin or at
Calrpatnam, two towns upon the continent, from whence
moft of the fifliers and their barks came, and that tliey
fuffered the ancient cuftoms to take place ^.
The feafon of the fifhery was the latter end of April, or
the beginning of May,fometimes fooner, fometimes later, ac-
cording to the weather. The dire£lion of it was left entirely
to the fovereign of the country, called the Naik j and thePor-
tuguefe, in quality of the protestors of the fea, fent two fri-
gates to defend the fifhing-veflels from the Malabar and Mal-
dive pirates. The time which this pearl-fiihing lailed was
about a fortnight, of the beginning of which the Naik
gave public notice ; and, the day being come, there re-
paired to the place afligned feveral thoufands of people of
all fexea and ages, and an indefinite number of fifhing vef-
"^ Maffsei Hift. Indica, p. i. lib. vii. cap. 7. a Hiftoire
Natiir. deslndesde lofeph Acofta,lib. iv. cap. 15. b Voyage
dc Jean Baptiftc Xavernier, feconde partic, p. 36a,
fels,
the Porfuguefe in the Raft Indies, S I
fels, and divers from five or fix hundred to a thoufand or
more. Upon a fignal given, the boats put to fea ; and,
having chofe their proper ftations, the divers plunged, and
brought up the oyfters in little ballcets upon their heads ;
with which the boats being fufBciently laden, they were
carried on (liore, where the people who remained there
for that purpofe buried them in the fand, till, by the heat
of the fun, the fifh was corrupted and confumed, and the
pearls eafily taken out. The whole producil: of the firft
day's fifhery belonged to the Naik ; and, after that deduc-
tion, what was caught every day was feparated, and par-
ticularly diftinguifhed, but went to the common profit*
The whole number of people employed at fea and on
fliore amounted frequently to fifty or fixty thoufand fouls;
and the pavilions ancj^ tgnts fet up for their accommoda-
tion made a fine appearance at a dillance.* When the
pearls were extracted, cleanfed, and dried, they pafled
them through a kind of fieves, by which th^ir fizes were
diftinguifhed. "When all was over, the Naik appointed a
time and place for the public market ; in confequence of •
•which there was a kiq^ of fair, that lafted commonly from
the clofe of June till the beginning of September. The
fmalleft, which are what we call feed-pearl, they ifeld by
weight 5 and all the reft according to theif refpec^live fizes
and beauty, from a feW ftiillings up to ten or twenty pounds,
and fometimes more a-piece ; but there^Were few buyers,
except the Portuguefe merchants, who, bringing ready
money, had good bargains, and thus all parties were
pleafed ^ The Portuguefe aflluned the prote<Slion of this
fifliery very foon after they fettled in the Indies, and held
it till the year 165^, when, in confequence of their loflei
in Ceylon, and elfewhere, it fell into the hands of the
Dutch, who have remained in pofleflion of it ever
fince-(O). ^^
f Di6Vionaire Univerfel de Commerce, torn. li. col. 787. d Bal-
djBus's Defcription of the Coafts of Malabar and Coromandel,
chap. a2.
(O) The Dutch have chang- continent; fometimes on the
ed this method, as we arc in- ifland of Manar, which is in
formed by a perfon very well ac- the hands of the Dutch, who,
quainted with their affairs ; the notwithftanding, follow the ex-
courfe into which they have ample of the Portuguefe, and
put it is, in few words, this : lay claim to no higher title
the camp is fometimes held on than that of protedtors of the
the coail of Madura, upon the fifhery, in which quality their
Mod- Vol,. VIII. , PVlGvCy. commif-
^2 Conquejls and Settlements of
Of the Wc come next to that beautiful ifland which lies heyond
namest ex- the Maldives, to the fouth of Cape Commorin, the name
tent, condi' of which, differently written by modern writers, is Cey-
*^°"* ^^°' Ion, Ceylan, or Ceilon, called by the inhabitants Lamca,
po'vern- which in their language fignifies the Terrejirial Paradtfe^
fnent, of or Holy Land, a name given by its firft king Vijia Rajah,
Ceylon, who is fuppofed to have flourilhed five hundred years be-
'^^^" Yl ^^^^ Chrill ^, It was afterwards called Ilanara, or Tra-
Suarez. ^ nate, which is as much as to fay the infular kingdom \ and
Hibenaro, or the Fertile Ifland', and Tenarifim, or the
country of delight. The Arabians call it Serendib, or ra-
ther Serendive. It is by many held to be the largeft, and
is beyond controverfy one of the richeft and fineft iflands
in the world. The Portuguefe fettled here in 1506, under
the condu6l of Lawrence Almeyda, who erected a column
"with an infcription, teftifying that he took pofleflion of
that country on behalf of Emanuel, king of Portugal, be-
caufe it had no mafter ; though at the very fame time he
treated with the emperor of Ceylon, and promifed him
the prote£lion of his monarch, in confideration of two
thoufand five hundred quintals of fine cinnamon, as an
annual tribute K In 1520 they built a fort here, and be-
gan to fettle ; and afterwards aflumed an abfolute power
e Guyon HiftoJre des Indes Orientales, torn. ii. p. 193, 194.
f Baldaeus'sDefcription of the Ifland of Ceylon, chap. z.
commilTary is ever in the he proceeds to opening th«
camp, as well as the naik, or oyflers, but always in the air,
fovereign of the country^ who is for the Hench is fo great as to
alfo the rajah of Tanjour. The be almoiUnfupportable. They
oyflers caught every day are open them over tubs, into
put up in tuns or barrels, of which they pour what comes
which when a certain number out of the oyller, as alfo that
arc full, they put them up to muddy water that remains in
fale by way of auftion ; and thecafic; next they draw it out
the merchants bid according as into cullenders of feveral fizes,
they have an opinion of the and at length perhaps they find
year, that is, of the ftate of the four or five fliilUngs v/orth of
oyflers for the feafon ; but the pearls, fometimes to the value
middle price is between thirty of ten or twelve pounds ; fo
or forty fiiillings fterling per that it is a j^rfe^l lottery, by
caik. When a merchant has which fome few becoming rich,
bought fuch a lot as this, he it betrays numbers into beg-
carries it to his quarters ; and, gary (i).
gfter a certain number of days,
(i) From a MS. Memoir of M. Garvin.
over
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies* Oj
ever a great part of the ifland, under colour of the empe-
ror's will, who made the Portuguefe heirs of his dominions.
The trade they carried on was very confiderable \ and the
commodities they drew from hence were long pepper, fine
cotton, ivory, filk, tobacco, ebony, mulk, cryftal, falt-
petre, fulphur, lead, iron, fteel, copper, befides the three
capital articles of cinnamon, precious (tones, and elephantSi
As foon as the Dutch came into the Indies, they formed
defigns of making themfelves mafters of fo valuable a
jilace s. They made their firft defcent in the year 1602,
and carried on fometimes open wars, fometimes fecret
contrivances, again ft the Portuguefe, till, in the fpace of
about fifty-five years, they abfolutely drove or wormed
them out of Ceylon, making themfelves mafters of Co-^
lombo and Negombo, which were the principal places in
the ifland, and of the ftrong fortrefs of Punto Gallo, which
commands the beft haven in Ceylon. The Portuguefe
held their eftablifhments here for about a hundred and fifty
years, under fixteen captain-generals, from Don Pedro
Lopez de Soufa, who was the firft, down to Don An-
tonio d'Amiral y Menezez, who was the laft. Thofe
beft acquainted with the hiftory of the Indies In ge-
neral, and of this iHand in particular, agree, that it Was
loft, after fo long a pofleffion, through the covetoufnefs
and pride of the governors, and the luxury, lazinefs, and
cowardice, of the foldiers.
The firft place of note that occurs on the coaft of Coro- TheJIate of
mandel, that relates to our fubje6l, is Negapatan, that is, Negapatan
in the language of the natives, the City of Serpents, fo ^/^^^/l^
called not only becaufe the country behind it is very full of ^epdlyihe
ferpents, but likewife on account of a kind of religious re- portuguefe,
fpe^l: that is paid them by the natives, who look upon it as ^nd enjer
a fort of impiety to kill them. When the Portuguefe came /''^'«
into the Indies, this was very little better than a ftraggling
village, or at moft but an open town ; but they, quickly
perceiving the ufes that might be made of it, and more
efpecially how conducive it would be to the fecurity of
their trade in the gulf of Bengal, not only erected walls,
but improved it in other refpe£ls to fuch a degree, that it
became a fair and beautiful city, adorned with feveral fine
churches, and a fuperb college belonging to the Jefuits *".
They held it till they loft the ifland of Ceylon ; and it be-
g Recueil des Voyages qui ont fervi a PEdabliflement de la Com-
pagnie des Ind€s Orientales, torn. iv. p. 90, 91. ^ Baldaeus's
Defcription of the Coafts of Malabar and Coromandel, chap. %%,•
G 2 came
§4 Conquefts and Settlements of
*.D. i6s«. came then a place of fuch confequence to the Dutch, thai
■ • ' they pradifed upon the king, or prince of Tanjour, to
abandon his old allies the Portuguefe, and by his affiftancc
became mailers of it *. The Portuguefe knew the value of
it too well to part with it eafily, or to forget the lofs of it
foon ; and therefore they made a great effort to recover it ;
in* which they fucceeded, but did not keep it long j for
the Dutch were now grown fo ftrong in the Indies, andl
had difpoffeffed the Portuguefe of fo many places, that it
was impoffible for them to relieve it when befieged 5 this
was the reafon that the Dutch became mailers of it again,
A.D. 1662. and have continued fo ever fince''. It is at this time a
/ ' — place of very great trade, though the port is not extraordi-
nary 5 and almofl: all the different nations in the Indies,
Moors, Indians, and Armenians, are here fettled, and
trade under the prote61ion of the fort.
MeliapoWi Meliapour, which lies ten miles to the north of the
tf St. Iho' Englifh fettlement at Fort St. George, was of old the capi-
masttscom' ^^j ^^ ^^it kingdom of Coromandel ; and partly on its ruins,
^donaTtke P^^^^Y i" i^s neighbourhood, the Portuguefe eredled the
fame cityy ftately city of St. Thomas, or, as it is commonly called,
hoivadorn- St. Thome, which is the reafon that, notwithllanding,
edandhocuj f^j^g travellers diftinguiili between the Indian . and the
ecaye . Chrillian city, yet molt writers confider them as the fame
place ; which, if it be an error, is however not very inex-
cufable ^ It was, and indeed flill is, inhabited by wea-
vers and dyers, and noted for making the beft coloured
fluffs in India, which they tranfport to Malacca, Java,
the Molucca Iflands, Siam, Pegu, &c. The excellency
of the dye is attributed to the peculiar quality of the water
which arifes out of fprings in white fandy ground, with-
out any clay. It was de folate at the arrival of the Portu-
guefe, who rebuilt it in 1545 ; and it increafedto that de-
gree in buildings and inhabitants, that in a few years it
was one of the finefl cities in the Indies. It is fortified
with a fione wall and feveral baflions, and has above
three hundred towns and villages under its jurifdi£lion.
When it was in the hands of the Portuguefe, it was firft
fubje£l to the fee of Cochin, and afterwards made a biffiop-
rick under the archbifliop of Goa. They had feveral
churches, where the Mahometans and Pagans were in-
itruded and baptized, befides others, with two mona-
* Guyon Hiftoiredes Indes, torn, ii- p. 100. ^ Hamilton's
Account of the Eafl: Indies, vol. i. c z8« ^ Guyon Hiftoire
des Indes, torn. ii. p. 119.
fterl^s
tie Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies. 85
ftenes and a college of Jefults here, where the Portuguefe
and Malabar children were inftrucSled. Next to the col-
lege was a very large parifli, inhabited by none but con-
verts •". There is alfo the famous church of St. Thomas
the Apoftle, who, the Portuguefe fay, was buried here,
and pretend to fhew his fepulchre on the top of a neigh-
bouring mountain, over which they hare built a fmall
chapel, that is feen off at fea. Near the college, upon a
pretty high hill, there is another chapel, which they pre^
tend was the apoftle's dormitory j and they have adorned
that part, where he ufed to fay his prayers, with gilt iron
fteps. They likewife fhew a llone crofs, which they pre-
tend fell from heaven in that apoftle's time, and have
covered it with an arch. The wood of this chapel is looked
on as a precious relic ; fo that pilgrims frequently carry
away little bits of it, and fet them in gold. The city had
feven gates, and was very ftrong from its fituation, being
covered by the fea on one fide, and by a chain of moun-
tains on the other ; yet the Moors took It, after a long A.D. i6€u
fiege, and are fllU in pofleiBon ; the road is very fafe from — —
April to September, when the fouth and fouth-weft winds
blow; but not in the other feafon, when {hips of any con-
(iderable burthen are obliged to retire into fome of the
adjacent ports ".
It appears from their own hiftories, that even in the By nvhat
time of their higheft profperity the Portuguefe contented imprudenc*
themfelves with thefe fettlements on the coail of Coro- ^^^^''!''"*
mandel, though their trade in thofe parts was of very ^^^J^ inHum
great importance ; but then they took great care to keep enceintht
thefe places in a good ftate of defence, and maintained in kingdom of
each of them a very numerous garrifon for their preferva- •P<g''»
tion, reftraining the rell of the coaft by their fquadrons
continually cruifing in the bay of Bengal. On the oppofite
(ide of that gulf the Portuguefe had once very great
power in the kingdom of Pegu, in confequence of their
aflifting the king againft his neighbour of Siam, who had
invaded his territories *, and would very probably have
made him his tributary, if a fmall body of Portuguefe had
not come to his afiiftance, by whom he was enabled not
only to defend himfelf againft his enemy, but even to carry
the war into his own country. It is eafy to difcern what
advantages might have accrued to the Portuguefe from this
favourable turn, if they had known how to improve it ;
m Baldaeus's Defcript" on of the Coafts of Malabar and Coroman-
4^t\i chap. S3 »« Atlas Geograph. vol. iii, p. 596,
G 3 |jut
86
The great
€ommerce
carried on
in the king-
corn of
Si am by
the Portu*
guefe, in
their pro-
fieriij.
Conquejls and Settlements of
but we learn from a late author, that what might hav«
turned fo much to their benefit, proved by their own ill
management, the caufe of their ruin ''.
The empire of Siam lies next to Pegu, and is a country
of vaft extent, the monarch of which was too powerful for
the Portuguefe to think of making any conquefts in his
dominions ; and therefore they chofe to live with him up^
on good terms, for the fake of the advantageous trade
carried on through his territories, which for that purpofe
are extremely well fituated, having on one fide the king-
doms of Laos, Camboyda, and Cochin-china, and on the
other the countries bprdering on the gulf of Bengal p.
Befides, there annually reforted thither a fleet of merchant
ihips from China, laden with all the rich goods of that .
empire. The Portuguefe continued to hold a fair corref-^
pondence with this monarch and his fubjefls, as long as
their power fubfifled in the Indies; but by degrees the
Dutch have long fince in a great meafure excluded them
from their influence here ; and have wrought themfelves
fo efFe£l:ually into the confidence of thefe kings, as to have
obtained an exclufive privilege of purchafing all the tin in
their dominions, which is a branch of commerce of pro-^
digious importance ^ ; yet the Portuguefe are not wholly
ejected, though their trade is little or nothing now, in
comparifon of what it was.
At the time the Portuguefe firft came into the Indian
feas, the great peninfula of Malacca was fubject to the
king of Johore ; and by what means the viceroys of the
crown of Portugal were led to attack and make themfelves
''tifiediy the mafter^ of that city, has been already Ihewn. After it
Jamena- fell into their hands, it changed its condition; and, in a
^^»' , very fliort time, became famous all over India and Europe,
lying almoll in the centre of trade, brought thither by
{hipping from the rich kingdoms of Japan, China, Formofa,
Luconia, Tonquin, Cochin-china, Cambodia, and Siam ;
befides what Johore produced, and Sumatra, Java, Borneo,
MacafTar, Banda, Amboyna, and Ternate, iflands that
abound in the moft valuable commodities '. After Goa
and Ormuz, this was by far the richefl city in the Indies,
and a great market for all the different commodities that
thefe countries produced. It was the feat of a bifhop ;
?ind the cathedral church, dedicated to St. Paul, was ex-
f4alacea
exceedingly
impro'vedy
as ivell as
jironglyfor
o Hamilton's Account of the Eaft Indies, vol. ii. p. 36. P Voy-
;ige au3t Indes, par Mandelflo, p. 304. 331. <» Tavernier, torn,
iv. lib. viii.cap. 18. r P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conqueftes des
fortuguaisj vol.ii. pi 117, 130.
tremely
the Tortuguefe in the Eaft Indies, 87
tremely elegant. They had, beCdes, five other parifh-
churches, and a noble college for the Jefuits, together
with a feminary, in which all new converts to the faith were
inftru£ted. The whole was encompafled with a ftrong
Hone wall, regularly fortified with baftions, the place
extremely well peopled, and the garrifon numerous and
well fupplied, becaufe the Portuguefe confidered it as the
eaftern frontier of their dominions, which therefore could
not be kept too fecure ^
In 1605 the Dutch attacked and deftroyed a fleet of ^^f««»^
Portuguefe here, confiding of thirty-four fail, on board of ^^f^'^'
which were three thoufand men 5 but notwithftanding J^^^^^J-J^
this vitStory, they were not able to take the place. Next ambition,
year the king of Johore invelled it with an army of fixty ijoho at
thoufand men, in revenge of what the Portuguefe had length re^
done againft him three years before, when they took and *^^"^ ''*
deftroyed his capital. However, he alfo was obliged to
raife the fiege with great lofs. But the Dutch, well
knowing the importance of the place, and the vaft advan-
tages accruing to the Portuguefe from its fituation and
commerce, the former affording them an opportunity of
levying ten per cent, upon all veflels paffing through the
flraits of Malacca, and the latter producing annually a large
revenue, they attacked it, in the year 1640, fo vigoroufly,
that they became mafters of it, after a fiege of fix months.
The wails and fortifications they preferved, as alfo the
church of St. Paul j but moft of the other churches they
have deftroyed, and the great hofpital they have turned
into a ware-houfe. The language fpoken here is efteem-
ed the moft copious and polite in the Indies, and there-
fore ferves as a kind of general tongue through all the
iflands and provinces lying farther to the eaft. In the
kingdom of Cambodia, or Camboya, the Portuguefe have
ftill a confiderable trade, and they are likewife well re-
ceived in Tonquin ; but what little commerce they novy
carry on ferves rather to keep them from ftarving in the
Indies than to enrich, or to enable them to make any
returns to Europe, with which they have in truth little or
no conne£lion, and about which confequently, they can-
not have much concern ^
s MafFsei, p. ii. lib xiv. cap. r. i Guyon Hiftoir des Indes,
vol, ii, p. 159. Voyages aux Indes, par Mandelflo, p. 344^
G 4 Mejtkodlcal
SB Con^uefts and Settlements of
Methodical Detail of their Concerns in refpeEl to Sumatra^ Ja^
vay Borneoy Celebes or Macajfar, Moluccas^ and Newt
Guiney ; with a Dete&ion of the falfe Policy and tyrannical
Ufage of the Natives^ by which they rendered themf elves odious^
and opened a Way for the Dutch tofubvert their Power^ and
raife a new, though not a milder^ Government on their ,
Ruins,
T/ie Pprtur THE ifland of iSumatra, which extends itfelf north-
gue/e, by weft and fouth-eaft, fronting the peninfula of Malacca, is
If fid - ^^^^^^^ ^y ^^ equinoxial into nearly two equal parts> ex-
ments on " tending to fix degrees of latitude north and fouth. It is
thi cgafts, about two hundred and fifty leagues in length, fixty in
fecured the breadth, and five hundred in circumference. The Portu-
eommerce gQgfe went thither firil under the command of Don Diego
tra^"^'^' Lopez de Seguira ". They found the country very rich
and fruitful, and under the dominion of feveral petty
princes, who were continually at war with each other.
One would have imagined that thefe diftra£lions muft
have afforded them an opportunity of fubjedling it entirely;
but it happened otherwife ; for the people by their con-
tinual difputes among themfelves, were become fo well
acquainted w jth the art of war, that the Portuguefe could
make no great impreffions ; but contented themfelves with
a few fettlements on the coaft, by which they were enabled
to carry on a very, lucrative trade with the inhabitants not
only in fulphur, rice, ginger, pepper, camphor, caffia,
fandal, and other rich woods and drugs, but alfo in fine
tin, iron, copper, filver, gold, and diamonds. The crown
of Portugal had frequent difputes with the princes in pof-
feffion of dominions within the compafs of this ifland, and
fometimes gained confiderable advantages over them ; but
were never able to fubdue them, or reduce any of their
pricipalitities under their power. They would llkewife
have been very well pleafed to erecl here, as well as in
other places, fome convenient citadel or fortrefs, which
by degrees would have given them an opportunity of con-
trolling the natives : but this permifiion they could never
obtain. The Dutch infefted this ifland from the clofe of
the fixteenth century j and, as their power increafed, be-
gaHj as ufual, to exclude all other nations ; but the in-
habitants foon fhook off their yoke, and are ftill in a grea^
ineafure free. It is for this reafon, probably, that almoft
nil our European nations concur in treating thefe people a$
9 Ma#ssi iiiil. Indica, p. i. lib. iv. cap. 4. Calleneda.
the Fortuguefe in the Eqfl Indies. 8^
tlie moft cruel, barbarous, and perfidious, in the Indies,
without ever confidering that thefe very epithets may be
juflly retorted upon fuch as endeavour to deprive them of
their liberties and their polTeflions, M^ithout the lead co-
lour of right. But to wave refletlions, as improper in
this place, let us proceed to the other great iflands, and
fay fomewhat of their ftate and condition during the do-
minion of the Portuguefe in thefe parts.
The noble iiland of Java was known and vifited by the 77ie Port*'
Portuguefe about the beginning of the fixteenth century, guefe e»'
chiefly on account of the trouble given them by the pirates ^^<?^^^*
fitted out from Bantam, or, as they call it, Bintam, ^"^^^.^Irs^nuitk
other places in the fame ifland. Thefe depredations pro- the fame-
voked Don Pedro Mafcarenhas to attack Bantam, which reigns of ^
he took and plundered, though George Albuquerque had ^^^^■^^*J^
attempted it in vain ^. Java Major lies fouth-eaft from '/•l^'^,
the peninfula of Malacca, having Sumatra lying before it,
from whence it is feparated by a narrow palTage, now fo
famous in the world by the name of the ftreights of Son-
da. Authors vary as to its dimenfions ; but the moft mo-
derate allow it nine hundred miles in circuit. The air is
generally efteemed more wholefome than in any of the
ifles before mentioned, the country exceeding fruitful,
and the coaft abounding with good ports. The Javanefc
pretend, that they are defcended from the pure and un-
mixed race of the old inhabitants of China, who retired
thither when their country was over-run by the Tartars ;
but before the Portuguefe came, they had not only mixed
with other neighbouring nations, but were alfo become Mo-
hammedans ^p The ifland at that time was cantoned out
among a number of little princes, fome more, fome lefs
powerful, but moft of them mafters of fome force by fea.
The Portuguefe generals faw plainly enough that they had
not Tlrength fufl&cient to keep this large ifland, and there-
fore contented themfelves with making a new king of Ban-
tam when they had taken it, and accepted from him an
annual tribute.
Panarucan, a fmall city, the capital of a little principa- Before the
lity of the fame name, having a commodious port, owed ^^^^P^^^^
much to their prote61:ion, and was raifed to be one of the /^^^^^^>^
principal marts of the whole country, where they not on- the inha- *
ly dealt in rice, pepper, and other commodities of the bitantsof
ifland, but alfo in gold, precious ftones, and fpices, ^H^'Mndn
more cuttji*-
^ MafFaei, p. ii. lib. ix. cap. ». * Nieuhofr»s Voyages to the iZl^^L,^
j:»a Indies, p. 3PI. ^ thaojim^
brought
90
How the
Portuguefe^
€ame to
torrefpond
nuith the
inhabitants
of the ijland
•f Borneo »
Stme ac'
tount of the
Beajust or
reputed/a^
nfages who
dwell ift
that tjland.
Conquejls and Settlements of
brought from other places, and more efpeclally from the
adjacent iflands. But fince the Dutch became mailers of
Batavia, and the emperor of Materan, and the king of
Bantam, have divided the ifland between them, this place
is become a fifhing-village, and all its trade is entirely loft.
It may be with truth affirmed, whatever fome travellers
may infinuate to the contrary, that the inhabitants of thefc
iflands in general, and of this in particular, are fallen
much below the ftate in which the Europeans found them.
No Javanefe monarch can now, as they did then, equip a
fleet of thirty fail of large fhips ; the admiral fo ftrongly,
though fo clumfily built, as to be abfolutely cannon-proof.
All the princes together are not now able to expel the
Dutch ; whereas a petty king, or even a queen, in thofe
days, could furnifh a force fufficient to beliege Malacca,
when it was the beft fortrefs in the Indies, both by land
and fea ; and not to befiege it only, but to reduce it to
great extremities *.
It was above thirty years after the Portuguefe arrived in
the Indies before they were acquainted with any thing
more than the name of the ifland of Borneo, and its fitua-
tion, by reafon of their frequently palling by its coafts.
About that time captain Edward Conil had orders to ex-
amine it more narrowly ; and being once acquainted with
the worth of the country, they made frequent voyages
thither. This ifland, which is almofl of a circular figure,
lies, at leafl part of it, under the equator, being about
five hundred leagues in circumference, and abounding
with the richefl commodities ; the hills afford gold, and
the lineft diamonds in India found in its rivers, wafhed
down, probably, from the hills, by the torrents that pour
from their lofty fummits. They found the coafls inhabit-*
ed by Malayan Moors, who certainly had eftablifhed them-
felves there by conquefl ; but the original inhabitants ftill
remain in the mountains, and are flyled Beajus, which in
the Malayan tongue fignifies Savage. The Moors are go*
verned by feveral kings, the chief of whom are thofe of
Banjar Mafleen, Succadon, and Borneo y.
The Beajus have no kings, but many little chiefs. Thofe
that are fubjefts to the king of Manjar, pay a tribute ;
but fuch as live farther up the country, and in places inac-
cefTible to the Moors, are abfolutely independent, and live
according to their own cuftoms. The Beajus are gene*?
X P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portnguais, torn. i/.
p. 1 1. y Guyon Hiftoire des Indcs Orientales, vol. ii. p. 247.
rally
I
the Portuguefe hi the Ea/l Indies, pi
tally very fuperftitious, and much addi6led to aupjury.
They do not adore idols ; but their facrifices of fweet
wood and perfumes are offered to one God, who they be- ~
lieve rewards the juft in heaven, and punifhes the wicked
in hell. They do not admit of polygamy ; and they look
upon any breach of conjugal faith as fo heinous an offence,
that every one contrives the death of the perfon tranfgrelT-
ing ; therefore the women are very modell and refened,
efpecially the maidens, who are not feen by their hufbands
till the wedding-day. Thefe people are naturally honeft,
induftrious, and have a brotherly affe6tion for each other.
They have a notion of property, which yet does not ren-
der them covetous. They fow, and cultivate their lands;
but in the time of harveft, each reaps fo much as will
ferve his family, and the reft belongs to the whole tribe itx
common, by which method they provide againft neceffity
and difputes. The coafts of the ifland were and are
chiefly inhabited by Moors, with whom the Portuguefe
traded to great advantage, when they found it not fo eafy
to conquer them, and entered into an alliance with the A.D. 1530W
king of Borneo, which was very advantageous to both
parties ^
About the fam.e time that they fettled a correfpondence ir/iat in-
with the people of the laft mentioned ifland, they be- tercourfe
came acquainted likewife with Celebes and its inhabitants, *^^^^ "^^^
fome fay by accident, others by the fhipwreck of fome of ^^^"^^^"^^Z
their veflels ; but it is generally agreed that their know- andtL
lege was but fuperficial, till one of their governors of the people of
Moluccas, Antonio Galvano, fent two of the natives, Celebes or
whom he had converted to Chriftianity, back to their pwn ^^^^£'^^*
country, where they brought numbers to embrace the
gofpel, and eftablilhed a good underftanding between the
people in general and the Portuguefe. The great ifland
of Celebes is divided from Borneo by the ftreights of Ma-
cafl^ar. Argenfola, and other authors, tell us the natives
are of a white complexion, and that they were formerly
much addicSled to piracy. There were originally feven'
kingdoms or principalities in this ifland, the princes of
which met together, and chofe a monarch, who had a li-
mited power or authority, which extended over the whole
ifland ; and whom, in cafe of tyranny, they depofed *.
The difcovery of fo confiderable a country was looked up-
on by the Portuguefe as a matter of great confequence j
2 P. Lafitau Hifloire des Conquetes des Portuguais, vol. iii. p.
azi. a Qervaife Hiftoire de Macaflar, p. 31.
and
9 1 Conquefis and Settlements of
and meafures were taken to fecure the afFections of the
inhabitants, whom it was not found eafy to conquer ^.
The mo- Thefe people were much braver, and more fagacious
fives on than moft of the Indians. After a little converfation with
nvhich the the Europeans, they began to difcern that there was no
Ik 7 J ^^^^^ or meaning in their own religion, which abounded
refol'vedto "^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ abfurd fables. They therefore renounced
abandon it unanimoufly, and became Deifts at once*^. But having
the religion ftiU doubts, they determined to fend at the fame time to.
oj their an- Malacca, and to Achin, to defire from the one Chriftian
'^^ * priefls, and from the other do^lors of the Mohammedan
law, refolving to embrace that religion, the teachers of
which fhould firfl arrive '*.
thwunac' The Portuguefe have hitherto been efteemed zealous
€ountably enough for their religion ; but it feems that Don Ruy
the ^°^^^ Perera, who was then governor of Malacca, was a Httle
fofair"an ^^^^'^^^^ '^^ ^^s concern for the faith, fince he made a great
accafion of ^^^ very unneceflary delay in fending the priefts that were
ejiablijhing defired. On the other hand, the queen of Achin, being.
the Chrif- 3 furious Mohammedan, no fooner received an account
tian faith, ^£ ^.j^jg difpofition in the people of the iiland of Celebes,
than fhe difpatched a veflel full of do6lors of the law,
who eftablilhed their religion effedlually among the' inha-
bitants. Some time after came the Chriftian priefts, and
inveighed bitterly againft the law of Mohammed, but to
no purpofe ^ the people of Celebes had made their choice,
and there was no bringing them to alter it ^ One of the
kings of this iiland, indeed, who had before embraced
Chriftianity, pcrfifted in the faith, and moft of his fub-
je£l:s were converted to it ; but ftill the bulk of the people
of Celebes continued Mohammedans, and are fo to this
day, and the warmeft zealots for their religion of any in
the Indies. But this difference in religion did not hinder
them from living on very good terms with the Portuguefe,
who eftablifiied a better trade there than in any other part
of the Indies ; for finding few rich commodities, and but
little opportunity of encroaching on the liberties of the
nation, they were glad to treat them as a free people 5
and the fituatlon of the country being extremely happy for
that purpofe, made It very foon, in refpe£l to the adjacent
iilands, the centre of commerce *".
* Maffaei Hift. Indica, p. ii. lib. x. cap. *«i. ^ Galvano*8
Dilcourfes. *> Le P. Alex, de Rhodes Voiages aux Indes, p.
49^. « Giiyon Hiftoire des Indes Orientales, torn, ii. p. 230.
^ Gcrvaifc Hiftoire de Macaflar, p. *33»
The
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies. 5^
The great ifland of Borneo, abounding In gold, dia- rhe happy
monds, pepper, and other rich commodities, lies but one fituation of
day's fail from thence; Amboyna, and the Spice Iflands, this country
not above three or four; the kingdoms of Siam, Cam- tnrejpeSf
boyda. Cochin-china, and Tonquin, the empire of China, ^'^^^^^**^
and the Philippine Iflands, within three hundred leagues :
we need not wonder, therefore, that the port of Jampo-
dan, the beft and moft capacious in all that part of the
world, fhould be conftantly full of fhips, and the great
towns on the coaft become places of prodigious trade.
The people themfelves were very induftrious, and at lead
as well Ikilled in navigation as any of their neighbours ;
and though they had not very rich commodities, except
gold, and that in no great quantities, yet they had plenty
of rice, elteemed the beft in the Indies, as their cotton is
allowed to be the fineft ; with thofe they traded to the
Moluccas, and from thence brought fuch vaft quantities
of fpices, that they drove a very confiderable trade in
them with their neighbours and the Europeans ^.
This ifland is fometimes called Celebes, and at others ^/'^^^
Macaflar ; becaufe the former, which lies in the north- l^l^jZ^^J'
weft part of the ifland, and the latter, which takes up all and bad
the fouth, were the principal kingdoms of the Ifland ; ef- qualities of
pecially the laft, the mionarchs of which v/ere very power- thenatives'
ful, and frequently mafters of the beft part of the ifland.
Their fubje<5:s, the bold eft and braveft of all the Indians,
are likewife remarkable for having a confummate knowlege
in poifons, which are fome of them of fo deadly a nature,
that the very touch or fmell of them is inftantly and in-
fallibly mortal. The men make ufe of them to envenom
the heads of their arrows, or rather darts, which they blow
through hollow trunks, and that, with fuch force and
dexterity, that they will hit a fmall mark at the diftance of
eighty yards ^» They dip all the points of their daggers in
the fame poifonous drugs ; and the very fcratch of either
dart or dagger kills without remedy. The women like-
■wife make ufe of thefe poifons to gratify their revenge ; for
as they themfelves are extremely conftant in their afi^eftion,
fo they have very quick refentments in cafes of infidelity,
efpecially in regard to Europeans, who frequently cohabit
with them, and fometimes marry them ^ As they were
the allies, not the fubjefts of the Portuguefe, fo they
g Recueil des Voyages qui ont fervi a rEtabliffement de la Com-
pagnje des Indies Orientales, torn. v. p. 113. ^ NieuhofF's
Voyages to the Eaft Indies, p. 316. * Gervaifc Hiftoire de
MacafTar,
were
p^ Conquejis and Settlements of
were mucli more attached to that nation than any other
Indians, and gave a very hofpitable reception to fuch as,
on the ruin of their colonies, fled thither for protection.
The Dutch reduced the king of Macaflar, after a long
war, in 1667, and prefcribed to him very hard terms,
particularly thefe ; that he Ihould deliver up to them the
harbour of Jompadan ; expel all the Portuguefe out of his
doniinions ; and laltly, renounce all commerce with the
Spice Iflands, without which his conquerors could not
have monopoHzed them, and kept him in fervile fub-
je6lion •=.
When they ^^^^ Moluccas, or Spice Iflands, were not difcovered
jirft vijited by the Portuguefe till the year 1 5 1 1 , and then,- as it were,
the Mo- by ch:ince. Francis Serrano, Diego d'Abreu, and Fer-
iuccas* dinand Magellan, being fent to make difcoveries, were
feparated by a ftorm j the firfl penetrated as far as Ter-
nate ; the two latter difcovered only the ifland of Am-
boyna, and afterwards that of Banda. They fpent about
eight years in thefe difcoveries, which coft Serrano his
life in his return. Antonio de Brito fucceeded Serrano in
the government, and built a fort at Ternate, under colour
of protecting the king of that ifland, who was an infant,
but in reality with an intention to ellablifh the power of
the Portuguefe over the king and his fubjetls likdwife'.
In the meantime Ferdinand Magellan, having had veryexa£l
intelligence, from his friend Francis Serrano, of the fitua-
tion of thefe rich iflands, and knowing alfo what an im-
menfe fortune he had got within the fpace of a few years,
while he refided at Ternate, refolved to return to Portu-
gal, in order to obtain, if pofFible, the reward which he
thought due to his fervices j and, if that was refufed him,
to withdraw into Spain, and fuggcfl to the emperor,
Charles V. that he had a better right to the Moluccas than
the crown of Portugal, according to the pope's bull for
fettling that point. His fuit was rejeCled at Lifbon, with
circumftances that gave a man of Magellan's fpirit great
dillafte ; he therefore applied himfelf with diligence to
the execution of the latter part of his projeCl, and fuc-
ceeded in it, even againft the will of the emperor, whofe
council went warmly into the propofal ; in confequence
of which Ferdinand Magellan failed with a fquadron for
the difcovery of a new route to the Moluccas, September
^ See a more fnll account of this matter in the Hiftory of the.
Dutch Settlements in the Indies. ^ Argenfola Conquilta dc
las Idas Malucas, lib. i.
the
the Portuguefe in the Eajl Indies, gj
the 2 1 ft, 15 19, from the port of St. Lucar In Spain. In
that expedition, of which we fliall have occafion to fpeak
more at large hereafter, he did indeed difcover by that
ftreight, which has ever fince borne his name, a new paf-
fage to the Moluccas, through the South Seas. The
court of Portugal was very well apprifed of his intention,
and had fent proper intelligence of it to the Indies, with
inftru^tions to the viceroy how to condu(^ himfelf upon
that occafion. But let us now return. to the Spice Iflands,
and to that ftrange turn of affairs which happened there.
Henry Garcias, who fucceeded Antonio Brito, was at ^fpecimen
that time governor of the Moluccas ; and he, finding all "-^'^^^ ^"'^
things extremely embarraffed by the war which his prede- ^^- ^ ^V
ceffor had made againft the king of Tydore with very little ^hkh tht
advantage, thought fit, on his firfl coming to his govern- Fortugueft
ment, to make peace v/ith Aimanfor, who was then king ioflthe
of that ifland, on condition that he ihould reftore the '*'^^^^*
artillery and prifoners taken from the Portuguefe, which,
in the fpace of fix months, he undertook to do -, but the
face of affairs in thofe parts altering foon after, Garcias
repented his having made the peace, and refolved to renew
the war ; believing, that if he could reduce this ifland,
it would very much extend the Portuguefe power, and
raife his reputation "". To furnifh himfelf, therefore, with
fome pretence for breaking with the king of Tydore, he,
before the time limited in the treaty was expired, fent to
demand the cannon and prifoners. Aimanfor modeftly
remonftrated, that he would have delivered them up
when the peace was made if it had been in his power ;
but that, having lent the cannon to a prince who was his
neighbour, it required fome time to get them back. He
had fo little fufpicion, however, of the governor's bad de-
Cgn, that being at this time very much indlfpofed, he re-
quefted Garcias to fend him a phyficlan, v/hofe advice he
might ufe for his recovery ". The governor accordingly
fent him one, under whofe direftion the king having put
himfelf without the lead referve, was by him moll bafely
polfoned. Immediately after that monarch's death, Gar-
cias fent again to demand the cannon and prifoners ; and
becaufe the people defined a delay till the king's funeral
was performed, he made a defcent upon the ifland, at-
tacked the capital, took and plundered it, and treated the-
people with the utmofl inhumanity.
^ Maffaei Hifl:. Indica, part ii. lib. ix. cap, 4. * Argenfola
Conquifta delas iflas Malucas, lib. :.
The
^6 Coftquejis and Settlements of
The Spa- '^^^ viceroy of Goa being informed of fhis tranfac-
niariis ob- tion, fent him a fucceflbr. As this villainous a£):Ion was
tain an done without the leaft provocation, in time of peace,
tafy en- when there was not the fmalleft intention on the fide of
- i^r^^^ '"'^ the natives to renew the war, it infpired the people of
iflands, that ifland, and the reft of the Moluccas, with an impla-
cable hatred to the Portuguefe. The fquadron of Charles
V. arriving there, was welcomed by the people of Tydore
with all the marks of kindnefs, on account of the enmity
which fubfifted between the Spaniards and Portuguefe 5
and being received into their port, they raifed works for
the defence of it, in cafe of an attack from the enemy^
The Spaniards who, after Magellan's death, were under
the command of Ignigucza, alleged, that the Moluccas be-
longed of right to them, as being firft difcovered by Ma-
gellan, with a commiflion from the king of Spain ; and
that the difpute, having been fubmitted to arbitration^
was determined in their favour. On the other hand, the
Portuguefe, under the command of Henrique* Garcias,
faid, that the unjuft fcntence of the Caftilian arbitration
had been reverfed by the judges in Portugal 5 and that
thofe iflands were difcovered ten years before the voyage
of Magellan, in the Spanifh fervice, by Anthony Abreu,
, who was fent out to make difcoveries by Alphonfo "Albu-
querque, in whofe company Magellan ferved in perfon
before he had deferted the fervice of his country ^.
His Catho. Thus they difputed with words for a while, but foon
He majejiy after came to blows, the people of Ternate taking part
parts with with the Portuguefe, and thofe of Tvdore and Gilolo with
^fir^^^*^' the Spaniards. The latter ftruck the firft ftroke by be-
fumofmo. fi^S^"g ^^ Portuguefe fortrefs in Ternate, where, at the
my. firft attack, they took one of the enemy's fhips ; and now
the Spaniards and Portuguefe would in all probability have
atoned for the mifchiefs they had done to the Indians, by
the deftrudion of each other, but that the emperor, being
engaged in very expenfive wars in Europe, negle£led fo
remote an acquifition, and, for a certain fum of money,
yielded up his right in the Moluccas to the king of Portu-
gal P. This bargain was looked upon at that time as very
indifferent policy, and as the effe£):s of his not being pro-
perly informed as to the advantages that might have been
derived to him in Europe, by the prudent management of
his affairs in Afia. His thoughts were entirely bent on
o J. De Barros, MaflFarus, Argenfola. ' Herrera Hiftor. d«
las Jndias Occidental, decad ii.
the
the Vortugueje in the Eajl Indies* 97
the vairl project of raifing an unlverfal monarchy by force
of arms ; whereas the Portuguefe contented themfelves
with pufhing their conquefts in the Indies, and employed
the riches they derived from thence to fecure themfelves
againft their ambitious neighbours in Europe.
The profecution of the hiftory of thefe iflands while The hlfiory
under the dominion, or rather tyranny of the Portuguefe, oj thefe
would obHge us to enter into a long detail of robberies, ^°M^^fi'
murdersjjand treafons, on one hand ; and of infurre£tions, ^^^j^
leagues, and obftinate wars, on the other : for as their
own writers acknowlege, the Portuguefe behaved towards
thefe people in the moft barbarous and perfidious manner,
robbed them without remorfe, murdered them without
mercy, fwore to alliances they never meant to keep, poi-
foned fome kings, aflaffinated others, deluded and betrayed
all. Let us then be as fhort as we can j and endeavour,
by a fuccin£l defcription of thefe ifles, to fliew their im-
portance.
Thefe valuable iflands confift, ftri^tly fpeaking, of no AfucdnS
more than five ; from whence it is faid they received their view of
name, in the original language of the inhabitants. They ^J^^ ^°'"
are not out of fight of each other, and lie all of them '*^^^^*
within the compafs of twenty-five leagues. They are fa-
mous for producing feveral forts of valuable fpices, but
efpecially nutmegs and cloves, and are under the dominion
of three kings. Their coafi:s are rendered very dangerous
by fands andfhelves. They were formerly fubjeft to the
Chinefe, fell next under the Javanefe, were, in procefs of
time, fubdued by the Malayans ; and the Mohammedans
had begun to fettle in them, and convert the inhabitants
to their religion, but a very little while before they were
difcovered by the Portuguefe ^ Ternate is eight leagues
in compafs, the land high, the water good, little proyi-
fions, and few cattle except goats. Their chief riches
confift in cloves ; they have extraordinary parrots, which
exceed in beauty thofe of the Weft Indies ; and many
birds of paradife ^ They have alfo almonds and coarfe
tobacco. During their wars with the Portuguefe they
burnt all their clove-trees, retired to the mountains and
deferts, and forbad felling any thing to that nation on pain
of death ; a prohibition which reduced them to great ex-
tremity. Though they burnt the cloves out of defpair,
r Argenfola Conquifta de las Iflas Malucas, lib. i. * Re-
cueil des Voyages qui ont fervia rEftabiiffement de la Corapagnie
des Indies Orientales, torn, iv. p. 145,
Mod. Vol, VIII. H their
f$ Conquefis and Settlements of
their afhes fo enriched the foil, that it produced clove*
in greater abundance than ever in a few years. The king
of this ifland was the moft powerful of all, and boafted of
divine extra61:ion, which the people firmly believed. He
was fovereign over twenty-two iflands that lay in the great
Archipelago, between Mindanao on the north, thofe of
Bima and Corea on the fouth, and the terra firma of Pa-
paos, or New Guiney, on the Eaft, and had his tribute
in gold, amber, and birds of paradife, from thofe coun-
tries. He ftyled himfelf emperor of the Archipelago, in
which were many colonies of Chriftians •, but moft were
deftroyed or apoftatifed, in confequence of the perfecution
above mentioned ^ According to a particular account of the
forces which every ifland could raife, the whole amounted
to upwards of one hundred thoufand, befides a multitude of
flaves. Many of thefe iflands had their particular kings,
but all fubje£l to the king of Ternate ; and they ferved
under him to revenge the death of king Aerio, who was
treacheroufly murdered by the Portuguefe (P). This
« P. Lafitau Hiftoire dcs Conquetes des Portuguais, vol. iv. p. y*
(P) This foltari Aerio v/as
one of the bell friends the Por-
tuguefe ever had, for which
they rewarded him flrangely.
Lopez de Mezquita, who was
appointed governor ot the Mo-
luccas in .1570, feized and fent
him prifoner to Goa, on pre-
tence of his having connived at
his fon's ordering feveral Por-
tuguefe to be put to death for
ravifliing the daughter of one
of "his fubjefts, though in fa6l
this order did not take efte6t ;
and the king would neverthe-
lefs have puniflied his fon, if
the Portuguefe had not hin-
dered him. When this inno-
centbut unfortunate prince ar-
rived at Malacca, he met with
letters from the viceroy, defir-
ing him to return to bis king-
dom, alTuring him that Ire
was. very well fatisfied with his
condud ; that he would take
(i) P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, torn. Iv. p
16, 87, 28.
great
an opportunity of punifliing
the governor, but in the mean
time deiired he wouli be re-
conciled to him. The king
accordingly wentback ; Lopez
de Mezquita pretended to make
the utmoft fubmiffions to him ;
the king, on his fide, forgave
him very fincerely. Five days
after, under pretence of being
fick, he invited him to a con-
ference in the fort, where after
a gallant and glorious defence,
he was moll bafely and bar-
baroufly murdered ( i ) . It was
upon this that his fon, foltati
Babu, formed a general con-
federacy with the princes of
the neighbouring iflands, for
expelling or exterminating the
Portuguefe ; which produced
a war fo bloody and deilruc-
tive, that both parties were in
a manner ruined by it.
the Portuguefe in the Eqft Indies* 99
great king's name was Cachil Babu, Aerio's third fon.
He allowed the Dutch to trade here ; in 1599 entered into
a ftri<5t friendlhip with them, and they aflifted him to
Chake off the yoke of the Spaniards and Portuguefe ".
Tydor is larger than Ternate ; is alfo a particular king- A/hort cfe*
dom, and produces the fame fruits: it lies a little fouth- /^'■^^/w* /
eaft from Ternate, near the line. The Spaniards aflifted v^^'"'
the inhabitants againft thofe of Ternate at firft ; but en-
gaged in a war with them at laft, and treated them bar-
baroufly, till expelled by the league above mentioned.
The Dutch attacked the Spaniards here, in 1607, and
afterwards without fuccefs ; but at laft became mafters of
their fort, by the afliftance of the king of Ternate, after
an obftinate defence, and were kindly received by the king
of this ifland, who allowed them to fettle fa61:ories in his
country. The capital is of the fame name, and has an
harbour dry at low water, and defended by a chain
of narrow rocks, over which the tide rifes from three
to fix feet. The town is very ftrong by nature, and ca-
pable of being made impregnable ^.
Motir, Motil, or Timor, lies between Tydor and Ma- A 'vleiv of
chian. It was laid wafte during their inteftine wars; tjie /mailer
but the Dutch built a fort at the north end of it, which '-' ^"'^^^
encouraged the inhabitants to return from Gilolo ; and,
continuing firm to the Dutch, the Spaniards durft not
attack it *. Machian lies diredly under the line, fouth
from Motir. The Dutch took it from the Spaniards, in
1609, and built three forts here. It is feven leagues in
eompafs, and has feveral little towns; the inhabitants
were then efteemed about nine thoufand : it was anciently
reckoned the fruitfulleft of the Moluccas, and produced
the beft cloves ; the inhabitants were alfo efteemed more
induftrious than their neighbours. Bachian, the laft of
the proper Moluccas, lies fouth from Machian, and was
a diftinft kingdom. The country is in a great meafure
wild and defert ; where cultivated, it abounds with fagu,
fruits, and many other forts of provifions. It was for-
merly very potent, and produced the beft cloves in the Mo^
lucca's ; but was ruined by the idlenefs of the inhabitants.
They had an alliance with the Portuguefe and Spaniards,
who eftabliftied garrifons there ; but were difpoflefled by
B Argenfola Conquifta de las IflasMalucas, lib. iv. ^ Re-
cueil des Voyages qui ont fervi a rEtabliffement de la Compagnie
des IndesOrientales, torn. vii. p. 339. '' Memoire d Apolloaiu8
Sciiot de Middlebourgh touchant les Ifles Moluque*.
Ha the
too
Some ac'
count of
the profits
accruing
from them.
Ofthe
iflands aa-
jacent to
the Moluc-
cas t and of
the conti-
Ttent of
New Cui-
nej.
Conquefts and Settlements of
the Dutch, in 1610, who built other forts, and obtained
a liberty to trade without paying ciiftoms. The ifle of
Labova lies fo near it, that they frequently go by the fame
name, though each had their particular king. The latter
is very pleafant, and abounds in cloves.
We mufl be obliged to fpeak of thefe iflands again in
the next chapter, and ftill particularly more when we en-
ter into the hiftory of the Dutch proceedings of the Indies.
At prefent our defign is, to reprefent the condition they
were in at the time the Portuguefe loft their dominion,
which lafted very near a century •, during which period
they, by oppreffions and wars, depopulated thefe coun-
tries fo much, and drove the inhabitants to fo many and
fuch ftrange afls of defpair, that they left them the very
reverfe of what they found them ; and the remains of the
people fo ftrongly prejudiced againft the Chriftian faith,
that they bound the Dutch by treaty, on their firft com-
ing among them, not to difturb them in their religion.
In times of peace, and when the Portuguefe were in full
pofleilion of all thefe iflands, they produced an annual
profit, of nutmegs and cloves, of near half a million fter-
ling, which one would have thought might have gratified
even the moft boundlefs avarice. It is true, that after
their pofl^eflion was interrupted by the Spaniards, this
commerce began to decline ; but it was almoft always in
their power to have revived and reftored it, if they could
have been content to have treated the poor people with
any degree of mildnefs and indulgence y.
We have before obferved, that in the neighbourhood of
thefe iflands, there are many others, fome larger, fomc
fmaller, but all of them larger than the Moluccas, which
owe their renown not to their fize, or to their fertility in
other refpedls, but to their being the countries to which
nature had made a kind of exclufive grant of the richeft
fplces, which, whether more favourable or fatal to them,
it appears from their condudl, the natives themfelves
knew not how to determine. The ifland of Bouro was
formerly fubjeft to the king of Ternate : it is not very
confiderable, but while in the hands of the Portuguefe,
more fo than at prefent ; yet the ifland they chiefly de-
pended upon was that oiF Great Timor, fo called becaufe
it is much larger than the other of the fame name ; and
was extremely fruitful, fo that from thence they fuppHed
y P. Lafitau Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, vol. iv. p. 9.
Voyage de la Companie, tcm. ix. p. 253.
mod
the Portu^uefe in the Eafl Indies* lot
moft of the Moluccas with provifions^ Weft from thence
lies the ifland of Solor, in which was a ftrong fortrefs,
wherein the Portuguefe garrifon held out a fiege of two
months againft the Dutch fleet and army ; and when they
furrendered, marched out near one thoufand men *.
There are befides thefe many other iflands, which com-
monly, fince the Dutch conquefts, are ftyled the Moluc-
cas, becaufe they lie near them, and are confidered only
as they ferve to maintain the garrifons which are deftined
to prote£l them. Yet it has been reported, that, notwith-
ftanding the vaft importance of thefe iflands, there were
countries at no great diflance from them, which deferved
fome degree of notice, as abounding in gold and precious
ftones, and not altogether deficient in fpices. It is the
more requifite to fpe^k of thefe countries in this place,
becaufe, though they M'ere but half difcovered by the Por-
tuguefe ; yet that difcovery has not been fo much as pro-
fecuted, much lefs perfected', by the Dutch. On the con-
trary, we have been given to underftand, that fome miftake
has happened in this bufinefs; that thefe countries are poor,
barren, miferable places, and thofe who inhabit them a
race of brutal, ftupid, and ftarving people. This polTibly
may be fo ; however, as it has been otherwife reported,
and as thefe countries lies upon the very line that divides
the known from the unknown parts of the world, and may
be as eafily reached by the South Seas as by the way of
the Cape of Good Hope, a few particulars from the hif-
tories of the Portuguefe may not be either unpleafant or
unufeful, more efpecially if the fpirit of difcovery fhould
at any time hereafter animate the bofoms of our country-
men.
While Antonio Galvano commanded at Ternate, there By what
■was a famous pirate who, with a fquadron of paraos, did f^eans the
a great deal of mifchief on the coaft of the land of Pa- ^'"•'«^«JA
poas, which is that country fince called New Guinea, f^///^^^^^/'
and, at laft, began to threaten the fubje£ls of Portugal in ivith the
the Moluccas. To reprefs the violences committed by this poepte of
rover, the governor fitted out fome barks fent him by the ^^"^ ^^*'
king of Tydor, and having manned them with a fev/ Por- "^^'
tuguefe, and the auxiliaries from the neighbouring
iflands, he fent them, under the diredion of Ferdinand
Vinagrez, a prieft, in queft of this pirate, with whom
they came up, and, after a fmart engagement, in which
he and his brother were both killed, deftroyed fome, and
"* Hiftoire de la Conquete des IHes Moluques, torn. iii. p 335.
a Memoire touchant les Ifles Solor & Timor, par Apollonius Schott
H 3 difperfed
f&i
Thejlrange
alteration
of this
iountry^ ac-
cording to
the latefi
accounts*
Conquejls and Settlements of
difperfed the reft, of his fquadron. After ohtaining this
viftory, he was fent to the country of Papaos, where he
was kindly received by feveral princes, and converted
them and their fubjeds to the Chriftian faith; which
was fo great a fatisfaftion to the worthy governor, that he
inftituted a kind of feminary, in which he bred abun-
dance of young men brought from all thefe countries, in-
ftru6ling them him.felf in the Chriftian religion, and in
thofe forts of literature that were at that time ftudied in
Portugal, in all which Don Antonio was extremely well
verfed. By his wife and gentle government, his reputa-
tation fpread, and attracted multitudes of Chriftians ex-
pelled by Mohammedan princes, throughout the whole ex-
tent of the Indies, to him in the Moluccas, where he was
fo entirely beloved by all the princes of thofe iilands, that
they joined in a reprefentation to the king of Portugal,
that Antonio Galvano might be continued in his govern-
ment for life; but before this reprefentation was well
framed, the governor of the Indies fent George Caftro
as his fuccelibr ''.
It was the removal of this worthy man which hindered
all the fouthern continent from being thoroughly known ;
for, by his wife government, he eftablifhed a new; face
in that part of the world, of which the Port uguefe never
had any idea ; and if he had remained there but a few
years, would have done more towards the converfion of
thofe nations, than ever could be efFe£led by an army of
miffionaries : but what he was not permitted to atchieve
by his anions, he has Iketched forth in his writings ; fo
that from them we learn this great fouthern continent
was, in his time, well inhabited ; and though thefe inha-
bitants might, in fome parts of it, be abfolute barbarians,
yet in others they were as much civilized as their neigh-
bours, and had not only the ufe of veiTels, but fome kind
of naval force *^. We are aflured, that a great part of
the people at leaft inhabiting thefe countries, were CaiFres,
or Negroes, which is alfo the meaning of the word Papuas,
or Papoes, that is, people of a jet Ihining black, with
thick curled woolly hair ; but it is admitted there were
other nations very different from thefe, as well in their
manners as in their complexions, fome, particularly, that
were very fair, with large weak blue eyes, which had the
fenfe of feeing but very imperfectly by day-light, but in
* Galvano's Difcoveries.
Dampicr, and Koggewein.
« See the Voyages of Le Maire,
th«
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies, 103
the nigKt they were very quick fighted and adive, refem-
bling thofe to whom the name of moon-eyed Indians
hath heen given in America. How either of thefe peo-
ple came there, or whether they were the ancient inha-
bitants, is a point we want both leifure and abilities to
difcufs, and therefore we fhall content ourfelves with fay-
ing, that the Chinefe vefl'els often vifited the coafts, more
efpecially before the arrival of the Portuguefe ; and that
the produce of thefe iflands, in general, were equally
acceptable in all parts of the Indies, more efpecially at
the two great marts of Malacca asd Ormuz, and in the
ports of China, that were then open to Grangers. We
fhall now fpeak of the intercourfe of the Portuguefe with
the inhabitants of that famous empire, to which, of all
the European nations, they were the firil that found a
dired: paflage by fea, from whence, as from their other
difcoveries, they derived very folid advantages, as well as
very high reputation **.
ji Trade well fettled in China, very unluckily, and almoji
irreparably loft. 'Their Intercourfes and happy Efta'
blijhment in Japan ; and a very concife Account of the
Caufes and 'Manner of their Expulfton, Fruitlefs and
fatal Attempts to revive their Correfpondence with the
Inhabitants of thofe Iflands,
THE viceroy Lopez Suarez, fucceflbr to the famous ^* cor-
Don Alphonfo d' Albuquerque, was the firft who thought '"^-^^"/f"'*
of eftablifhing any commerce with China, and, in the Qpg„g^ ^-
year 15 17, fent, under Ferdinand Andrada, a fquadron oi Uon Lope%
eight fhips, laden with merchandize, having on board Suartz,
Thomas Perera, who had the character of ambaflador '^''^ i^^if"
from Emanuel, king of Portugal. On their arrival at the-^^^"' '"'-
mouth of the river Canton, the Portuguefe Ihips were
flopped, and only two fufFered to proceed up the river 5
on board of one was the ambaflador, and the Portuguefe
commodore Andrada, a man of ftrift honour ; fo that he
foon gained on the Chinefe, notwithftanding their natural
averfion to ftrangers. By his civility and polite be-
heaviour, he drew them to trade, and then, by his exacl-
nefs and probity, brought them to have a great confidence
in him ; but what had the greateft efFe^l, and might
have eftablifhed the commerce of the Portuguefe, to the
cxclufion of all other nations, was his giving notice, a
f Wafer's Voyages.
II 4 littla
104 Conquefts and Settlements of
Httlc before his departure, that at fuch a time he meant
to fail, and that if any had demands either upon him
, . or any who belonged to him, they might apply and re-
ceive fatisfaftion. This was an inftance of probity, new
to the Chinefe, but fo agreeable, that they made him high
profeflions of friendfhip, and affured him, that they
would willingly trade with his nation, in hopes of meet-
ing always with the like ufage : but fo fair a profpedl did
not long continue, and, even the firft had alfo very near
proved the laft voyage of the Portuguefe thither *'. The
captains of the fliips that were left at the mouth of the river,
landed, and fell into trade with the natives ; but, prefum-
ing on their power in the Indies, treated the Chinefe
with equal infolence and iniquity. They brought on fhore
feveral pieces of cannon, and then took what goods they
pleafed, at what rates they thought fit, committing many
other infolencies, ravi{hing women, and trading with
pirates for fuch as they had taken pi'ifoners, of whom they
made flaves. The viceroy of the province quickly aflem-
bled a great naval force, with which he furrounded the.
Portuguefe fquadron ; and would have infallibly taken
every fhip, if a ftorm had not rifen, which fcattered the
Chinefe fleet, and gave the Portuguefe an opportunity of
returning to Malacca, with more profit than honour. As
for the ambafiador, Thomas Perera, he, though perfectly
innocent, proved the vi6lim of this bad behaviour ♦, for
the Chinefe court, being acquainted with what had
pafled, not only refufed him audience, but fent him back
to Canton in chains, where he was put into the common
prifon, with the vileft criminals, and there lived in mifery
for feveral years, till, w^orn out with hardfhips, he ex-
' pired in fuch wretched .circumftances, that he did not
leave wherewith to bury vi'ith f.
When this ^^ ^^^ many years before the Chinefe would admit the
(ommtvce Portuguefe to any trade with them ; but, at laft, they al-
ivas re- lowed them to fend fome (hips to the ifland of Sanchan,
^M the ^ ^j^ej.g they were permitted to ere£t tents on ihore, for a
firflfentan' ^^ry fmall fpace of time, in which they difpofed of their
nual fleets, merchandize. At length, towards the clofe of the fix-
und at teenth century, a favourable opportunity offered, not only
length ob- £q^ reftoring their commerce, but of procuring an efta-
feuiement hlilhment in China. A certain pirate, whofe name was
at Macao, Tchang-fi-lao, committed prodigious ravages upon the
nvhich t/iey
fill pojefs, • Maffaei Hid. Indica, part. i. lib. vi. cap. 5. ^ P. Lafitau
Hiftoire des Conquetes des Portuguais, torn. ii« p. 310.
coaftsi
the Portuguefe in the Eajl Indies, 105
coafts, and, having at laft acquired a great force, made
himfelf mafler of the Httle illand of Macao, and from
thence not only blocked up the port of Canton, but alfo
befieged the city. The mandarins, in this diftrefs, had
recourfe to the Portuguefe, whofe fhips were then at the
ifland of banchan. They readily offered them their affift-
ance,and not only forced Tchang-fi-lao to raife the fiege,but
purfued him to Macao, where he was killed. The
viceroy having made a faithful report to the emperor of
this extraordinary fervice, that prince, out of pure grati-
tude pubiilhed an edi6t «, by which he granted the Por-
tuguefe this ifland, with the power of making a fettle-
ment there ; which they joyfully accepted. In this con-
venient place they built a good town, fortified after the
European manner, and furniftied with near two hundred
pieces of cannon. One would imagine, that this ftep
muft have excited the jealoufy of the Chinefe, juftly
efteemed the moil fufpicious people in the world 5 but
they provided fo effectually for their own fecurity, that all
the force of the Portuguefe is entirely at their devotion ;
becaufe they have not a day's provifion, but what they re-
ceive from the Chinefe, and are fo furrounded by their
forces, that it is impolTible for them to undertake any-
thing to the prejudice of their empire ^ The pofTeflTion
of this place has been, notwithflanding, extremely bene-
ficial to that nation ; for from thence they carried on,
for many years, a moll beneficial commerce with Japan,
by which Macao became one of the richeft and moil con-
fiderable places in the Indies. Many of the nobility of
Portugal, who had enjoyed very high offices, chofe to fettle
there, where they lived in great fplendor, and, at the
fame time, acquired vafl eilates by trade ; fo that the
permiffion of living at Macao was a reward for pail fer-
vices ^
There is not any paiTage relating to the fubje£l of this /« ivhat
chapter more curious, or more extraordinary, than what "L^^^^^ ^ ^
refers to the iflands of Japan, which, about the fame time, J^^^^ J^^
were vifited by two diflerent companies of adventurers, entrance
And though, in the account we have received of both into the
difcoveries, very little notice is taken of dates, yet, from ifi^fi^^^of
the comparifon of facls, it is pretty evident, that thofe ^^/^^*
of whom we fhall firil fpeak arrived in that country fome
E Du Halde Defcription de I'Empire de Chine, torn. i. p. 241 •
t Tour du Monde, par GemelH Carreri, lib, iv, ch, i. ^ Le
Coraptc'5 Letters concerning China.
time
loS ConqueJIs and Settlements of
time in the month of May, A. D. 1542 ^. Ferdinand
Mendez Pinto tell us himfelf, that being in company with
two of his countrymen, Diego ZImoto and Chriftopher
Borello, at Macao, they endeavoured to get a paflage by
fca into fome other parts of the Indies, and found it
very difficult. At laft a Chinefe pirate offered his fervice,
promifing to carry them to the iflands of Lequios, of
which, it feems, the Portuguefe had already fome know-
lege. They pafs under different names, for fome writers
call them the iflands of Liqueios, others the iflands of
Rinku. They lie between 26 and 30 deg. of north lati-
tude^; having the ifland of Formofa on the fouth-wefl,
the continent of China on the weft, the iflands of Japan
on the north, and the ocean on the eaft ; on which fide,
they feem to have no land nearer to them than America.
The Japanefe report, that they are the moil fertile coun-
tires in th^ world ; and that the inhabitants are the eafieft,,
happieft, and befl-conditioned, of the human race. They
are fubje^l to the prince of Saxuma, who is one of the
principal lords of the empire of Japan. The Chinefe
•were formerly mafters of them , and even, at prefent,
there is Itlll fome commerce between them and the Philip-
pines •, but our adventurers being at fea, the weather
proved fo bad, and the ihip fo leaky, that there was an ab-
folute neceffity of putting into fome port to refit. The
captain bore away, therefore, for a certain harbour in the
ifland of Japan, which was that of Niaigima in the
ifland of Tanuximaa, where they fafely arrived. This,
undoubtedly, is what other authors call Tacuxima, be-
longing to the kingdom of Firando.
their Jitua- It lies in the latitude of 3 1 deg. north, at a very fmall
Hon accord- diflance from the great ifland of Ximo, which is the
vtg to nim, fe(jjpn(l in fize of thofe three iflands, known in Europe
under the common name of Japan ; which is not the
name of a particular country, but of a large archipelago
of iflands, the mofl confiderable of which is Niphon.
Before they entered the port, two barks came from the
iliore, to know who they were, and what they wanted ?
The captain anfwered, that they were come from China;
that his intention was to trade, if they might obtain per-
miflion. To which declaration the principal perfon an-
fwered, that the lord of the ifland was called Nautaquim ;
and that, if they paid the port-duties, they might have
leave to trade. The Chinefe captain complied \ and the
k Voyages and Adventures of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto,
chap. 43.
patron
the Portuguefe in the Eaft Indies. 107
patron of the barks, with great civility condudled him
immediately into the harbour K
' About two hourts after, the lord of the ifland came, ac- ^fuccwit
companied by feveral perfons of diftinflion, and fome ^/%"/^^^
merchants. At fight of the three Portuguefe, he was ruentures in
aftoniihed, and demanded who thofe ftrangers were, and thofe
of what nation ? The captain anfwered, that they came iflandstand
from a great city, called Malacca ; and that they were of f?/**^"^!'
a certain kingdom in Europe, called Portugal. At thefe |^^;„^
words, Nautaquim appeared ftill more furprifed ; and, at
laft, turning to thofe who were about him, he faid, " Let
me die if I do not believe theie are the Chinchigogis, of
whom we read, in our old books, that they fly upon the
waters, and make themfelves mafters of every rich country
of which they hear. We fhall think ourfelves very happy,
if they are content to be our allies." He then made no
■difficulty of going aboard the Chinefe veiTel, with fome
of the people about him, and afked the Portugufe abun-
dance of queftions, whom he invited to vifit him on fhore,
promifing to entertain them kindly. They went, and
carried him a prefent, which was gracloufly received ; and
Nautaquim entered into a long convcrfation about their
country j and, particularly, infilled on thefe three points,
which, he faid, he had been told by the Chinefe and
Lequians in his country : firft, that Portugal was bigger
than China, and richer ; that the king of Portugal had
conquered the beft part of the world ; and, that he had
better than two thoufand houfes full of gold and filver.
Pinto owns, that he did not flick exaiSlly to truth in his
anfwers, but contrived fuch as were likely to keep up the
high opinion that Nautaquim had conceived of their mo-^
narch. All the time they flaid, they were treated with
the utmoft civility, being permitted to fee every thing
they defired, and go where they would. This great lord
was the nephew and the fon-in-law of the king of Bango,
one of the greateil monarchs in Japan, who, upon having
an account of the arrival of thefe ftrangers, was very de-
firous of feeing them *, and, at his requeft, accordingly
Nautaquim fent Pinto to him. Some adventures which hap-
pened at his court, recommended the Portuguefe fo ftrongly
to the king's favour, that he made him feveral confider-
able prefents, befides a fum of ready money to the amount
of about a thoufand pounds ; and not without difficulty
permitted him to embark again on board the fame fliip
1 Hiftoire de Japon, parleP, Charlevoix, vol. i, p. 179.
I o8 Conquefts and Settlements of
which brought him, in which he went back to China, and
from thence returned to the Indies '".
Xaniier if' "v^e come now to the other adventurers, and their ftory
^"tdlfeof ^''^^"^^^^ ^"^ ^ v^^y narrow compafs. In this year, 1542,
this numer- Antonio Mota, Francifco Zeimoto, and Antonio Pexota,
9US andpO' in a voyage from the ill and of MacalTar to China, were
tent nation% thrown upon thefe illands, and exceedingly well received.
Amongit others, they entered into a clofe acquaintance
with one Angero, a man of a good family, and confider-
able fortune, but exceedingly troubled in mind on ac-
count of fome irregularities committed in his youth j who
heard them with pleafure difcourfe of the truths of the
Chriftian religion. About two years after Alvarez Vaz, a
Portuguefe merchant, arrived in the fame country, and
became intimate with the fame perfon, whom heperfuaded
to go to the Portuguefe fettlements, in order to be con-
foled by the holy difcourfes of the famous Francis Xavier.
To which advice at length he yielded j and, having re-
ceived baptifm at Goa in the year 1548, he next year
accompanied Father Xavier, and two other Jefuits, in
their voyage to Japan, where they immediately entered
upon their million , by the progrefs of which this country
was made thoroughly known to the Portuguefe ". The
converfion of multitudes to the Chriilian faith," through
the whole of this great empire, contributed not a little
to fupport the Portuguefe trade, which was managed
with much facility, and to a vaft profit : for the Portu-
guefe, being ellablifhed in China, carried from thence
vaft quantities of filk into Japan, where, as all ranks of
people affe<St to be clothed in it, there followed a pro-
digious confumption, which enpched the Portuguefe
merchants very foon to a high degree ; though it is
fcarcely credible, that, as fome Dutch writers report,
they have fometimes carried home in one fmall fliip a
hundred tons of gold ° ; but this prodigious fuccefs proved
the caufe of their being at laft deprived of this lucrative
commerce.
By what The vaft wealth they had acquired, corrupting the man«?
tneans the ^^^^.g ^^ ^^iq Portuguefe, made them lefs cautious than they
^amejirfito ought to have been in their behaviour towards the Japan-
io/e their efe *, infomuch that, inftead of the moderation, fobriety,
credit, and
at length ^ Voyages and Adventures of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, chap,
T^!h r 44» 45' 4^- " Hiftoire de Japon, par. le P, Charlevoix, vol. i.
•n d P' '*^' ' Recueil des Voyages qui ont fervi a rEtabiifieraent d«
i/lanat* ^ Compagnie des Indes Orientales, torn, x. p. loi.
and
the Portuguefe in the Eaji Indies. lo^
andexa(£l condu£i:, which they at firft purfued, they grew,
proud, infolent, and diflblute. This corruption prompted
them to change the places where they ufed to trade,
and to prefer the ports that were in the dominions of infi-
del princes to fuch as were in the territories of thofe Ja-
panefe lords that had embraced the Chriftian religion, that
they might live as they thought fit, without being under
the control of the miifionaries, who took all the pains
they could to oblige their'countrymen to advance the credit
of the Chriftian religion by the regularity of their lives p.
Thefe errors had two very bad confequences; firft, they
difgufted fuch princes as had embraced the faith ; and,
fecondly, they hardened the infidels in their averfiontoit.
But it was not only the corruption of the Portuguefe mer-
chants, officers, and feamen, that gave offence to the peo-
ple of this empire ; the intrigues of the miffionaries them-
felves ^contributed to it as much, or more, by exciting the
jealoufy of the emperor ; for wherever they had converted
any of the princes of Japan, they were continually at court,
and, inftead of minding what was the proper bufinefs of
the church, engaged perpetually in affairs of ftate, making
the direction of confciences much lefs their care than the
direction of councils ; by which they became the authors of
many troubles, and afforded a handle to their enemies of
charging them with many more ; fo that the emperor of
Japan began at laft to furmife that there was more of hy-
pocrify than fan£tity in their hearts ; and that they were
endeavouring, under colour of faving'men's fouls, to ef-
tabliih a new government in that country "i.
Thefe jealoufies were increafed by two circumftances ; Carelefs, or
the firft was, the haughtinefs and ill-condu£l of fuch as uttaccount-
were fent ambaffadors thither, efpccially after the union of ^^ly^^^"^
the crowns of Spain and Portugal ; for thofe minifters f/S^aa^
-were wont to boait of the vaft power of the catholic king, inflanas of
and of the mighty extent of his dominions, of which they the defiant ^
affefled to convince the Japanefe by fhewing the maps of ofthtja*
the Eaft and Weft Indies. Such was the imprudence of P^^^j**
one of thefe ambaffadors, that being afked, liow his mafter
had acquired fuch vaft territories at fo great a diftance from
his hereditary dominions ? he anfwered, by fending mif-
fionaries firft to convert a part of the inhabitants to Chrif-
tianity, and then fending troops to affift the new converts
p Manley's Account of the Ifland of Japan, and of the Exc!ufion
of the Portuguefe. ^ Hamilton's Account of the Eaft Indies,
yo). ii,p 199,
in
no
Attempt
made by
the Portw
gueje at
Macao to
reneio
their cor-
refpondence
ivith thefe
ijlands.
Conquejls and Settlements of
in fhaking off the yoke of infidel princes. The other cir-
cumllance was, the arrival of Dutch {hips upon the coafl:
of Japan ; for thefe people, applying themfelves entirely
to commerce, and fubmitting to whatever terms were pre-
fcribed by the Japanefe, gained fuch a degree of confidence
•with their princes, that it procured implicit credit for their
reprefentations, as to the ambitious defigns of the Spa-
niards and Portuguefe. Thefe remarks will give the reader
an eafy key to the political contrivances for firft reftraining
the Portuguefe trade to a particular port, and then {hut-
ting them up as it were in a prifon during their {lay in
that empire : but, notwithftanding thefe and many other
previous figns which the Portuguefe had of the approach-
ing rupture with the Japanefe, yet were they fo far from
taking prudent fteps for avoiding this great mifchief, that,
on the contrary, they became daily worfe and worfc, till
the {lorm came upon them with fuch a force as was not
to be refilled '.
This edi6l was iffiied in 1639 ; and not long after, two
large {hips, richly laden, from Macao, came to an anchor
in the road of Nagazaqui ; on which it was inftantly noti-
fied to the commodore, that the emperor of Japan had to-
tally prohibited all commerce with the Portuguefe for thefe
reafons : firfl, becaufe, notwithftanding fevernl cautions
given them, they had continued to bring oyer milfionaries
into his country ; fecondly, that they had fupplied thofe
that were already there with provifions, and other necef-
faries -, and, thirdly, that there were juft reafons to fuf-
pe£l they had fome knowlege of, and concern in, the late
rebellion of the Chriilians in Arima. They had alfo a
copy of the emperor's edi6l, which they were dire£led to
xnake public at Macao ; and to inform the inhabitants of
that city, that thefe were the laft {liips that {hould ever be
permitted to anchor in any port of Japan ; and that, if
ever they came thither again, they Ihould be treated as
enemies, and put to death without mercy. On their re-
turn, the whole place was ftruck with confternatlon, be-
ing convinced that the lofs of this trade would prove the
ruin of their city ; to prevent which, they refolved to em-
ploy a folemn embalTy to- juftify their condudl, and, if
poifible, to engage the emperor to recall this edi6l, or at
leaft to qualify it, that they might on certain terms have
leave to fend fome {hips thither. The dllficulty was, to
find any who would charge themfelves with fo dangerous
' Varenius, Ksempfer, Caron, &c.
a com-
t
the Fortuguefe in the Eaft Indies. m
a commlflion ; but at laft the following perfons offered to
run the hazard : Don Lewis Paez Pacheco, who had
ferved with honour as commander of the armies in the
Indies, and who was now feventy-eight years of age, Don
Roderic Sanchez de Paredez, Don Gonzalez Montayro de
Carvailho, and Don Simon Vaz de Pavia, all men of dif-
tindlion, moved by nothing but the defire of juilifying
their countrymen, and rendering fervice to their country '.
On the 9th of July, 1 740, the fhip that carried them ar- ^yj^ treats
rived in the road of Nagazaqui : they fent an account to ment of
the Japanefe governors of the nature of their commiffion. '^^' ^^"
The fliip was immediately feized -, and the ambafladors, V^ ^l *
and all who belonged to them, except eight negro feamen,
■were imprifoned in the iiland of Kifma, till the emperor's
pleafure fhould be known. On the return of the courier,
they were fent for before the magiflrates, M'ho treated
them as criminals, demanding what it was that could in-
duce them, after fo fair warning as was given them, to
return in direcfl; breach of the emperor's edi£l: ? They
pleaded, that they were not all within the meaning of that
law, becaufe the emperor forbad thereby any attempt to
trade, which w^as not their bufinefs, having no commodi-
ties of any fort on board their fhip, but coming thither
with the characSlers of ambafladors, which had been al-
ways, and by all nations, efteemed facred. They were
told, that this excufe would not ferve their turns ; that they
had incurred the penalty of the edi6l ; upon which they
were inftantly bound, and conducted back to prifon.
Next day the ambafladors, and all their attendants, to MiferahU
the number of feventy-four Portuguefe, Spaniards, CKi^ ijf^e of thai
liefe, Canarins, and Indians, were carried before the ma- **"f°^^^'
giftrates, who then told them his imperial majefty had ^liJi^J^ *
commanded they fhould all fuffer death except thirteen ;
Vhich fentence was executed the fame evening. Next
morning before it was light, the governor fent for the
thirteen- that were fpared ; and having alked them if they
had feen their fhip burnt, enquiring of them, whether they
would faithfully report at Macao what they were com-
manded by the emperor to fay on his behalf.? Being an-
fwered in the affirmative, they proceeded tlius : " Yoa
are then to inform your fellow-citizens, that henceforth
the fubje(9:s of Japan v/iJl not receive either money, mer-
chandize, or prefents, from them. You fee we have
burnt the very cloaths of thofe who were executed yefter-
» Hiftoir« de Japon, parle P. Charlevoix, torn ii. p. 413.
day.
Ill Conquejis and Settlements of
day. Let your people ufe any of our's, that fall into your
hands, in the fame manner ; we confent to it ; and defire
fhat you will think of us no more than if there were not
fuch a nation as the Japanefe in the world ^" They then
condu£i:ed them to the place where the heads were fixed
upon poles in three rows, the four ambafladors firft, the
Europeans next, and the ftrangers lafl. They likewife
fhewed them a great iron cheft, in which were the bodies
of the perfons executed ; and a long infcription, ending
with thefe words : " All this is fet forth as a memorial of
what is pafl, and as an advertifement for the time to come.
Henceforward, fo long as the fun fhall fhine upon the
earth, let not any Chriflian be fo hardy as to fet his foot
in Japan ; and be it known to all the world, that if king
Philip in perfon, the God of the Chriftians, or the great
Xaca, one of the firft deities of Japan, (hall prefume to
break this ordinance, he fhall pay for it with his head."
They then gave thefe poor people an old veflel to return in
to Macao; which they chofe, rather than to be put on
board any of the five Dutch fhips that were then on the
coaft, and offered to carry them to that port ".
Upoti the "When Don Juan, duke of Bragan9a, mounted the throne
accej/ion of of Portugal, and afTumed the title of John the Fourth, he,
*Ae duke of jj^ ^^iQ year 1 646, thought fit to make another attempt in
to^he"^^ favour of the city of Macao, and fent Don Gonzalo Se-
croivn of gueyra as his ambafTador to the moft puiflant emperor of
Portugal* Japan, to inform him, that as Portugal no longer con-
nenv enter- tinned fubje£t: to the crown of Spain, he hoped that a
^dmaktn' S^°^ intelligence might now be reftored between the citi-
zens of Macao, and the fubjedls of his imperial majefty.
The ambafTador was very civilly received, and an exprefs
fent to court with the news of his arrival. In about a
month, a courier returned with the emperor's anfwer,
importing, that his requeft could not be granted; but
that he, and all who belonged to him, had free liberty to
depart ^.
Another In 1 685 another favourable opportunity offered, which
promifing the Portuguefe did not fail to embrace. A Japanefe vef-
opportunity fg|^ driven by a ftorm from their own coafts, was forced
'tllmlo ^^ ^^^^ fhclter in the port of Macao, where the people met
make a with a very kind reception, having been entertained at the
nenjj at- public expence, till they were recovered from the hard-
tempt fhips they had endured at fea ; they were put on board one
fttccefs* ^ Taken from the relation at large, preferved by the author laft
cited. " Recueildes Voyages au Nord, torn iii. p. 420.
^ Hiftojre du Japan, par le T. Charlevoix, torn, ii. p. 441,
of
tie Portugusfe in the Eajl Indies, 1 1 3
of the beft veflels belonging' to the port of Macao, and
fent back to their own country. On- their coming to an
anchor in the road of Nangazaqui, and fending the Ja-
panefe on fhore, they received a meflage from the ma-
giftrates, that they were obliged to them for this kind and
generous behaviour ; but that for the future they would
advife them not to give themfelves the trouble of fending
home any more of their people, fince it would not anfwer
their ends *. We may from hence collect of how great
confequence this commerce was, and how very fenfible the
Portuguefe were of the fad efFedls that muft inevitably
attend the lofs of it ; and indeed their forefight has been
juftified by the event, fince their trade, their force, and
their reputation in the Indies, have all been gradually de*
dining ever fince ^.
Prefeni low and dijlrejfed State tf the finall Retnaws of the
Portugitefe Territories in the Indies ; Remarks on the
Caufes of a Declenfion no lefs f range than the fudden Rife
dnd vajl Extefit of their Empire ; Reafons ivhy their Si*
tuaticn, funk as it isy ought not to be confidered as irre*
trievahle,
WE have now conducted the hiftory of the rife and AJImtde*
progrefs of the Portuguefe power in the Indies to its dole 5 fcription of
and there remains nothing more than to give the reader a q.^^^
juft and diliin£l; idea of the poUeiTions which the crown of
Portugal flill retains in thefe parts. The iHand and city of
Goa yet continues, as it always was, the capital of their
dominions^ The illand of Goa is lituated in latitude 1 5
deg. 40 min. north, and is about twenty-feven miles in
compafs. The river Mandova, which is almoil as much
refpe^led by the Indians as the Ganges, divides it from
the continent, and at the diflance of about fix miles, falls
into the fea. The rainy feafon continues here from June
till September or October ; and the land-floods bring down
fuch quantities of mitd and fand, as flop up the haven,
and impede the navigation. During this time the weather
is very hot after fun-rife, when the rains ceafe : yet be-
fore the rains begin, that is, in the months of April and
May, the weather is ftill more fultry, but from O£lober
to March it is very moderate ^
X Tour du Monde, par Gemelli Carreri, liv. iv. chap. 2. y Guyon
Hiftoire dcs Indes, torn. iii. p. 336. 2 Les Etats du Monde,
p. 217.
Mod. Vol. VIIL I The
114
the con-
njenience,
ftntigthy
And other
a Advan-
tages of
the haven
and quaySf
The fit ua-
iion and
biautiful
frofpeSl
onjer the
€ouniry ad'
jacent.
Of the for-
mer^ and
prefent
ftate of
this ciij.
Conquefts and Settlements of
The port of Goa is reprefented as one of the heft in
the Indies, and for this charat^er it ftands in fome meafure
obliged to nature ; but to do them juftice, the Portuguefft
have fpared no pains to heighten and improve thofe advan*
tages, as well as to fortify it with many caftles and towers,
furniflied with abundance of very good cannon. Beyond
thefe caftles the channel grows narrower, fometimes to one,
fometimes to two miles ; and its banks, planted with the
beft fruits and fiiieil trees India affords, yield the fairefl
Erofpe6l imaginable. Befides, there are beautiful country-
oufes, called quintas, and abundance of pleafant dwellings
of the country people *.
This delightful fcene holds for eight miles, quite up to
Goa. Half-way upon the right fide is a palace, called
PafTo de Dangi, where formerly the viceroys relide<l, but
at prefent it ferves as a barrack for the garrifon : there
begins a ftrong broad wall, two miles in length, for a foot*,
path, when the country is overflowed ; and a great deal of
fait is gathered thereabouts. Oppofite to this wall, or
dyke, is a hill, on which the Jefuits have their houfe for
novices ^. The viceroy has his palace, called La Palve-
reira, on the fame channel, and fo has the archbifhop :
here begins the city, and fo far (hips can come up, after
difcharging fome part of their lading. This channel, that
makes fo noble a port, runs many miles up the country,
dividing it into feveral fruitful iflands and peninfulas,
which not only plentifully furnifh the city with necefTaries,
but delight the palate with rich fruit ; afford a curious
profpe£l:, and yield much profit to the gentry, to whom
for the moft part they belong. Adjoining to this port is
the haven of Murmugon, formed by the other channel
that runs between the ifland of Goa and peninfula of Sal-
fete, and fupplies a Hife retreat to the Ihips that come from
Portugal, and other parts, when they are' fhut out of the
port by the fands the river Mandova brings down, whert
fwollen by the firft rains of June, the paffage not being
open till October. This port of Murmugon is dtitn^d
by the caflle of the fame name, feated in the ifland of Sal-
fetc, in which there is a good garrifon, and the forti£ca*
tions are well fupplied Witli cannon ^.
At the fouth entrance into the channel, a little beyond
the forts on the right hand, are feen the rerniiins of Old
Goa, and from thence to the new city there is a eommo-
a T*ietr6 detia Valle Voyage z\\% Indes, torn. iii. p. 176. b Ta-
vernier, Le £1 uii, &c, « Mandelflo, Tavernier, Dellon.
* dl0U8
ih Portuguefe in the Eaft . Indies. '1 1 5
^dlous rdad, elegantly adorned with trees for fruit arid
ihade. What is ftill ftyled the new city, carries evident
marks of decay ; for, though the walls are kept in good
repair, and are every-where well fupplied with cannon,
yet taking in, as they do, a cornpafs of twelve miles, they
ierve to fhew what the city once was, in comparifon of
what it now is. In the time of its profperity, there Was
nothing could be compared with it in the Indies, and Very
few cities iti Europe were either larger or better built.
The public ftrudtures ftill remain, and bear inconteilable
evidence of its former grandeur.- The cathedral is ve-ry
large, fup ported by twelve beautiful columns, and the
archbiftiop'fi throne is very ftately '^. His palace is alfo
very magnificent, though that prelate ufually refides ih
the country : the viceroy's palace is alfo a noble building,
and has many large and commodious apartments. The
houfe of the holy oflice, or palace of the inquifition, is fpaci-
ous, and the apartments that belong to the inquifitor-gc*
ncral very richly furniihed. The power of that formidable
ecclefiaftic is very terrible, and extends to perfons of all
ranks, the viceroy, the archbifhop, and hie vicar, who is
always a bifliop, only excepted. There are churches and
monafteries enough for a much larger place. The Jefuits
alone had no lefs than five houfes, and it is faid that their
revenues equalled thofe of the crown of Portugal ; but then
it is to be remembered, all the wealth that was remain-
ing lay in the hands of the church. Thefe houfes
were formerly the bed in India, and made a toler*
able figure : the number of inhabitants is faid to be, in all,
about twenty thoufand •, of thefe the native Portuguefe
amount to a very fmall number ; the Meftizos are more
numerous ♦, the Canarins, or natives, are as black as jet,
but have long black hair, and many of them fine features ;
multitudes of Negro Haves, and Pagans of different nations,
make up the reft of the people. It is generally agreed,
that the men are for the moil part proud, indolent, jea-
lous, revengeful, and indigent ; the women lazy, lafci-
vious, and as well (killed in poifoning as any in the world.
All that remains under the Portuguefe dominion, fiom.Ty^^ condi*
the Cape of Good Hope in Africa to the city of Macao in ^ton of the
-China, is now governed by a viceroy, or captain-general, '^^^j^p'*
who rendes at Goa. ihere are fix, and lometimes eight, turaof the
defembargadores, or judges^ that attend the governor, govtrn*
tnent,
d Gemelli Careri Tour du Monde, liv. iii. chap, vl, Lettres Edi-
jiantcs et Cuiieufes, torn, xv. P.4S.
I 2 and
II 5 Conquejls and Settlements of
nnd tompofe a fovereign court or council*. The chief
court that thefe gownfmen fit in is called Relacaon, in
which juftice is adminiftered in civil and criminal cafes \
their power extending over all the officers of the crown ; in
which court alfo are tried appeals brought from all parts of
their dominions. The viceroy, as chief of this court, fits
under a canopy ; the judges on benches placed on the floor.
The council De Facadais a court of exchequer, where one
of the gownfmen fits as the viceroy's deputy. Thus the
pomp and fplendor of this government is ftill kept up,
though the extent of it is fo much lefTened, and the power
and credit of it in a manner quite decayed *". There are
ftill as many fubordinate governments as ever, that is, in
title, for otherwife they are of no great confequence, and
yet thofe on whom they are beftowed have the rank and
title of generals. There is, for inftance, a general of the
-gulf of Ormu2;, who has four fliips under his command ;
' a general of the North, who commands the fmall towns on
the coaft of Malabar ; a general of Salfete, who has the
infpeiliion of a territory of about fifteen miles *, a general
of China, who is, properly fpeaking, governor of Macao,
and is a mere vaflal to the Chinefe. There is another ge-
neral in the iflands of Timor and Solor, to whom, how-
ever,, the Portuguefe there fcarce pay any obedience, and
who lives in amiferable fort, the guns of which are in no
condition for fervice. There is, befides all thefe, a gene-
ral of Goa, who takes care of the channels between the
iflands, and reftrains fmugglers, unlefs they are under the
protedlion of his fuperiors s.
A cottcife Slit as it is a true obfervation, that men never grow fu-
deduSlion perlatively wicked at once, fo it muft be allowed, that dif-
Bf thefe- folution of manners, as well as declenfion in power, came
o/^r^^f/j on gradually here ; for while Portugal remained annexed
the inha- ^^ Spain, viceroys and governors were fent over from very
bitants different motives, fometimes to remove them out of the
havt been way, fometimes through their intereft at court, and fome-
iorrupted. x\xxsc% as a reward for their condefcenfion in points preju-
dicial to the interefts of their native country. Such men,
as might be well expected, behaved dill worfc abroad than
they did at home, minding nothing but aggrandizing and
enriching themfelves by every method they could invent.
The bad examples of the governors had a terrible effed on
c Hamilton's New Account of the Eaft In«lies, vol- 1. p.24t.
Voyage de Jean BaptKte Tavernier, partie ii. liv. i. chap. M*
*■ Tour du Monde, par Gimelli Careri, liv. '\\\. chap. 6. £ BaU
^SBUs, Tavernier^ GemvUi Careri.
the
the Fortuguefe in the Eafl Indies, 117
tli€ fubordinate officers ; fo that pride, vanity, luxury,
and a pompous difplay of wealth, attained by the balelt
means, took place of that virtue and public fpirit which
enabled their anceftors to lay the foundation of fo large an
empire, with a very inconfiderable part of the power which
was in the pofleflion of thofe who loft it. Their clergy
followed the example of the laity ; and inftcad of promot-
ing, as at the beginning, the converfion of the natives to
the Chriftian faith, from the religious view of faving their
fouls, profecuted that work from the meaner motive of
making them fubfervient to their purpofes, and enabling
them to acquire vaft riches. This corruption proceeded
fo far by degrees, that not only many of the Jefuits at
Goa engaged in trade, contrary to the rules of their order,
and their duty as miffionaries, but defcended fo low as to
difguife themfelves in the habits of Faquirs, or Moham-
medan monks, that they might have an opportunity of vi-
fiting the diamond mines, and purchafing ftones there of
extraordinary value, in which they have been detet^ed,
and openly punifhed ^
But what contributed to corrupt the inhabitants of the 7he keep-
Portuguefe fettlements was, the little care taken to prevent i^g « >»«/-
their leaving all 'things to the dIre61:ion of their negro ^'ff'^^ ^;J
flaves, and their Intermarrying with the people of the ^^/^/^/^
country ; pra<Slices which have been, and ever will be, jiaves tht
fatal to all eftablilhments, becaufe they not only emafcu- main in-
late the minds of all fuch as fall Into this way of living, but A««^»'. of
alfo makes them lofe all regard for their country, and in- ' "'* ^^^^'
clines them to take fuch dirty meafures as are moft likely
to preferve them in the enjoyment of fuch fervlle pleafures.
The Portuguefe at Goa have been for more than a century
paft fo much addicted to this fcnfual kind of life, that, pro-
vided they might enjoy their fine houfes in the city, and
their country palaces in its neighbourhood, they gave them^
felves no pain about what happened elfewhere, or how
greai progrefs the Dutch made in fubduing their diftant
fettlements. The natural confequence of this negle(St was,
that when fuch fettlements were loft, thofe who v/ere
driven from their habitations, inftead of repairing to Goa,
and taking arms in the king's fervice for the recovery of
thefe dominions, went into the territories of fome Indian
prince, and there, for a pitiful fubfiftence, entered into
his pay, or accepted of fome low office in his court 5 {o
^ Baldgeus Defcriptlon of the Ccafts of Malabar and Coro«3an-
4s], chap. 14.
fT/iat terri-
tones de-
fend on the
'viceroy of
Goo,
1X8 Conquejis and Settlements of
that while the fleetd and armies of Portugal grew cotu-
temptible for want of foldiers and feamen, there werd
thoufands of that nation fcattered all over the Indies, difn
gracing their country as mercenaries, when, by a proper
behaviouT, they might have reftored the affairs of their
prince, as well as their own fortunes.
The territories that immediately depend on the viceroy
of Goa, are, firft, the ifland on which that city (lands,
and in which there are about thirty villages 5 the penin-
iT^lla of Salfete, wliich is about fixty hiiles in compafs ;
thcfe are reckoned in it no lefs than fifty villages, and
as many thoufand inhabitants* The peninfula of Barded
i« about fotty-five miles ground, and it is computed that
there are twenty-eight villages in it: the Anchcdives
are a clufter ©f five illands, at fome diflance, of no great
extent, and not fo well peopled. All thefe places are not
of much confequence, farther than they fupply the city of
Goa plentifully with provifions, which feme penetrating
people think is no great advantage , for, vaft quantities of
rice coming to market, and ilaves being contented with a
difli of this food at noon, and another at night, every
houfekeeper is encouraged to entertain a number of un-
neceffary attendants, fcarce any having fewer than fixj
and fome thirty or forty ^ If thefe poor creatures, who
are chiefly Negroes, Were employed in any ufeful labour,
it were well enough ; but carrying a palantjuin, or fup-
porting their mailer's umbrella, is the chief of their fer-
vices ; and thus poverty and pride accompany each other,
and this is to fuch a degree, that the women at Goa are
carried in ftate a begging ; and while the palanquin, with
his miftrefs, refls at the door, a black boy enters with
the lady's compliments, more efpecially to ftrangers, con*
taining a fuccindl account of her diilrefles, and an inti-
piation that fome relief would not be difagreeable ^. But
let us now pafs over to the continent, and juft mention
the towns and fortreffes that are under the direction of
the general of the North.
Cf Chaoul, The firfl of thefe is Chaoul, fcated in a plain, at the
paman, diflance of fix miles from the coaft:. It ftands upon a
^f^h^fr beautiful river, which, at high water, is deep enough to
tnlfesand bring (hips of confiderable burden to the city walls. It
fftrti. is covered towards the fea by a large mountain \ on the
i Baldaeus's Befcription of the Coaftsof Malabar and Coroman-
^el, chap. 14, Tour du Monde par Gemelli Careri. liv. iii. chap. 6,
y- Voyage de Jean Baptifte Tavernier, feconde partie, liv. i. chap.13.
the Poriuguefe in the Eaji Indies. ii n
top of it there Is a ftrong fortrefs that commands the town ♦
and protects the port, which is a little difficult at the en-
trance, but, within, one of the fafeft and molt commo-
dious in the Indies. The walls of the town are in toler-
able good repair, and well fupplied with cannon. We
have before mentioned Daman, which lies at fome di-
flance from Chaoul, on a river of the fame name. There
was formerly another city of the like denomination on the
other fide of the river, but nearer the fea, which is now
fallen to decay, confifting only of huts and mud-walied
houfes, inhabited by Moors and Gentiles. As for the
city of New Daman, it is beautiful and well fortified ;
there are in it a great number of monafteries and churches,
but the want of a good port is a great difadvantage to it ^
However, as the climate is temperate, and fome fpirit
ilill left in the people, which encourages them to carry on
an inland trade, it is very probable the Portuguefe may
keep this city as long as they retain any footing in the
Indies". Bacaim, Bafl^aim, or Bazaim, fituated in the
latitude of 19 deg. north, was yielded to the viceroy Nunes
d'Acuna, fo early as 1535, and was a place of great con-
fideration ; but as it was taken by the Indian princes fome " ^
years ago, and there is fome uncertainty whether it be
yet recovered, it is not necefliiry that we (hould detain the
reader with any particular defcription of it, and for this
reafon it was not mentioned before ". i' -
The port of Diu is very good, and capable of admitting ^ farthg
large fhips ; for which reafon, while the Portuguefe had account of '
any fleets of confequence, they were commonly laid up the port
there in the winter feafon j and while their power conti- and for.
nued, the Moors, and other traders in thole feas^ were ^^J{,1
obliged to take out paflports here, before they failed to the
Eall. It was to favour the trade of this city that the Por-
tuguefe deftroycd Surat \ and in return, fince that city'
has been rebuilt, and protected by the Mogul, it has, ii)
conjun(3:Ion with Cambaya, drawn away much of the
trade of Diu °. As this place, however, is very ftrong,
and the fortrefs capable of a long defence, it bids fair for
remaining fome time longer to the crown of Portugal.
Under its prefent mafters it continues to fubfift by what
its inhabitants acquired in better times ; but is vifibly
J Guyon Hidoire des Indes Orientales, vol. ii. p. 67. Diflionaire
de Comnaefce, vol. ii. col. 778. " Tavernier, Guvon, Bou-
•Chet. n Les Etats, Empires, et Principaiitez, dii Monde, p«
012. ^ Baldseus's PefcrJption of the Coafts of Malabar and
Cojomandel, chap. 19.
Dili,
I20
State of
the PortU'
trade.
dumber f/
inhabi-
tants t etit'
floymentSf
"Mealtht
and trade
of the peo*
fleof
Macao.
Ccnquejis and Settlements of
declining, and, like the reft of their places, finking flowly
under its own weight ( Q^).
At Bifnegar, and fome other places in the Indies, the^
have fadories, and a fmall proportion of trade. Thirty
or forty years ago there was hardly any city or country that
had any tolerable degree of commerce, in which there
were not found fome of the defcendents of thefe ancient
conquerors of the Indies ; but it is otherwife now, or at
leaft they are become much thinner than they were p.
In the Iflands of Timor and Solor, which are very re-
mote, and depended heretofore upon the government of
the Moluccas, they have ftill fome fettlernents in partici-
pation with the Dutch ; and once in two or three years a
{hip is fent from Goa to load with the product of thofe
places, which is fandal-wood, a commodity much efteem-
ed in China, wax in great quantities, and folar ftones,
which are of the nature, and held not at all inferior, either
in virtue or value, to the beft bezoar ''. Befides thefe, they
have nothing except the little city and ifland of Macao iii
China.
Of the Portuguefe, their defcendents, and their flaves,
there are in this place about four thoufand, and about fif-
teen or eighteen thoufand Chinefe, The former, with re-
fpe£l both tp their civil and military gcvernrnent, are under
the governor of Macao, appointed by the crown of Por-
tugal, who, in his pwn fortrefs, is flyled hj^ excellency
the general of China. He is paid by the citizens, who
allow him a crown a d^y for fubfiftence, and three thou-
fand crowns at his departure. The Chinefe are under a
mandarin, without whofe confent the Portuguefe governor
can do nothing. All people here live by trade, and
nobody pretends to be born above getting his bread ; it
cannot indeed be othervyife, for they have not as much
ground as would ferve to fow a handful of peas ; the only
diftin£lion is this, the common people labour, go to fea,
or keep (hops •, the better fort merchandize, let out money,
or infure. Some trade they carry on with the European
p Voyage de Jean Baptifte Tavernier, feconde partie, lib. i.
chap. 14. Diflionaire de Commerce, torn. ii. coh 781. ^ Hamil-
ton's New Account of the Eaft Indiec, vol. ii. p. 138, Di^ionaiic
de Commerce, torn, ii. col. 415.
( Q^) After Goa, this has
been always efteemed the
ftrongefl place in the hands of
^he Portuguefe, and is famous
in hifiory for two fieges that
do the highefl honour to the
Portuguefe nation.
fhipt
the Portuguefe in the Eafl Indies. 1 31
fliips when they are in the river of Canton, fome more
cfpecially, in their abfence, with the Chinefe ; but what
turns to the bell account is a kind of contraband com-
merce with the Philippine Iflands, and, as fome fay, alfo
with the inhabitants of Hainan, a great iiland on the coall
of China, prodigioufly rich in gold \ Yet, what between
the Chinefe port-duties, levied by a hoppo, or colle^or*
of the cufloms^ and the impofition of ttn per cent, upon
all merchandize in Portuguefe bottoms, for the fupport
of the government eccleiiaftic and civil, there are hardly
any can boaft of being rich ; and if they can but live toler-
ably, and that too in a place where every thing is cheap, /
they are, generally fpeaking, content ^
In order to form a complete notion of the ftate of the Ofthede*
Portuguefe affairs in the Eaft Indies, it is neceffary to re- ^^"^fi'^^V
colle(£l: what has been already faid of the places which they '"** *
ftill retain upon the Coall of Africa, particularly Mofam-
bique and Sofala. The gold obtained from thence is fent
to Goa and to Diu, where it is coined into fmall pieces,
called St. Thomases, not worth more than half a crown of
our money *, and it is obferved, that this coin is of a bafer
allay than any other in the Indies. The farafins, for-
merly coined at Ormuz, when in the Portuguefe hands,
were cfteemed the bell gold in the Indies, but they are now
become extremely fcarce ; and the St. Thomas's are faid to
be coined in lefs quantities every year ^ Upon the whole,,
thefe polTeffions are faid to produce fo little to the king
jof Portugal, that it has been more than once debated,
whether it would not be for the interell of the crown to
abandon them altogether, withdrawing their artillery and
effe£ls ; and we are likewife told, that it is not any politi-
cal, but purely a religious motive that has hindered this
meafure from taking place, the priefts having fuggefted,
that, in that cafe, a multitude of fouls would be loft to
the church.
Such as are bell acquainted with the Eall India trade The man*
affiire us, that a lingle merchant might well carry on as ^f\^']
great a commerce as fubfifts between Lilbon and Goa ; !!J^L.ll
» 1 • rr • ' f 1 • rrii remaining
but this aflertion requires fome explanation. There are commerce
ftill a great many lliips employed from Goa, Diu, and Da- of Goa is
man, to the coafts of Perfia, Pegu, Manilla, and China ; f^arned on,
jbut they are moftly on the account of Indian mer-
' Gemelli, Careri, Tavern ier, Hamilton, &c. «Di6l1onaire
de Commerce, torn. ii. col. 84.5, 846. 'Voyage de Jean
BaptilU Tayernipr, fcconde partse, p. (5|4.
chants*
1-22 Conquejls and Settlements of
chants, there being fcarcely a Portuguefe trader at Goa
able to furnilh a cargo of the value often thoufand crowns";
and it is very much doubted whether, in the whole gf
their trade, they employ above two hundred thoufand
crowns ; fo that it is not at all ftrange, that, one year with
another, there are not above two ihips fent directly from
Goa to Lifbon, and thofe not a fourth part fo rich as when
they annually fent twenty "» : yet a late regulation made
at Goa for the prefervation and promoting of trade, is
that which thofe, who underftand this fubjed: beft, agree
has gone near to complete its ruin. This is the eftablifh-
ment of an exclufive company, with the fole right to carry
on the commerce of Mofambique and Macao j which com-
pany has taken upon itfelf the payment of the royal offi-
cers, who are alfo two-thirds concerned therein ; by
which fuch a blow has been given to the natural com-
merce of Goa, that the beft part of the Indian merchants
have now retired from thence. To fay the truth, it was the
great ihare the viceroys, governors, and other officers,
always took in commerce, without contributing any thing
thereto, except protecting the merchants from the vio-
lence committed by themfelves on fuch as did not admit
them to a fliare in their trade, that firft injured the ex-
ttnfive commerce they enjoyed. But though their power
and commerce are fo much declined, their pride is as great
as ever ; infomqch that, as we have before obferved, they
refufe the natives of the country, who are called the Ca-
narins, the privilege of wearing ftockings, though they
would willingly pay a large confideration for that indul-
gence j notwithflanding they employ them as phyficians,
lawyers, and merchants, by which means many of. them
are fo rich, that they keep a dozen or fourteen Haves, and
are in much better circumftances than the Portuguefe
themfelves ". But the revenues of the church have fuf-
fered but a fmall diminution by this change in the ftate,
infomuch that there is hardly a monaftery which does not
receive four or five thoufand crowns out of the treafury ;
at the fame time the foldiers ftarve and mutiny for want
of pay. It is not eafy to know what becomes of the mo-
ney thefe churchmen raife ^ ; but it is evident, that the
wealth they pofTefs, together with the eftablifhment of the
inquifition at Goa, is fuch a dead weight on the fettle-
n Diftionairede Commerce, torn. ii. col. 781. wGuyon
Hitloire des Indes, torn, iii, p. 39,40. * Voyage de Jean
BnptJile Tavernier, feconde partie, chap. 13. >4' ^ Hmiil-
ton'» Account of the Eaft Indies, vol. i. p. z^i.
inent|
the Portugueje in the Eafl Indies, 123
ment, as muft fooner or later deflroy it, uijlefs fome
fpeedy and efFecflual remedy be applied ^'.
After all, the ftate of the Portuguefe affairs in Afia
is capable of being confidered in another and better light j
(ince, however deprefTed their power may be, and how
much foever the people may be degenerated from what
they were, yet they have at this hour fuch eftablifhments
as would, if they were well managed, put them upon a
better footing than any other European nation interefted in
that part of the world, the Dutch only excepted. They
have but few places left, it is true, and thefts fcattered
jit a great diftance one from another ; but thofe places
are excellently fituated for trade, and, by proper manage-
ment, might be rendered highly beneficial to the crown of
Portugal ^. If Diu and Macao were made free ports, and
the power of the inquifition reflrained in refpe£l to
fuch European ftrangers as fhould be inclined to fettle in
the Portuguefe dominions, it would infallibly give a new
turn to things ; for intereft in that part of the world efpe-
cially, is a fufficient invitation. All the trade in the In-
dies, carried on by the other European nations, is ma-
naged by exclufive companies ; and, whether this be or
be not expedient for the nations to whom thofe companies
belong, this is very certain, that individuals are far from
finding their account in it ; and if places fo convenient,
and fo well fituated, were open to them, and they had a
free liberty of trading under the protection of the crown
of Portugal, it would very foon appear that this protec-
tion, though it cod nothing, would produce much ; and
that flag, which is at prefent fo little efteemed, would, in
a fmall fpace of time, be the moft refpe6led of any in the
Indies.
* Da Bois Geograph. Moderne, p. 640. » Voyage de Jean
Baptifte Tavernier, toirj. iii. p. 131.
gECt.
12 4 DlfcoverleSy Wars, and Settlements of
S E C T. IV.
7he Hiftory of the Dlfcoveries^ Settlements, Conquejls,
DfputeSy and Commerce of the Spaniards in thfe
Eajl Indies^ from their firft Expeditions into thofe
Farts down to theprefent Times »
An Account of the Motives to the Search of a new PaJJage to
the Ecifi Indies by Sca^ of the Difapp ointments that attended
it, and of the celebrated Expedition of Ferdinand Magel-
lan^ by which that long- fought Paffage was at length dif
covered*
The rife of TT H E reputation wKich the Portuguefe acquired by
ihe Spanijb fettling the Canaries, difcovering the iflands of Ma-
tian/al deira, Azores, and the coaft of Africa, foon raifed the
^J^p^ "f' jealoufy, or at lead the emulation of their neighbours, and
«««// and ^"^^^^ efpecially the Caftilians, naturally as higli-fpirited a
Ijabella, Jiation as any in the world. They were at this time go-
verned by king Ferdinand and queen Ifabella, who, by
their marriage, united the kingdoms of Spain which de-
fcended to each of them by hereditary right. In c6nfe-
quence of that fuperiority of power which was the natural
refult gf this uniou,they attacked the kingdom of "Grenada,
the only region of which the Moors tjien remained pof-
fefTed, and, after a bloody war, and a fiege of the capital,
added that fruitful territory to the reft of their dominions,
by right of conqueft. While their catholic majefties were
employed in the fiege of this city, the queen thought fit
to accept the propofitions made by Chriftopher Columbus,
a Genoefc, for difcovering certain rich countries, by fail-
ing weft from the coaft of Spain, and, after taking pof-
feffion of Granada, furniftied him with the means of put-
ting this defign in execution ; in confequence of which he
embarked on Friday, Auguft the 3d, 1492, the contract
with him having been figned the 17th of April preceding'',
. Upon the return of this great man from his happy dif-
covery, Ferdinand and Ifabella thought fit to apply them-
felves, according to the cuftom and policy of thofe times,
b Iftria di Fernando Colon^bo nelle quali Phao porticolare, e
vera Relatione della Vita e de fatti delP Ammiraglio D. Chriftoforo
Colombo fuo padre, e dello fcuoprimento cb'egli fece delle Indie
Ocridentalidette Mundo nuovo, tradotte dal Spagnuoio in Ital. da
Alfonfo Ulloa. Venit. f 5ii» Svo.
to
f
the Spaniards in the Eafl Indies, 1 2$
to the court of Rome, in order to have their title to thefe
new found countries, and fuch others as might be found,
confirmed and fecured *=. Upon this application, Alex- Popg
ander the Sixth, who then poilefTed the papacy, confented Alexan'>
to beftow on their catholic majefties the fovereign dominion ^^^ ^l'
of the Indies, with fupreme jurifdiclion over all that their^Ue
hemifphere ; and accordingly, with the confent and appro- to the dif^
bation of the whole facred college, the bull was pafled in co<veries
the ufual form on the 2d of May 1493, ^^^^ '^ ^^^ made by
fame formalities, prerogatives, and powers, that had been ^**^^"'*
before granted to the kings of Portugal in relation to the
Eafl Indies, Guinea, and part of Africa : and by another
bull, of the 3d of May of the fame year, he granted
them all the iilands and continents already difcovered, or
that fhould be difcovered, drawing a line from pole to
pole at the diftance of an hundred leagues to the weft-
ward of the iflands of Azores and thofe of Cape Verde ;
aad that all that fhould be difcovered beyond that line ta ...^vi
the wefl or fouth, fhould appertain to the navigation and
difcovery of the kings of Caftile and Leon, provided it
were not in the poflcffion of any Chriftian prince before
Chriflmas-day ; and that no perfon fhould pafs over into
thofe parts under penalties and cenfures. Thefe bulls,
.which were intended to put an end to all difputes between
the two crowns, were fo far from having that effect, that
they heightened the animoiities between them ; the king
of Portugal reprefenting to their catholic majefties, and
to the court of Rome, that he was extremely wronged by
this partition, infiftin^ at firft, that the new difcovered
counties belonged to him, and threatening to fend a fleet
to fupport his claim ''.
By degrees, however, things were brought to a better 7X* dif^
temper by a negotiation j and at length it was agreed, P^^^^be-
that, to prevent difputes, whiqh could not fail of being ^'^^^^ ^^'^
detrimental to both, commifTioners fhould be appointed by Cafi//e and
the two crov/ns, in order to difcufs this matter amicably, Portugal
and fettle it to their mutual fatisfadion. Accordingly ^djujied fy
fuch commifTioners were appointed by both parties, with ^^^^i^'
full powers to adjuft this difference, either by fettling
boundaries north and fouth, or from eaft to weft, or fuch
other limits either by fca or land as they fhould think fit.
After many conferences, and upon hearing of feveral cof-
mographers, who were admitted into their afTembhes^
« Herrefa Hiftor. de las Indias Occidental. Decad. i. lib, ii.
cap. 4. «i Hiftoire generaU de Portugal, par M. d« la Clede,
torn, ivp- 56, 57.
on
1Q.6 ^ DIJcoverles, IVars^ and Settlements^ of
on tliC 7th of June, 1493, ^^^^y agreed, that the line for
fettling the boundaries fhould be drawn two hundred and
fevcnty leagues farther than that mentioned in the pope's
bull, from the iflands of Cabo Verde weflward •, and that
all beyond that meridian, weftward, fhould belong to the
kings of Caftile and Leon, and all to the eaflward fhould
appertain to the navigation, conquefl, and difcovery, of
the kings of Portugal ; but that their catholic majefties
might freely fail through thofe feas belonging to the king
of Portugal, they holding on their dire£l courfe. Like-
wife, that whatfoever fhould be difcovered before the
20th day of the faid month of June, within the firil
two hundred and fifty leagues of the faid three htmdred
and feventy, fhould remain to the kings of Portugal ; and
■whatfoever fhould be difcovered within the other one
hundred and twenty leagues fhould appertain to the kings
of Caftile for ever *".
Upon Thefe conditions being drawn up before Hernan de
*whkhihe Alvarez de Toledo, fecretary to their catholic majefties,
Fortuguefe ^^^ Stephen Baer, fecretary to the king of Portugal, their
their^diCco' *^^^^ faid catholic majeflies figned them at Arevalo, on the
'viries in 2d of July, and the king of Portugal at Ebora on the 1"}^ of
the Eafi February the next year. The Portuguefe, who at this time
lu'ith great j^^^j difcovered very little beyond the ifland of San Tome, or
vigour. g^^ Thomas, und^r the equinoclial, that they might not be
behind-hand with their neighbours, exerted themfelves fo
vigoroully, that they foon after pafTcd that cape novv- called
de Buena Efperan9a, or Cape of Good Hope, and fo en-
tered into the polfeffion of their Indies ^.
On the dif- Under this agreement things refted quietly enough for
coveryof i^anv years, till Ferdinand de Magalhaens, or, as wie
ihi Mo^ ufually call him, Magellan, who had fome fhare in the
^trdmand difcovery of the Moluccas for the crown of Portugal,
Magellan tegan to furmife, that pofTibly they xvere not within the
rrui'ves terms flipulated, and that therefore they might be claimed
t/ii djfpute* ijy |.|^g crown of Spain upon the foot of that agreement.
Of this fuggeftion he refolved to avail himfelf, in cafe he
did not fuccecd in the pretenfions (grounded upon his paft
fcrvices) which he had on the court of Lifbon ; and, that
he might be in the better condition to take whatever flcps
hz thought ntcefPary, he procured and obtained very
ample memoirs from his friend Francfs Serrano, who was
the principal perfon concerned in^ that difcovery. Upon
• Herrcra, .Dec. i. lib. ii. cap. 10. ^ J. de Barros,
Caftenada, Maff«us.
his
the Spaniards in the Eafi Indies, 12 7
his retam to Lifbon from the Indies, he fee forth his fer-
vices by a memorial, and defired a fmall augmentation of
his pay. What he afked was fo very trivial, that it feems
ftrange to fome writers the coiirt of Portugal fliould fo
peremptorily refufe his demand ; more efpecially when he
threatened to renounce the fervice, to abjure his country
(which it feems was legal in thofe times), and feek em-
ployment elfewhere. But, in reality, it was not the
gratification, to which the Portuguefe minifters were fo ' '
averfe, as the thoughts of making fuch a precedent, the
confequences of which they forefaw. Upon this repulfe,
he determined to put his other fcheme in execution ; and •.:.
accordingly went away into Caftile, carrying with him a *
planifphere drawn by Peter Rynel, by which, and the
correfpondence he had held with Serrano, he perfuaded
the emperor Charles V. that the Mohicca iflands belonged
to him ; and confirmed his opinion from teftimonies, and
the authority of Rtty Faleyro, a Portuguefe aftronomer,
and much more from that of Serrano.
When this defign was known in Portugal, feveral me- The spa*
thods were propoled for preventing the execution of this niards,
fcheme ; great offers were made to Magellan, and his J^''^"ily
companion Faleyro, to induce them to return, but with- ^"^. ^° .
out eife^ : fome mention was made of aflaflinating them ; ,^^^> ^^^,
but this was either not attempted or did not fucceed s. ten/ions,
There were, however, no pains fparcd to reprefent pub- accept the
iicly at court, that the fending this man v/as a breach of P^opofals of
treaties ; and privately, that^the thing would turn to no ^^^^^^"»
account, for that Magellan was a vain bragging fellow, " of
iittle courage, and a lliallow capacity. It is faid the em«
petor was not much inclined to this adventure ; but the
Spanifh council, who underftood fuch affair^ better, were
of a different opinion. They thought the defign pra£l:i«
cable, and had a great opinion of him who propofed if}
in which they were certainly right, for no man ever con-
du<Slred an enterprize of that importance better. On the
loth of Auguft, 15 10, Magellan failed from Seville with a
fquadron of five vefTels, two of which were of the burden
of one hundred and thirty tons, two of ninety, and the
ieaft of fixty, having on board, in all, two hundred and
thirty-four men, of whom about a fourth part were Portu-
guefe. The points he had undertaken were two : firft, to
g Argenfola Conquefta de las Iflas Maliicas, lib. i. Hiftoire
penerale de Portugal, par M. de la Clede, torn. iv. p. 307, 308.
Emanuel de Faria y Soufa Epitome de las Hiftorias Porruguei'as,
^ib. IV. cap. 10. Herrera, Decad.ii. lib, ii. cap. 3.
128 Di/coveries, i^ars, dnd Settlements^ of
find certain iflands within the limits afligned to Spain, frofri
whence fpices might be brought j and, fecondly, to find
a paflage to and from thofe iflands, without violating thd
rights of the Portuguefe ; which, if he did, his imperial
majefty ftipulated, that he and Ruy Faleyro (who, falling
mad, did not go the voyage) fhould have an exclufive trade
thither for ten years, enjoy the title of adelantado, and a
twentieth part of the profits for ever.
AfuceinS The fquadron making fome ftay at the Canaries, a cara-
account of vel overtook them with difpatches for Magellan, by which
Magellan's j^g ^^g informed, that John de Carthagena, and feveral
%fcovlries ^^^'^^''^ officers, had declared before their departure, that
mnd death, they meant not to obey him, of which intimation, at that
time he took no notice. It was not long before he was
convinced that thefe officers were in that difpofition, for
they began to quefllon him about the courfe he fleered.
He told them that was his affair : that they had nothing
to do but to follow his flag by day, and his lights in the
night, and he would anfwer for the refl. When they had
advanced into the fouth latitude of thirty-five degrees,
they complained of the cold, and other hardfhips. Magel-
lan anfwered, ** that it was indeed cold ; but that Norway
and Iceland lay in higher latitudes, where the weather
confequently was colder \ and yet thofe feas were navi-
gated, and found very tolerable." He wintered in port
St. Julian's, where the mutiny broke out; which he
quelled by his wonderful prefence of mind, and by a dif-
cipline neceffarily fevere ^. He continued his voyage from
thence into and quite through the ftreights which have
.fince bore his name. As foon as he was in the South Seas,
he held a council, in which he declared, that there was
now no farther doubt of there being a paffage this way to
the Moluccas. Stephen Gomez, the ableit pilot in the
fleet, confirmed v/hat he had faid ; but gave his opinion,
that it would be better for them to return, becaufe they
had Hill a wide ocean to pafs. Magellan anfwered roundly,
" that he meant to profecute the voyage, if he eat the hides
that were nailed round the bottom of the maft : that they
(hould be expofed to as little hardfhip going forward as
backward j and that if any prefumed to fpeak of the length
of the voyage, or the quantity of the provifions, he would
caufe them immediately to be put to death." However,
Gomez foon after found means to carry back the fhip of
h Ramufio, vol. i. fol. 352. Herrera, Decad. ii, lib ii. cap. 3. «
Argenfola Conquiila de las Iflas Malucas, lib. i.
which
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, ti^
'which he was pilot. Magellan, having ftill with him three
fhips out of five that were under his command, purfued
his voyage, though himfelf. and his people were expofed
to great difficulties, till he arrived at length at the ifland of
Zebu, one of the Philippines, as they were afterwards
called, and not far from the Moluccas *. He was well
received by the king, who, by his perfuafion, was bap-
tized, and promifed obedience to the crown of Spain.
The Spaniards were well entertained here, and recovered
furprifinglyj but Magellan, engaging rafhly in an aftion
again ft two Indian princes, on behalf of the Chriftian
king his friend, on the 27th of April, 1521, was unfortu-
nately flain ^, Other writers affirm that the Chriftian
king betrayed and murdered him ; but however that mat-
ter might be, one of his fhips, called the Viftory, under
the command of Sebaftian Cano, returned fafe to Spain,
being the firft veflel, at leaft fo far as hiftory informs us,
that ever failed round the globe '.
We ffiould not have dwelt fo long upon the motives to 1'he em'
this expedition, and the difputes>which occafioned it, ifit^'f"^^ „
had not been to explain in what manner the Spaniards, fg^^a^fmait
notwithftanding the pope's bull, found a paflage into the j-^^ of moi
Eaft Indies, which is certainly a very material point to our ney^ defifti
purpofe, and therefore we fhail purfue it fo far as to fhew f^^V^ ^'^
how it ended with regard to the Moluccas, as thefe Pj'^^^^'
were the original caufe of the quarrel. John II. who was
at that time king of Portugal, knowing perfe6lly well the
value of thofe iflands of wdiich he was in pofleffion, and
being very unv/illing to have a war entailed upon him in
that part of the world, with the only nation in Europe of
whofe naval force he had reafon to be apprehenlive, caufed^
privately fome hints to be given to the emperor, that upon
a treaty of accommodation he might poffibly acquire acon-
fiderable fum of money ". This expedient was fallen up-
on, after two treaties that had been fet on foot for an
amicable difcuffion of their titles, which, to fay the truth,
was no eafy matter, fmce the Spaniards affirmed, that the
Portuguefe had forged charts, and the Portuguefe on their
fide difputed the aftronomical obfervations made by Ma-
gellan in his voyage ; fo that the commiffioners appointed
in 1525, and in 1526, feparated, without' coming* to any
i Herrera, Decad. ii. lib. vii. cap. «. k Ramufio, vol. i.
fo). 361. 1 Argenfola Conquifta de las Iflas Malucas, lib. i.
13 Emanuel de Faria y Soufa Epitome de las Hiiloriis PortUguefaSj
]ib. iv. cap. u.
Mod. Vol. VIIL K <:onclufion*
I JO
vunt <very
unp leaf ant
to the Spa'
niardsy
fwho alfo
make pro-
pojah.
T)lfcoverieSy IFars^ and Settlements of
conclufion " : but the infmuatlon before mentioned ran fo
flrongly in the head of a monarch whofe ambition made
him always neceflitous, that, under pretence of the near
relation between them, and his unwillingnefs to create un-
eafinefs in their refpe£live families, he refolved to drive
as good a bargain with the king of Portugal as he could ;
and accordingly, Auguit 22. 15 29, he concluded an agree-
ment by which, in confideration, of the fum of three
hundred and fifty thoufand ducats, to be paid him at fe-
veral fiiorc times therein ftipulated, he consented to mort-
gage his title, whatever it was, and to appoint commif-
(ioners for re-examining thefe affairs ; with a provifo that
he ihould not be at liberty to aft, whatever their decifion
might be, till he had repaid that fum p.
The Spaniards, M^ho in thofe days were very free fpeakers,
and did not apprehend their kings to be infallible or im-
peccable, were very angry with this agreement, in which,
they faid, the emperor had facrificed their interefts, in
order to come at a fum of money he very much wanted, to
defray his coronation in Italy; yet, to (hew that they
meant fomething more than clamour, they offered an ex-
pedient, which, according to their notions, might recon-
cile his private and his public interefts ; which was, that
the cortes, or parliament of Caftile, fhould pay the mo-
ney advanced by the king of Portugal, for which the em-
peror fhould make them a grant of the Moluccas for fix
years, during which the ftaple for fpices fhould be fixed
at Corunna, and after the expiration of that term, the
emperor fhould be again at full liberty to difpofe of that
trade as he pleafed : but his imperial majefly, either from
particular reafons, or from a point of honour, becaufe he
knew the king. of Portugal relied upon the treaty he had
concluded, reje£led the propofal, and ordered a fleet ready
to fail to the Moluccas, to be difarmed*J.
'I'he Settlement and Conquefl of the Philippine or Manilla
JJlands *, the Methods taken to fortify and to fecure them^
and the Dangers to which they were expofed on every Side^
from open and avowed as well as from fecret and Jinijier
Enemies,
THIS agreement deprived Spain of the Moluccas dur-
ing the remainder of that and fome part of the fucceed-
** Eden's Hiftory of Travayle. p Argenfola Conquifta de las
Iflas Malucas, liv. i. <i Hiftoiie Gcnerale d'Efpagne, torn. v. p.
J 96. Argenfola, lib, i.
the Spaniards In the Eafi Indies* ^3^
lirg reign ; but then, together ^wlth the reft of the domi- ^^^^'J^^'^
-nions of Portugal in all parts of the world, they fell under ^^ p/iinp.
the power of Philip II. •" yet, notwithftanding this fudden ^y„^j^ jjoiv,
lofs of wh^t had been fo lately found, the difcovery of by whom,
Magellan proved of very r^reat confequence to the crown and at
of bpain, not only as it opened a new pallage to the Doutn j^y^^^^^^^.
Seas, but as it made way for fubje6iing a great number of
rich iflands to the crown of Spain, and might be attended
with ftill farther advantages. Ferdinand Magellan, com^
ing in fight of a fmall part of thefe iflands, on the day de-
dicated by the church of Rome to the memory of St. La-
zarus, called fo many of them as he faw the Archipelago
de St. Lazaro '. It was fo long after his difcovery as the
year 1543, before we hear of any Spanifh fquadron being
fent to thefe feas ; and then Don Lopez de Villalobos failed
thither, and took a view of fome of the moft confiderable
iflands, giving them, as fome fay, the name of the Philip-
pines, in honour of the Infant Don Philip, then prince o£
Spain ' ; but others affirm, that they were not fo called till
the adelantado Michael Lopez de Legafpi went, in 1564,
when king Philip was actually on the throne, in order to
reduce them in earneft. He firft fubdued the ifland o^
Zebu, and others in its neighbourhood, which were then
called the Pintados, on account of their being inhabited
by naked Indians, whofe bodies were flrangely painted.
In this expedition he fpent no \q{^ than fix years ; and be-
ing then informed, that there were countries much bettef .
worth his arms, he in fome meafure abandoned thofe that
had already fubmitted, and colle6led all his force, that he ,
might undertake his new expedition with greater probabi^ ^
lity and certainty ".
When he had placed a fmall garrifon in Zebu, and made ^'^^ rftiut"
the beft difpofitions he could for the prefervation of that *^°" °^
and the adjacent iflands, he embarked all his forces, and luzon and
went over to pofl!cfs himfelf of Lu9on, or, as it is pro- the taifwg
nounced, Luzon, one hundred and fifty leagues from Ma7nlla to
Zebu. He fought the barbarians, who defended them- ^'^^ ^^^* ''
felves bravely. Legafpi ran into a bay four leagues over ^. ^^^^'°P°'
at the mouth, where is an ifland now called Marivelez.
The bay runs thirty leagues up to the city of Manilla, and
is eight leagues over, lying north-weft and fouth-eaft. The
inhabitants of this city oppofed him with more bravery
' Emanuel de Faria y Sonfa Epitome de las Hiftorias Portu*
guefas, lib. V. cap. 7, « Ramufio, vol. i. p. 356. t Rdac,
dc las Iflas Filipinas, « Purcbas Pilgrims, vol, iii. p. aS^.
K a than
13^ DifcoverleSy IVars^ and Settlements of
than the Pintados, becaufc they had cannon and a fort ;
but as foon as they faw that taken by the Spaniards, they
fubmitted. This was done fo expeditioufly, that the peo-
ple from the country had not time to come in, and thus
he entered Manilla. At a point of it, which is fluit in by
the waters of the bay, a confiderable river empties itfelf,
which rifes in the great lake called Bahi, five leagues dif~
tant. This point, which at firft is narrow and fliarp, pre-
fently widens, becaufe the fea-coaft runs away to the
fouth-fouth-eaft, and the river weft, leaving a moft fpa-
cious plain for the city, which is all encompafled with
water, except that part which lies to the fouth-weft. Le-
gafpi then built it of wood, whereof there is great plenty
in thofe parts. The roofs he covered or thatched with
the leaves of nipa, which is like fedge, or fword-grafs,
and a fufficient fence againll the rains, but combuftible,
and the occafion of great conflagrations, which have often
happened ^. The Chinefe were formerly mafters of all
thefe iflands, as their own hiilorians relate; but finding
their empire in danger of breaking to pieces by its own
bulk, they flighted thefe, and many other frontier pro-
vinces, upon this judicious maxim, that a fmaller coun-
try, well peopled, and well cultivated, was better able to
fupport its government, and receive the benefits of a wife
^nd juft adminillration, than a vaft empire, the extremi-
ties of which, from their very fituation, mull be expofed
to frequent and inevitable calamities ^ : but, notwith-
ftanding the ifland of Lugon, or Luzon, was no longer
under the dominion of this nation, yet many thoufands of
Chinefe were fettled there, when Legafpi made himfelf
mafter of the capital, moft of whom retired to their own
country afterwards, but continued to keep up their trade,
and, at the proper feafons of the year, came hither in vaft
fleets. The Japanefe alfo pretended to have a claim up-
on this country * ; fo that the Spaniards found themfelves
on every fide furrounded by enemies *, and inftead of meet-
ing with any relief from king Philip's adding the territo-
ries of Portugal to their own, they found it a dead weight
upon them, more burdenfome, and more expenfive, than
all the difficulties they had to llruggle with before.
The firft perfon who put liUzon into fuch a ftate of de-
fence, as freed them from all anprehenfions of falling the
* Relac. de las Iflas Filipinas. Tour du Monde, par Gemelll
/ Careri, liv. iv. chap, 2. y Purchas Pilgrims, vol. iii. p. aSj.
2 Relac. dc las Iflaa Filipinas y Malucas, por Hernan de los Rios
Coronel.
vi6lim$
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. 1 33
vi£lims of any fudden invafion, was Gomez Perez cle las
Mariimas, knight of the order of St. lago, or St. James
the Apoftle, a perfon of high reputation, who arrived at
the Philippines in the year 1590, and brought with him
his fon Don Lewis, knight of the order of Alcantara.
The new governor found Manilla open, without any Don Go-
form of a city, and the inhabitants in general without the me-z. Perez,
wealth neceifary to improve it. Above two hundred thou- ^f '^^ *
fand pieces of eight were wanting for this purpofe, which bavins, ad-
he prefently undertook to provide ; and though it feemed jujled do-
impra6licable, yet he compafled th6 work by feveral con- mefiic af-
irivances, without any damage to the public, or to private Z^^''-'' "'^'
perfons. He monopolized cards ; laid penalties on ex- _^^^^^J^
ceffive gaming ; puniflied fuch as foreftalled the markets, thingi.
and vi61:uallers and other retailers that were guilty of
frauds. With thcfe fines he built the walls of Manilla, 1
which are twelve thoufand eight hundred and forty-nine
geometrical feet in compafs ^. The city having but one
fort, and that ill-built, he erected another at the mouth of
the river, calling it St. lago. He finiflied the cathedral,
and built the church of St. Poteneiana, patronefs of the
illand. Then he applied himfelf to calling heavy and
fmall cannon ; built gallies to cruife and trade ; and, pur-
fuant to what he had promifed in Spain, bent his thoughts
towards the redu£lion of Ternate, and all the Moluccas.
He refledled on the unfortunate expeditions of his prede-
ceflbrs, who attempted the conqueft of that flourifhing
kingdom, and how he might punifh thofe who tyrannized
in it ; which project of his, calculated chiefly to fatisfy
the defires of the court of Spain, had a very unfortunate
catallrophe, notwithflanding all this nobleman's care and
circumfpedion '',
This governor, who had been hitherto admired and His unfor^
adored by the inhabitants, found himfelf of a fudden '«»^/5 ^•^•
fufpeaed and difliked. The people began to apprehend, ^///l'°"J''''
by his preparations, that he had fuch an expedition in ^^^ 0/ the
view, and this it was that loll him their confidence. He Moluccas,
had therefore recourfe to art, pretending fometimes that ^" 'whkk
he had intelligence of great defigns formed by the Chi- f^^P^^'fi^^*
nefe j at others, that they were in danger from Japan.
Under colour of thefe falfe alarms, he increafed his land
forces, built a greater number of gallies, and provided
a Relac. d« las IflasFilipJnasy Mulucas, porHernan de losRios '
Coronel. b Xour du Monde, par Gemelli Carreri, p. v. liv.i,
chap. 9.
K 3 every
134 Difcovertes^ Wars^ and Settlements of
every thing that he thought neceffary, not only for the
complete conqueft of the Moluccas, but for maintaining
and defending them againll any enemies whatever S As
men were wanting to row the gallies, the governor had
recourfe to the Chinefe, and of thefe, partly by promifes,
partly by pay, he gained a great number, yet not enough
for his purpofe, and therefore, at laft, he preffed them in-
to the fervice. .Otlober 17, 1593, he failed with his
whole fquadron, having on board about three thoufand
foldiers, exclufive of feamcn and rowers. On board his
own galley there were two hundred and fifty Chinefe, and
fourfcore Spaniards. The former rofe, in a dark night,
upon the latter, murdered them all, except two, and
carried ofF the vellel '^. This event put an end to the ex-
pedition, and in that refpe£l: was fortunate to the Spa-
niards ; for his fon Don Lewis returning to Luzon, was
hardly fettled in the government before a numerous Chi-
nefe fleet arrived, under the condu6f of feveral mandarins.
They gave but a very dark account of their bufmefs ; but
it quickly appeared that, having intelligence of the expe-
dition agalnft the Moluccas, they apprehended the con-
queft of Luzon would have been eafy, if that expedition
had taken effeft \ but perceiving the army and the fleet
returned, and the people highly enraged at the treachery
of their countrymen, they judged it beft to withdraw ".
The city of After fuch an efcape, one would imagine fucceeding go-
Maniila in vemors might have taken warning ; but either their own
the utmoji ambition was fo great, or the orders received from Spain
bdnpVe- ^^ prccife, that they went on in the fame" track, and were
flroyed by Continually hazarding the Philippines, in hopes of reco-
an infur- vering the Moluccas from the Dutch, fo long as Portugal
reSiionof continued annexed to the crown of Spain. Neither were
iheCmaefe, |.j^gy. £j.gg from the other inconveniency, produced from the
avarice and negligence of their governors, who, for the
fake of the high duties, fuflfered too many of the Chinefe
to remain in the fuburbs, notwithftanding the terrible
confequences with which this piece of falfe policy has
been attended. Thus in the time when Don Pedro de
Acuna was governor, who had been extremely kind to
thefe people, and was thought to be beloved by them,
fome mandarins came from China, under a very frivolous
pretence, but in reality to perfuade their countrymen to
c Relac, de las Tflas Filipinas y Malucas, por Hernan de los Rios
Coronel. a Argenfola Conquiita de las KUs Malucas, lib. ix.
• Kelac. de las Iflas Filipina$.
revolt.
the Spaniards in the Eajh Indies. 135
revolt, and to furnifh them with arms, the governor be-
ing at that time intent upon -a new expedition. On the
fealb of St. Francis, the Chinefe attacked the city with
the utmoil fury, putting to death, without mercy, all that
came in their way. The rebellion was general, and the
<lifpute lafted many days ; but at length the Japanefe, and
other ftrangers, as well as natives of the iiland, coming
in to the affiftance of the Spaniards, the Chine fe were re-
duced, or rather extirpated, upwards of twenty-five thou-
fand of them being killed : the large fuburb that they in-
habited was burnt to the ground, and therein perifhed all
forts of rich goods, to an immenfe valued
In a (hort time after this tranfadion, feveral mandarins ^« ^'^-
arriving from China, cxpoftulated roundly with thegover- ^^I>from
nor, about what had happened to their countrymen ♦, af- cafioned bv
firming, that they were not the aggreflbrs, but that they the majfa-
were attacked and murdered by the Spaniards, for the ere ivhich
fake of plundering four hundred fliops, and pofiefling M'^'^^'^ 0^
themfelves of the fubftance of eight thoufand families ; \fQ^„'
for which outrage in the name of the emperor of China,
they demanded ample fatisfaftion, with threats of fend-
ing an army on board a thoufand fail of veflels, in cafe
what they demanded was refufed s. Don Pedro anfwered
the ambaffadors, that thefe were notorious falfehoods :
that four or five thoufand Chinefe, indeed, died inno-
cently, as having no hand in the infurreftion ; but that
they were killed by their countrymen : for that very reafon,
that he had fpared as many as could be fpared, and had
fent them on board the gallies 5 but if they had a mind
to carry them to China, they might : and that as to the
money and efFe6ls of the deceafed rebels, they were not
plundered, but fafely laid up, and fhould be reftored to
their, heirs, if they could be found, or, otherwife, laid
out in works of charity. Thefe excufes were either ac-
cepted, or the lofs was, in comparifon of the profits by
this trade, fo little regarded, that, in April following, the
Chinefe fleet was as numerous as ever, and the fuburb
•was quickly filled again with inhabitants. About this
period, one of the moft powerful princes of Japan fent
over an ambaflador to Don Pedro, with rich prefents,
and inftrudtions to demand fome perfons capable of build-
ing him fliips, and cafling cannon ; which requeft as
^ Gemelli Carreri Tour dii Monde, lib. iv. Argenfola Con-
quifta de las Iflas Maluccas, lib. ix. g Relac. dc las Iflas Fili-
pinas y Malucas, por Hernan de los Rios Coronel,
K 4 might
136
7he eon-
gueji vf the
Moluccas
bv Don
Pedf de
Acuna^
^uhichj
lioiuevery
luere jgcn
Advan-
tages by .
nvhich the
Dutch
njuere en-
abled to
dri've out
the Spa-
niards,
DifcoverleSy PVarSy and Settlements of
might have been expected, he refufed, though with all
the civility poffible, and yet noc without giving great of-
fence.
The fame governor, Don P^dro de Acuna, had alfo the
honour of atchieving, what had been the ruin of his pre-
decei'fors, the reduction of the Moluccas. He received
his Catholic majefty's command upon this fubje£t, toge-
ther with a conHderable fupply of vefiels, troops, and
military (lores, from New Spain, in the year i6o:j*, not-
withllanding which, he very much apprehended the fuc-
Gefs of this undertaking ; but being informed that the
Dutch were entirely malter of thofe iflands ; that they
had a confiderable fleet, and were preparing to attack him
in the Philippines, he quickly changed his fentiments'.
Thefe informations being laid before the principal perfons,
both of the clergy and laity, they became as eager, and
as induftrious, in promoting this enterprize, as they had
been backward and dilatory upon all like occafions, in
times pad. In the beginning .of January, 1606, Don
Pedro failed with a numerous fleet, having upwards of
three thoufand men on board, and a good train of artil-
lery. He found the Dutch and the natives perfeftly well
agreed, and in a good condition to receive him *, n'everthe-
lefs, he attacked the ifland of Ternate, and, with the
aiTiftance of the king of Tydor, reduced it, and, in a
fmall fpace of time, the whole Moluccas. He carried
back with him, am.ongll the prifoners taken in this expe-
dition, the king of Ternate, his fon, and twenty-four
perfons of the firfl diflindion, with whom he entered,
in triumph, the capital city of his government, on the
loth of June ; but he had not much time to enjoy this
fuccefs j for, fome bafe people, who envied and hated
him, caufed him to be poifoned, July the 3d, 1606, to
the great detriment of the Spanifh nation ^,
In the fpace, however, of a few years, things were in
as bad a condition as ever ; notwithflanding all the efl?brts
that could be made by the Spanifh governor of the Phi-
lippines •, a clrcumflance at which the reader will not at
all wonder, when he confiders, that the people under this
government undertook thefe expeditions unwillingly ;
that the Portuguefe were very indifferent as to their fuc-
cefs ; that the Dutch had the advantage of numbers, and
of being better and fooner fupplied ; and that, not know-
J Relac. de las Iflas Filipinas y Malucas, porHernan de los RIqs
Coronel. ^ Argcnfola Conqpifta de las Ifias Malucas, lib. x.
^ ike Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 137
ing as yet what mailers they would make, the natives, in
general, were their firm and faithful allies. Thefe fre-
quent mifcarriages begetting continual complaints and
never-ceafing demands from the Philippines, it was de-
bated in the councils of Philip the Third, as it had baen
in thofe of Philip the Second, whether it might not be
for the advantage of the Spanidi monarchy to quit the
Philippines entirely, and leave them to be occupied by
any other nation, or to return again into the hands of
their old matters the Chinefe.
The Italians and Flemings were of opinion, that thofc
illands fliould be relinquilhed as unprofitable and burthen-
fome to the crown of Spain. The old Spanifti counfcl-
lors argued ftrenuoufly for their being retained under a
reformed adminiftration. The king himfelf declared that
he would not abandon the Philippines, becaufe, fince
they came into his pofleffion, there had been half a mil-
lion of fouls converted to the Chriilian religion ; that if
the filver of New Spain was employed to prote61: thofe
new converts, it could not be better bellowed ; that to
quit thefe provinces, was to abandon vafl countries and
many nations to idolatry ; and that, after having wafted
fo many milHons in oppofing herefy, it would very ill be-
come a Catholic prince to endeavour the making fome
fmaU favings at the expence of Chriftianity ^.
J particular Account of the Name, Situation^ Extent, C//-
mate. Produce, Natural and Civil Hljlory of Lugouy
the principal IJland among the Philippines ; together with
an exa^ Detail of the Government, Ecclefiaftlcal and
Civil.
THE principal ifland of the whole archipelago is
called Lu9on, or Lu9onia, from the name impofed by its
inhabitants, which is pronounced Luzon ; the Spaniards
call it Manilla, or, as it is fometimes written, Manila,
from its capital. As to its fituation, it is remarkably
happy, having the continent of China on the north, at
the didance of about fixty leagues : the famous iflands of
Japan to the north-eaft ; the fea between them, of the
breadth of two hundred and fifty leagues : on the eaft it
has no other boundary but the ocean : to the fouth lie
the reft of the iflands of this great archipelago, the num-
pf which, great and fmall, fome affirm to be eleven hun-
*= Don Juan Grau y Montfalcon Juftification, &c.
dred :
135 Difcoverm^ JVarSy and Settlements of
tired : on the weft lie Malacca, Patana, Siam, Camboia,
Cochin-china, and other provinces of India, the neareft
at the diftance of three hundred leagues '.
Its fuua- T\x^ middle of this ifland is in the latitude of fifteen
tionanatx' degrees north. In (hape it is faid to refemble that of an
unu arm bent, but it is very unequal in compafs. The eaftern
point, running into the ocean, is not above a day's
journey over ; but in the northern part it is, where nar-
rowefl, betvv^een thirty and forty leagues from fea to fea.
The whole length is about one hundred and fixty Spanifh
leagues, and the circumference about three hundred and
fifty. At the elbow of this arm, looking towards the
fouth-eaft, a large river falls into the fea, and makes a
noble bay thirty leagues in compafs, to which the Spa-
niards have given the name of Bahia, becaufe the river
runs out of the great lake Bahi, which lies at the diftance
of about fix leagues behind it ■".
^The longi- ^ refpe6l to the longitude there are great variations,
tude of this occafioned chiefly by the difputes which Magellan raifed
ijlatid from Jn order to juftify his fcheme. According to a Dutch
the Dutch j^j^p^ drawn at a time when that nation had fome views
from thofe ^^P^n thefe iflands, the middle of the ifland lies in the
V Magel- longitude of 1 13 degrees eaft from London ; which how-
iaa* ever does not very well agree with Magellan's chart,
according to which it fliould lie in the longitude of
^ 160 degrees from the famous line fettled by the courts
of Caftile and Portugal, for the divifion of their dif-
coverres ". Magellan afferted, that his charts were fet-
tled from aftronomical obfervatlons ; and, according to
him, all the countries to the eaft of the peninfula of
Malacca were within the bounds of Spain, upon which
the title of the Spaniards to all that they pofiefs in the
Eaft Indies is grounded, that is, with regard to the crown
of Portugal ; for, as to the other princes and ftates of
Europe, they have as little to do with thefe treaties as
with the pope's bull, to which no reverence can be ex-
pected but from princes in communion with the church
of Rome.
TTie climate As to the climate of Manilla, it is hot and moift ; the
9f Manilla y moifture is occafioned by the vaft abundance of waters of
its ad'van- ^11 forts ; wells, lakes, fp rings, rivulets, and great rivers ;
tarrcsami ^ ^j^^ |r^^ bein^ in their zecith twice a year, that is, in
difad-oan- o ; ' '
1^1^ ape of ^ Rehc. de las Idas Filipinas.' "i Gemelli Careri Tour du
f/if tn/iabi- Monde, lib. iv. cap. 7. . « Relac. de las Iflas Filipinas y Ma-
ifl«/j. lucas, por Hsrnan de ;o$ Rios Coroael.
I May
the Spaniards In the Eajl Indies. 139
May and In Auguft, it may be eafily conceived that the
vapours raifed muft be very copious. One thing is held
very extraordinary, that in ftormy weather there is much
lightning and rain, and that thunder is feldom heard till
this is over. During the months of June, July, Auguft,
and part of September, the v^eft and fouth winds blow,
which they call vendavales, bringing fuch rains and ftorms
that the fields are all overflowed, and they are forced to
have little boats to go from one place to another. From
Oftober till the middle of December the north wind
prevails j and from that time till May, the eaft and eaft-
fouth-eaft, which winds are there called breezes. Thus
there are two feafons in thofe feas, by the Portuguefe
called monzoens, whence our word monfoons, that is,
the breezes, half the year, with a ferene dry air ; and the
vendavales the other half, wet and ftormy °.
The air being here very hot and moift, is not whol-
fome, yet is worfe for young men that come from Europe
than for the old : the natives ufe no other bread but rice,
and that not fo nouriftiing as what we have in Europe.
It is perceived that the higher grounds are the moft healthy|;
perfons of diftinOion have their country houfes in the
mountains, to which they retire about the middle of
March, and continue there to the end of June. As for
the natives, without ufing many precautions, they live to
fourfcore or a hundred ; but it is vety rare to fee an Eu-
ropean above fixty, unlefs he came there p pretty much in
years; and for this reafon it has been thought that few
perfons of great quality have accepted this government.
The foil is famous for its fertility, and that to a degree, Fertility of
which, if we were to infift on it particularly, would appear i v * /^'
incredible. Rice, which elfewhere requires much cul- ^^ ^^/._
tivation, grows in every part of this ifland with little or tuteofcorn,
no care at all, even on the tops of the higheft mountains, though very
without being watered ; and this circumftance occafions ^^P^^}^ of
fuch plenty, that the Indians value gold fo httle as not to ^^^'"^'^-^ ^^'
pick it up, though it lies almoft every where under their ' '
feet ^. Wheat is fometimes lb fcarce, as to be fold for
ninety pieces of eight a bufhel, becaufe they have none
but what is imported ; yet the foil is very capable of
bearing it, as appeared by an experiment that was made,
when one buftiel produced one hundred and thirty. As
« D. F. Navarette Tratados Hlftoricos de la Monarchic de China,
p Relac. de las Iflas Filipinas y Malucas, por Hernan de los Rio$
Coronel. 1 Navarette, Genielli Careri, Luyts.
for
140 D'lfiovcrleSy War 5^ and Settlcmenis of
for rice, which is the corn of the country, it is of differ-
J, f ent kinds, fome requiring four or five months between
*J, with all tlie fov.'ing and harveil, and fome fown and reaped within
theft ad- the fpace of forty days.
"janta^es. With all its fertility, Manilla is fuhje(Sl: to great difad-
'* "^/"^y vantages ; the very worft of thefe are earthquakes, w^hich
Vtconvtiii' ^'^^ ^^^^*^ ^°^^ frequent and terrible ; next to thefe may be
tttcts, reckoned their burning mountains, of v/hich there are
feveral. Neverthelefs, the face of the ifland is far from
being disfigured by them, or by the confequences of their
expiofjons \ on the contrary, there is no foil more pleafant
or fruitful. The grafs grows, the trees bud, bloflbm,
and bear fruit at once, all the year round, and this as well
on the mountains as in gardens. For this reafon the tin-
' guiani, that is, mountaineers^ have no particular place of
abode, but always live under the flicker of the trees,
which ferve them infliead of houfes, and furnifli them with
food i and, when the fruit is eaten up, they remove
where there is a frefh fort. The orange, lemon, and
other European trees, bear twice a year : if they plant a
fprig, in a year it becomes a tree, and bears fruit.
thtre are The richefl fruits of the Weft Indies, as well as the
the ruheji Egft, grow here plentifully, and fome that are to be found
frutti, jjQ v/here elfe. They have forty different forts of palm^
drml in ^^'^es, the mofl excellent cocoas ; and the heft, xaflia in
the Indtesy fuch plenty, that they feed their hogs with its fruit. In
in this the mountains they have wild cinnamon, wild nutmegs,
ifi^*'^* and fome fay wild cloves alfo ; ebony, fandal-wood, toge-.
ther with excellent timber for building and fhipping.
All kinds of cattle they have in the greatefh abundance,
fo that a large fat ox does not cofl above four pieces of
eight : civet-cats are very common here, and their civet
highly valuable ; amber is thrown upon their coails, and
frequently ambergrife in prodigious quantities ; fometimes
there are pieces found of forty, fifty, and even fixty,
pounds weight. Hardly any country yields more or better
wax, which is made without any trouble to the inhabi-
tants, farther than that of looking for it in the woods %
Ye' (he Laft of all, this country abounds with gold to a degree
chiff and that Can hardly be affirmed of any other, except the ad-
mofi i"a^«- jacent iflands; for though in fome provinces there is
able com- ^^^^^ jj^ Others lefs, vet in every part of Manilla gold
Manilla it ^s to be lound on their mountams, warned out 01 the
^oldy ivith
which it ' Rtlac. de las Idas Filipmas y Malucas, por Hernan dc los Rios
alfju/*^j. Co.ontl, Navarctte, Gemelli Carreri.
earth
the 'Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. i ^i
earth by the heavy rains; in the mould of their vallies,
carried down by the rivulets ; and in the fand and mud of
their lakes, brooks, and rivers. When the Spaniards
firil arrived, the Indians were much more induftrious
in gathering this precious metal than they are at prefent,
for the fake of the ornaments they made of it ; about
which they are now become very indifferent, becaufe they
are commonly taken from them ; neither would they
gather it at all, if in fome places they were not obliged
to pay their tribute therein, and in -nothing elfe ^ It is
by this impofition, that the vSpaniards obtain about a
thoufand or fifteen hundred pounds weight every year,
without the ufe either of fire or quickfilver ; whence it is
cafy to conceive what immenfe fums Manilla would pro-
duce, if they could oblige its inhabitants to work as in
Chili and Peru ; but they have found by experience, that,
in the fentiments of thefe people, death is much more
eligible than fuch flavery.
The Spaniards found upon the coafl a nation of Moors, ^f the ori^
who called themfelves Tagalians, or Tagaleze, who cer- .J'^^^'«« -
tainly came from Malacca, or perhaps more immediately from t\^J^ ijiJZj
Borneo; whether driven by tempeft, or came of their own t^eir co-
free choice, is more than can be determined. That they tour, difto-
are really Malayans by defcent, is evident from their /^'^''» ^^*
colour, fhape, habit, manners, and language. They are
for the molt part a modeft, tradable, and well-difpofed
people. In fome provinces they found Pintadoes, that is,
painted Negroes, perfons tall, Itreight, ftrong, aftive, and
of an excellent difpofition : laftly, blacks, who lived in
the mountains and thick woods, on whom the Spaniards
have bellowed the name of Negrilloes, who are held
to be the aborigines of the ifland, and are the moft en-
thufiaftic lovers of liberty in the world. Their fole prin-
ciple is, an abhorrence of fubmiffion, whence there is no
government amongft them, and fcarce any fociety : thofe
who inhabit the foot of a mountain are mortal enemies
to thofe who dwell at the top of it, and both are equally
hated by thofe who live in the middle. When they kill
a Spaniard ^, they make a cup of his flcull, and drink
out of it ; in other refpe61:s they are barbarous and brutal
to the laft degree. Neither is this character taken wholly
from the Spaniards; for, before their time, the Tagaleze
* L'Amirante D'Hieronirao de Banvelos y Carillo Relac. de las
Mas Filipinas, Gemelii Carreri. t Tour du Monde, par Geftielli
Carreri, cap. vi.
and
142 Dlfccvenes, ^ars^ and Settlements of
and tlie Pintadoes found them as incorrigible, and dealt
with them no otherwife than by knocking them on the
the head". In the mountains, near fprings, and in caves
pleafantly fituated, live a nation called the Ilayas, or
Tinghianos, whom fome fuppofe to be defcended from the
Japanefe, as free as the Negrilloes, but agreeing with
them in no other refpe6l, for they are very brave, and
yet very courteous and humane. They live entirely upon
the gifts of nature, and never fieep under any other
(hade than that of the trees or a cave. They never hurt
either Spaniards or Indians, unlefs they attempt to deprive
them of their liberty ; but they fhew no mercy to the
poor Negrilloes, from a principle of felf-defence. It
is generally believed, that thefe blacK people are the
fame who inhabit New Guinea, and (everal iflands be-
tween that country and the Philippines: though it is now
two hundred years fince the Europeans had fome know-
lege of that country, yet are we ftill ignorant whether it
be a continent or an ill and ; whether under the power of
one prince, or of many 5 and whether the people are dif-
pofed to trade, or are of the fame intractable humour
with the Negrilloes in the ifland of Manilla.
Of the pro- It is now necelTary to fpeak of the provinces into which
H;in<e of this ifland is divided : that of Balayan is next the city of
Balaym, Manilla, and extends along the coaft, on the eaft fide of
clmarfJi ^^^ ^^^"^' ^ ^^"^^ beyond the bay of Batangas.' There
the cities * were in it formerly gold mines, but they have been long
ports, pro- fince abandoned. It is inhabited by about two thoufand
Juce, dScn £ve hundred tributary Indians, and abounds in cotton,
rice, and palm-trees. This province is well cultivated ;
and here the Spaniards have, generally fpeaking, their
country-houfes. Adjoining to this is the province of Ca-
lilaya, or Tayabas, which reaches to Cape Bondo, and up
the country to Mauban, on the oppofite coaft of the ifland:
it has more inhabitants, and is larger than the other. Next
is the province of Camarines, in which are Bondo, Pafla-
cao, Ibalon, metropolis of the government of Catandu-
anes ; Bulan, where the fliip called the Incarnation was
caft away returning to New Spain in 1649 ; Sorfocon, or
Bagatao, where the king's fhips are buDt •, and Albai, a
large bay witliout the ftreight, where there is a high burn-
ing mountain feen at a great diftance by the fhips coming
from New Spain : in this mountain there are fome fprings
« D. F. NavaretteTratadosHiftoricosdela Monarchic de China,
lib. vi* cap. 4.
of
the Spaniards In the Eaft Indies. 143
of hot-water. Beyond Albal, eailward, is the cape of
Buyfaygay ; and then the ifland runs northward, leaving
the ifles of Catanduanes on the right-hand. Coafting from
thence weflward, they meet the river Bicor, which flows
from a lake, and runs by the city Caceres, founded by the
fecond governor and proprietor of thefe iflands, D. Francis
de Sande. Here refides the bifliop of New Caceres, under
whom are the provinces of Colilaya, Camarines, and Ifa-
lon "^^
Next to the province of Camarines is that of Paracale, Of that sf
where there are rich mines of gold, and other metals, and Paracale,
of excellent loadftones : iu it dwell about feven thoufand and that of
tributary Indians. The foil is good, and very level, pro- ^'^^^J^^*
ducing cacao and palm-trees, from the laft of which they
get much oil and wine. Three days journey from Para-
cale, along the coaft, is another bay called Mauban, where
the illand winds, and makes as it were the bend of the
arm oppofite to the elbow where Manilla (lands. Some-
times the {hips coming from New Spain have left their
money here, to be fent to Manilla. Without this bay
is the port of Lampon, like that of Mauban. From Lam-
pon to Cape Engano the coaft is inhabited by none but
Negrilloes, or Barbarians. Here begins the province and
dlftridl of Cagayan, which is the largeft in the illand, be-
ing eighty leagues in length, and forty in breadth. The
mctropohs of it is the city called New Segovia, founded
by the governor D. Gonzalo Ronquillo, and in it the ca-
thedral church. The city ftands on the bank of the river
of the fame name, which runs almoft acrofs all the pro-
"vince. There refides the chief alcayde, with a garrifon
of Spanilh foot. A ftone fort was built here, and other
works made of gabions and wood, for a defence againll the
revolted Indians called Ilayas, who live on the (ides of high
mountains which divide the whole ifland. In this province
the parilhes belong to the Dominicans \
The moft nottherly cape is that called Del Engano, dan-
gerous by reafon of the northern winds and great currents.
Fifteen leagues from New Segovia eaft ward is Cape Boja-
dor ; and then doubling the cape, and coafting along from
north to fouth twenty leagues, ends the province of Caga-
yan, and begins that of Illocos. The peaceable Cagayans,
who pay tribute, are about nine thoufand, befides thofe
that are not fubdued. The whole. province is fruitful 5 the
w Relac. de las Iflas Filipinas, Gemelli Carreri. » D. F.
J^avarette, Gemelli Carreri, Luytz.
144 Difcoveries^ Wars^ and Settlements of
men able of body, inclined to tillage and arms, and the
women to feveral forts of work in cotton. The mountains
produce wax in fuch plenty, that all the poor burn it in-
ftead of oil. On the mountains there is abundance of bra-
fil, ebony, and other forts of wood of great value. In the
woods, ftore of wild beafts, as boars, but not fo good as
thofe in Europe -, and deer, which they kill for their fkins
and horns, to fell to the Chinefe ^.
Of the pro- The province of Illocos is the richeft and beft peopled
*uince of j^ the illand ; its coaft extends forty leagues. On the bank
I locos' of the river Bigan, the governor Guido de Laccazaris, fuc-
ceflbr to the adelantado, in the year 1574 built the city
Fernandina. Up the country the province is not above
eight leagues in breadth, being interfered by mountains
and woods inhabited by the Igolotti, a tall warlike people,
and by blacks not fubdued ; yet the extent of the whole
country was viewed, when the army marched fcven days,
travelling three leagues a day through v/oods of wild nut-
megs and pines, and at length reached the top of the moun-
tain, where were the principal habitations of the Igolotti.
They live there becaufe of the gold found in thofe parts,
which they gather, and exchange with thofe of llocos and
Pangafman, for tobacco, rice, and other commodities.
Befides gold, this province produces much rice and cotton,
of which they make quilts, and other furniture ^
Of the pro- Adjoining to this is the province of Pangafinan, for
nj'mee of about forty Spanifli leagues along the coaft ; its breadth is
Pangafi' about eight or nine leagues ; and very like llocos. The
mountains and plains produce much brafil wood, called by
the Indians fibucan, ufed in dying red and blue. The in-
land parts are full of wild Indians, who, like brute beafts,
wander naked up and down the woods and mountains, only
covering their privities with a leaf. T^ey fow a little rice
in their vallies ; and what more they want they get in the
conquered country, in exchange forfmall bits of gold they
gather in the rivers. In the province of llocos there are
nine thoufand that pay tribute, and feven thoufand in that
of Pangafman. On the coaft of this province is the port
of Bolinao and Playahonda, famous in the Philippine
Iflands, for the vi6^ory there obtained by the Spaniards
over the Dutch. Next to this lies the province of Pam-
panga, where the diocefe of New Segovia ends, and that
of the archbiftiop of Manilla begins. This province is
y Rehc. de las Iflas Filipinas> * GemelH Carreri Tour
de Monde, p. iv. iib> i. cap. 7.
large;
nan.
\
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, I4|
Ititge ; and of great confequence, becaufe the natives, be««
ing well inftrucfted by the Spaniards, help to defend the
jftand, and have ftood by them upon all occaiions, not only
in Manilla, but in Ternate, and other provinces. Befides,
the foil is very fruitful, particularly in rice, fo that it fur-
nifhes Manilla. It alfo yields timber for building of fhips,
the woods being on the bay, not far from the port of Ca-
vite. It contains about eight thoufand Indians, who pay
tribute in rice. In the mountains of this province dwell
the Zambali and Negrilloes. Thefe are always fighting
among themfelves, to defend their woods from their neigh- '
hours, and fecure their game and pafture *.
The province of Bahi, lying eaft of Manilla, is no lefs Ofthepro-
important for building of Ihips. About the bay of this ^'^*?'^ ^
name, and in the neighbouring farms, grows the beft fruit ^^/'^'T
that is eaten in Manilla, efpecially the bonga or arecca, and
the buyo, which is the fame as betle. This is an aromatic
and delicate fruit ; but it mull be obferved, that this of
Manilla exceeds all other ; and the Spaniards from morning
till night never ceafe chewing of it. The fruit this plant
bears is called taclove. This province fuiFers very much
by the continual labour the natives are put to in felling
timber for building fliips, two hundred, and fometimes
four hundred, being employed every month in this work
on the mountains, or at the port of Cavite. The king al-
lows them a piece of eight a month, and rice enough.
The whole province contains fix thoufand tributary na-
tives. The province of Bulacan, lying between Panpanga
and Tondo, is fmall, its inhabitants Tagalians, and abounds
in rice and palm-wine ; the number that pay tribute, three
thoufand. It remains to fay fomething of a fmall province
near the mouth of the channel ; becaufe, though its me-
tropolis be on the main land of Manilla, yet the reft of it
is made up of feveral illands, as Caianduanes, Mafbate,
and Burias. Catanduanes is thirty leagues in compafs,
ten in length, and its Ihape is almolt a triangle. It is one •
of the firll met with in the way to the illands ; and fo near
the Embocadero, or mouth of the channel of St. Bernar-
din, that fome pilots, miftaking it, have loft their fhips ;
for, believing they were entering the mouth of the ftreight,
they found themfelves among dangerous flats, which are
all round the illand a mufket-fhot from the fliore. Its be-
ing expofed to the north wind makes it always flormy ; for
a Relac. tie las Mas Filipinas. Navarettc, Gemelii Carreri,
Luyts. . .";^^^
WoD.Vpt.VIII, L whicU '^^
I-;6 DtfcoverleSy Wars^ and Settlements of
which reafon there is no failing thither but from the 15th
of June to the middle of September **.
Of the It abounds in rice, oil of palms, cocoas, honey, an(i
i/land of ^ax. There are feveral rivers, dangerous to crofs, in the
mtes* "' ^^^^"^^ ^^ which there is gold found, brought down from
the mountains by floods. The biggefl of them is called Ca-
tandangan, and by the Spaniards Catanduanes, whence
the ifland took its name. The chief employment of the
natives is carrying wood, and making very light boats, which
they fell at Mindora, Caleleya, Balayan, and other places.
They firft make one very large, without any deck, and not
nailed, but fewed together with Indian canes, and then
others lefs and lefs, one within another, and thus they
tranfport them a hundred leagues ^. The people are
warlike, and paint themfelves like the Bifayas. They are
excellent failors ; and, leaping into the water, turn a boat
again in a moment, that has been overfet. For fear of
fuch accidents, they carry their provifions in their hollow
canes clofe flopped, and tied to the fides of the boats.
Their habit is oijly a waiilcoat, which reaches down to the
knees. The women are of a mafculine fize, and apply
themfelves as much as the men to tillage or fiChing. They
are modeitly clad in a coat or jerkin, after the manner of
the Bifayas, and a long mantle. Their hair is tied on the
crown of the head, making a knot like a rofe. On their
forehead they wear a plate of gold two fingers broad, lined
with taffeta ; in their ears three gold pendants, one in the
• place where the European women ufe it, the other two
higher. On their ankles they have rings, which make ^
tinkling noife as they move, We are next to give a fhort
defcription of its capital, u^hlch is alfo that of the PhiHp-
pines, and the dominions of his Catholic Majefty in the
Eaft Indies «*.
Adefcrip^ The city of Manilla, as has been already hinted, (lands
tion of the upon that point of land where the river that comes out of
tityofMa- xh.Q lake runs into the fea, and whence Ragia the Moor,
' J ^ who had fortified himfelf with ramparts upheld by palm-?
theijlandof trees, and furnifhed with fmall guns, was beaten by Mi-
Lupn,and chacl Lopcz Legafpi on the 19th of June, 1571. In
the Phiiip- compafs it is two miles, in length one third of a mile ;
find, jj^g fhape irregular, being narrow at both ends, and wide
in the middle. It has fix gates. The wall on the fide
next Cavite is flrengthened with five little towers with iroi^
b Tour du Monde, par Gemelli Carren. « Coronel,
J^avaieite, Luyts^ * Navarctte, Gcmciii Carreri, Luyts.
gun i
the Spaniards In the Eaft Indies* 1 47
guns J but on the angle, next the land, is a noble baftion
called La Fundizion, or the Foundery ; and beyond it an-
other, not inferior to it, between which is Puerta Real,
or the Royal Gate, well furniihed with brafs guns, and good
out-works. Farther is the gate of Parian, over which
there is a battery of breafl artillery. Proceeding ftill by
the river fide, we come to St. Dominic's baftion, and
thence go on to the caftle which terminates the city, wafti-
ed on the fouth by the fea, and on the north and eaft by
the river, over which there are drawbridges to enter at the
royal gate, and that of Parian. The palaces of Manilla^
though all of timber above the firft floor, yet are beauti-
ful from their handfome galleries. The ftreets are broad;
but frequent earthquakes have fpoiled their uniformity,
by overthrowing houfes and palaces, which are not re-
built ^
Manilla contains about three thoufand fouls, of various The num» -
mixtures, qualities, and complexions, produced by the ^^^ oJ i»'
conjuncSlion of Spaniards, Indians, Chinefe, Malabars, "^^^^/^^^f
Blacks, and others inhabiting that city, and the adjacent and in Pa*
iflands. Though Manilla be fo fmall, if we look only on rian,
the circumference of its walls, and the number of inha-
bitants, yet it will appear large if we include its fuburbs ;
for within a mufket-fhot of the gate of Parian is the habi-
tation of the Chinefe merchants called Sangleys, who m
fcveral ftreets have rich fliops of filk, porcelain, and other
commodities. Here are found fuch as exercife all arts and
trades ; fo that all the wealth of the citizens runs through
their hands, through the indolence of the Spaniards and
Indians, who apply themfelves to nothing. There are
about three thoufand of them in this fuburb, aiid ?s jpipny
more throughout the iflands.
There were formerly forty thoufand; but abundance of Of tkt
them were put to death in tumults they raifed at feveral Chinefe
times, and particularly that on St. Francis's eve, in 1603, T^^V^^'*'
after which they were prohibited ftaying in the ifland by his r^l^yu
Catholic Majefty. This order is very little obferved, for
there always remain behind many of thofe that come eve-
ry year, in forty or fifty chiampans, loaded with commo-
dities ; the profit being very great at Manilla, which they
could not find in China, from the fmall price manu i
failures bear. The merchants or fangleys of Parian ar^
e Relac. de las Iflas Filipinas y Ma!ucas, por Hernan de los
Kios Corond, Navarttte, Gemelli Carrerl.
\a % jp-v«rnecj
: 1^8 DifcoverieSy Wars, and Settlements of
governed by an alcalde, to whom they allow a good
falary, as well as to the king's folicltor, their proteftor,-
to his fteward and other officers, befides all the duties and
taxes to the king (R), They pay his majefty ten thoufand
pieces of eight a year for the privilege of playing at me-
tua at their new year; and yet this permiffion is but for
a few days, that they may not throw away other men's
money. Metua is the game of even or odd, at which
they play, laying down fmall heaps of money, to be won
or'lofl by gueffing right ^ They that ufe this fport are fo
expert, that they know the number by viewing the di-
menfions of the heap. The Spaniards keep the Chinefe
very rai^ch under, not fufFering them to be in Chriftian
houfes at night, and obliging them to be without light in
their houfes and fhops.
pfth other Over the bridge adjoining to Parian are the fuburbs or
Suburbs oj hamlets of Tondo, Minondo, Santa Cruz, Dilao, S. Mi-
m^niua* guel, S. Juan de Bagumbaya, Santiago, Neuflra Seniora
de la Hermita, IMalati, Chiapo, and others, to the num-?
ber of fifteen in ail s, inhabited by Japanefe, Tagalis, and
other nations, under the government of an alcaide,
Ofiht The houfes are generally of wood, near the river, and
buitdinQs in ftanding on pillars, with fteps going up to them, after the
Manilla manner of Siam. The roofs are covered with ni'pa, or
H^ S P^IJTi-tree leaves, the fides of cane, and they afcend to
jactnt, them by ladders, becaufe the ground is moift, and fome-
tlmes full of water. In the time of the petty king Ma-
tanda, Tondo was fortified with ramparts and cannon,
but could make, little refn'tance againil the Spaniards. In
the fpace between thefe hamlets, on both fidey of the ri-
ver, as far as the lake of Bahi, there are gardensj farmsj>
and country-houfes, pleafant enough to behold; fo that,
looking on it altogether, it is much like the large villages
in the neighbourhood of Siam. As to the public edifices,
they were formerly much more magnificent than at pre-
fent, experience having taught them that wood or cane
are far better materials for building in that country than
f Tour du Monde, par Gemelli Carreri, cap. 2. « Mendoza
Defcript. de rifle du Lu9on.
(R) The indudry and ad- they deal with, fo dexteroufly,
drefs of thefe people are fo that they conflantly carry away
great, and they have the art of almofl all the filver that comes
inanaging the pafiions, and at- by the annual fhip from Mcxi-
t^ckipg the foibles of thofe co.
brick
the Spaniards in the l^afi Indies. 1 49
bnclc or flone j but the magnificence which reigns with-
in (hews fufficiently that they are not either ftrangers or
enemies to fplendor''. The Jefuits college was by far the
moft confiderable building in the city in all refpe6ls \ it
was founded in 1581, and, like other houfes of that fo-
ciety, had been increafing in wealth, as the fathers who
inhabited it had done in credit and power, till tine late
diflblution of that order. There are beiides a vail number,
in proportion to the fize of the place, of churches and re-
ligious houfes. The caftle or fort flands, as we have al-
ready obferved, at the weft end of the city, having the fea
on one fide, and the river on the other : it is ftyled the
Citadel of St. James, and was originally fortified in the
(hape of a triangle, having one baftion towards the fea^
another towards the river, and a third at the weft point
to cover the port, which is only fit for fmall vefl^elg. Arid
now, having faid fo much of the city, let us ftep out a
little, and take notice of another place of confequencci
which is generally confidered as the fea-port, becaufe, as
we obferved, fmall veflels only come up to Manilla K
This town is called Cavite, a name beftowed upon it ^ defcnp^
by the Tagalians, or Tagalefe ; it lies three leagues fouth *'°" °^ ^"^
of Manilla, on a long narrow neck of land, on one fide ^,7^.
of which is the fea, and on the other the bay that forms
the port. It is defended by the caftle of St. Philip, which
commands the port, and is by much the beft fortrefs iii
the ifland, being a regular fquare, with four good baftions
well fupplied with cannon ; and here are the principal
magazines for military and naval ftores* The bay is for
the moft part very deep ; there is in it plenty of good fifh,
and the fides of it are fprinkled with very pleafant vil-
lages ''. Directly againft the mouth of this bay lies the
ifland of Maribeles, about three leagues in compafs, and
half a league in length. It is about twenty-four miles
diftant from Manilla j and, though a place of very great
eonfequence, has but a fmall guard under the command
of an officer, who is alfd the corregidore, or civil magiftrate
in the village. There are three mouths or entrances front
the fea into the bay, the firft between that ifland and
Punta del Diablo, or the Devils Point, which is about a
mile and a half over, very deep, and therefore moft ufed %
p Gemelli Carreri Tour du Monde, part. iv. liv. i. chap. 2«
^ Coronel, Navarette, Liiyts. ^ Recueil des Voyages qui ont
fervi a I'EtablilTsment de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales,
torn iii. p. 102.
L 7 the
15® JbifcoveneSy Wars, and Settlements of
tKe fecond lies between the oppofite Ihore and the rock
called De los Cavallos, or the Horfes ; it is fcarce a mile
over, fhallow, and with many rocks in the palTage, fo
that it is very unfafe : the third lies between the rock be-
fore mentioned and the point of Marigondon, it is nine
miles over, but encompafled with flats and fhoals, fo that
it is dangerous to fail through it without a good pilot.
The port itfelf is in the form of a femicircle, very well
defended from fouth winds, but not fo well fheltered
from the north. On the fame point with the caftle of
St. Philip ftands the arfenal, where the galleons are built,
for which fervice there are from three to fix or eight hun-
dred Indians conftantly employed, who are relieved every
month, and, while upon duty, maintained at the king's
cxpence. To the town, or, as fome call it, city, of Ca-
vite, belongs the fuburb of St. Roch, inhabited by Indians
and Chinefe. as well as Spaniards, and more populous
than the town itfelf. There are likewife upon this coaft
feveral other ports, but far lefs confiderable ; and yet of
great ufe, as they afFord fhelter to the Japonefe junks,
.and the veflels of other Eaftern nations, which at the
proper feafon of the year refort thither annually in great
numbers ^
The ecc.ejt' j^^ refpe£l to the government, we will begin with the
etvil SO' cl^urch. Manilla was erecled into a bifhoprick in 1581 j
virnment and feventeen years after became an archbifhoprick,
tf Manilla* through the favour of the pope and the king of Spain : to
this prelate all the clergy in thefe iflands are fubjedl, as
their metropolitan. He receives yearly out of the king's
treafury fix thoufand pieces of eight ; and the twelve
canons or prebendaries of his cathedral church have a
clear income of between four and five hundred crowns
each, paid them in like manner. Befides Manilla, there are
three other bifhopricks in the Philippines ;. namely. Zebu,
Camerines, and Caggayan ; each of thefe prelates have five
thoufand pieces of eight a year, as hath the bifhop, with-
out any declared fee, who fucceeds in the firft vacancy, to
prevent the inconveniencies that might enfue from waiting
the befl part of fix years, till the fucceflbr could be fent
from Spain. The inferior clergy are very numerous \ and,
as all of them receive more or lefs from the royal treafury,
a great burden on the ilate * : yet wc muft not haftilypro*
' Relac. de las Iflas FiHpinas. Voyage de Compagnie, torn, vHi.
p. 98. «» Gerselli Carreri Tour du Monde, p. v. Ijv. i.
chap. 5.
nouncc
tld Spaniards h the Eaft Indies. 151
hounce it an ufelefs burden, fince it is very certain that the
natives are retained within the bounds of their duty rather
by the exhortations and influence of the ecclefiaftics than
by any other method. As to the civil government, the
city of Manilla is governed by two alcaides ; the reft of
the cities and great towns in the ifland have each an
alcaide ; and in every village there is a corregidor. Ap-
peals from their fentences are made to the royal court at
Manilla, in which there are four judges and a fifcal or
attorney-general ; each of thefe judges has a falary of three
thoufand three hundred pieces of eight per annum. The
viceroy is prefident, and, in that quality, has an income
of four thoufand pieces of eight, but he has no vote ; yet,
if the judges are divided equally, the prefident names a
doftor of the civil law, who, in virtue of his appointment,
has a deciiive voice. The attorney-general, in right of
his office, is proteftor of the Chinefe, in confideration of
which he receives fix hundred pieces of eight every
year \
As for the Indians that, are in fubje<3:ion, they pay tri- /« fwhat
bute in the following proportions : young men from manner thi
eighteen, and from thence, if they continue fmgle, to the '•^'^'^'^''•^
age of fixty, pay five rials of plate by way of capitation ; ^fj-ned
as fingle women likewife do from twenty-four to fifty; and the na*
married men pay ten rials. It is computed that there are ture of
within the compafs of this government two hundred and ("comu
fifty thoufand Indians, fubjeS to his catholic majefty, of ^^'^^**
■whom two fifths hold immediately from the king, and the
reil from lords or proprietors^ Such a lordfliip is called,
in Spanifh) encomiendaj and the proprietor encomen-
daro ; but out of thefe there are confiderable dedu6tioris,
fuch as two rials for every head for the maintenance of the
forces, and the like fum for the parifh prieft. The royal
revenue is computed at about half a million of pieces of
eight, exclufive of cafualties. In reference to the mili-
tary force, the garrifon of Manilla confills of about eight
hundred or a thoufand men, and there are about three
thoufand more in the Philippines. The viceroy is by his
office captain-general, with a falary of about four thou-
fand pieces of eight °. Having thus confidered the feveral
points propofed to be explained in relation to the ifland of
Luzon, and its capital the city of Manilla, we are next
to attempt a fhort defcription of the reft of the Archi-
pelago.
" Kelac. He las IHas Filipinas, Navarette, Gemelli Carrcri.
• Don Jijaii Grau y Montfalcon juftification, Sec
L 4 J Detail
«5^
DifcoveneSy Wars, and Settlements of
AfuccinSi
account of
the reji of
the Phi-
lippine
J/latids, in
their na-
tural of'
dsr.
A Detail of ihe other IJlands dependent upon it, their Situa»
tiony Commodities, Tribute, Advantages, and Difadvan-
iages; with the Afanner in which their Inhabitants are-
treated, and iheir Obedience fecured by the Spaniards, ,
npHE moft natural way of defcribing the fmall iflands in
the vicinity of Lugon, or Luzon, is to fpeak of them>
as they lie along the channel through which the galleon
always paifes in her voyage to New Spain, firft ; and then
of thofe that lie fouth, weft, and north, of that ifland.
The neareft of thefe is Capul, three leagues in compafs,
the foil fruitful, pleafant and commodious, for the Indians,
who live after the manner of the Bifayas. A few leagues
north-weft from the mouth of the ftreight lies Ticao,
eight leagues in compafs, inhabited by free Indians, or,
as the Spaniards ftyle them, favages. There is in it a good
port, with the conveniency of frefh water and wood, and
it is therefore the laft land touched at by the galleons P-
Four leagues weft of Ticao is Burlas, five miles in compafs.
It has but few tributary Indians, who are comprifed in the
parlfti of Maft)ate, which is another larger illand fouth of it,
and not far diftant from Ticao. This ifland of Maibate is
thirty leagues in compafs, eight in breadth, and propor-
tionably long. Its ports are commodious for their {hips to
take in water. Here are about two hundred and fifty
Indian famihes, who pay tribute in wax, fait, and civet.
But thofe that dwell in the mountains,, and originally
came from other phrts, are numerous. The gold mines
produced formerly confiderable quantities of that metal^
twenty carats fine ^ : they do not at prefent work in thefe
mines* As for the Indians, if they have but a difli of rice^
they never mind that metal ; and if ever they gather any
in the rivers, it is when they are prefTed for their tribute,
and then they gather juft as much as ferves to pay it. The
Ihores of thefe iflands are often enriched with amber-
grife, caft up by the current of the channels that run upon,
them ^
Leaving Ticao, Mafbate, and Burias, behind, and
holding on the fame way, we find the ifland of Marindu-
que, fifteen leagues from Manilla. It is eighteen leagues
in compafs, high, and abounding in cocoa and other fruit--
P Recneil des Voyages qui ont fervi a rEtabliflTement de la
Compaignie des Indes Orientales, vol. iii. p. 90, 91. <5 Ge-
melli Carreri, Tour da Monde, p. v. liv. i. chap. 8. ^ Rclac.
de Us Ifla$ FilipinaSf Navarette, Gemelli Carreri.
trees*
the Spaniards in the Eaji Indies, i^g
trees, on which the inhabitants live, becaufe there is but TAe ijtapcfs
little rice. There is a great deal of pitch made, but little of Mar in-
•wax. Mindoro is about eight leagues from Manilla, and ^?"5'
five from Marinduque ; fifteen leagues long, eight in ^^^^^ ^'^^
breadth, and feventy in compafs. The broadeft part of it defcribed
is that which looks towards the fouth, where, together "^Jith an
with another high and round fmall ifland called Ebin, it ^'^^f"*' ^/
makes a ftreight between it and Panay, which they call ^J^^l^n^J
Potol. There is another known by the name of Calabite, ptop^g,
between it and Luban. The land of Mindoro is high and
mountainous, abounding in cocoa and all forts of fruit-
trees ; but rice grows only in fome parts. Along its chan-
nels, and the mouths of its rivers, dwell thofe Indians who
pay tribute ; and on the eail, north-eaft, and on the fide
oppofite to Manilla, are Tagalians, and To towards Panay
and Bifay. Up the country live the Manghiani, who,
though differing in language, agree in having no form of
government ; they go naked, only covering their privities ;
and change their habitations according to the feafon of the
year, becaufe they live upon wild fruit. Though they are
not far from Manilla, they have not yet loft their fimpli-
city, exchanging the wax of their mountains for nails,
knives, needles, rags, and other baubles \
Baco is the metropolis, of the ifland, where the alcaide, Ja account
or governor refides : not far from Baco is a ^Izce they of t/iei/land
call Old Mindoro, from which all the ifland took its name. ^"^^">^"^
Cape Varadero ftretches out towards Tal, a village on the anl^Lople
coaft of Manilla, between the two bays of Bombon and of that and
Batangas ; and a fmall ifland called Verde, or Gittn the adja*
Ifland, lying between them. The channel for the fhips '^"^ J^''*
going to and from Cavite is not above a mile over ; and
this narrownefs is the caufe of the whirlpools and currents,
which endanger fliips when they have not a fair wind and
current at their entering the channel. In Mindoro and
Luban they reckon there are one thoufand iz^tn hundred
inhabitants, who pay tribute in wax and black hemp, which
the cocoa-trees produce, and ferves to make cables for the
king's fhips. Luban is a fmall low ifland, five leagues in
compafs ; near it is the little ifle of Ambil, in which is a
high round mountain, feen at a great diftance, by reafon of
the flames it throws out. On the other fide Luban, north-
wards, there is no ifland of note; only beyond Cape
Bajador, oppofite to new Segovia, at eight leagues diftance
from it, are j:he low little iflands of Babuyanes, ftretching
' Gemelli Carreri, Tour du Monde, p v. liv. i ehap 8.
out
154 t)Ifcovenes* IVars, and Settlements of
out towards the iflands Formofa and Lequlos. In the
neareft, which is conquered, there are about five hundred
natives that pay tribute. It produces wax, ebony, botatas,
cocoas, plantanes, and other things for the maintenance
of the inhabitants. Fourteen or fifteen leagues fouth-weft
of Luban are the Calamides, a province made up of
feventeen iflands, all fubdued, befides many others not
yet reduced ; among the firft of which is a great one call-
ed Paragua, part belonging to the Spaniards, and part to
the king of Borneo *.
Of the This ifland of Paragua is the third In bignefs among the
ijles of Pa- Philippines. The compafs of it about two hundred and
^and the flat ^% leagues, the length one hundred *, but the breadth
ijlands not above twelve in fome places, and fourteen in others.
ivhich lie The middle of it lies between nine and ten degrees of
between latitude : its furtheft cape, called Tagufau, towards the
\h Tat f^outh-weft, is fifty leagues diftant from Borneo, in which
ijle ofBor- interval there are many low iflands that almoft join the
«w. two great ones. The inhabitants of the coafts of thefe
iflands, and of Tagufau, are fubjedl to the Mohammedan
king of Borneo " ; but up the country are Indians uncon-
quered, barbarous, fubjedl to no king, and therefore all
their care is not to be fubdued by the Bornean's or thd
Spaniards ; half the lands of this ifland are in their pof-
feffion. The Spaniards have in it about twelve hundred
tributary Indians, blacks, like thofe of Africa, who range
about from place to place, without any certain abode.
They are faithful to the Spaniards, who keep a garrifon
there of two hundred men, part Spaniards, and part
Indians, with an alcayde, or governor, whofe refidence is
at Taytay, on the oppofite point to Borneo, or, as the
Spaniards call it, Bornei, where there is a fert. The
lampuan, or governor for the king of Borneo, refides at
Lavo. The ifland is almoft all very high land, and full
of trees and wild beafts, and produces abundance of wax
oh the mountains, but very little rice ^.
At a fmall diftance from the northern cape of Paragua,
and weft from Manilla, are three iflands, called Calamianes,
which give their name to a province or government.
Thefe, and nine others near them, are comprehended in
the fame province, but are all fmall, and inhabited by
peaceable Indians. In fome of them there are one hun-
t Relac. (3e las Iflas Filipinas, Gemelli Carreri, Navarette.
u Tour du Monde, GemellLCarreri, p. v. liv, i. chap. 8. * Relac.
de las Idas Filipinas- Navarette, Luyts.
dred
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 155
dred and fifty, that pay tribute, In others fewer. The
chief product of their mountains is wax, which they ga-
ther twice a year. In the rocks over the fea, are found
thofe fo much efteemed and high prized birds nefts j and
on their coafts alfo are very fine pearls.
Beyond the Calamianes, in fight of the high mountain The /malt
of Mondoro, are the five iilands of Cuyo, not far diftant ^^^^"^^ "/
from one another. In them there are about five hundred /l^^fr ^"
tributary famihes, ftill more civilized, and better afFedled fruitful,
to the Spaniards than thofe of Calamianes and Paragua. andpopw
They are very laborious, and therefore gather abundance ^^^J ijland
Q)i rice, grain, and fruit. The mountains abound in all ''^ Fanay^
forts of beafts and fowls. At thefe iflands ends the pro-
vince of Calamianes, and begins that of Panay, the firfl
land whereof is Potol. As Paragua is the largeft next to
Manilla and Mindanao, fo Panay is the befl peopled, and
moft fruitful in all the archipelago *. Its fhape is triangu-
lar, and its compafs one hundred leagues. The names of
its principal capes are Potol, Nafo, and Bulacabi. The
coaft from Bulacabi to Potol, lies caft and weft ; from
Potol to Nafo, north and fouth ; from Bulacabi to Iloilo,
another cape, lefs than the great ones, is alfo north and
fouth; from Iloilo to Cape Nafo, eafl and weft. The middle
of the iiland is in the latitude of ten degrees. On the north
fide,almoft in the middle between the two capes of Potol and
Bulacabi, the famous river Panay falls into the fea ; and the
mouth of the harbour is covered by a fmall ifland, called
Lutaya,in which port theSpaniards had a fafe retreat, before
they difcovered and conquered Manilla and Cavite. The
fertility of Panay is caufed by the many rivers that water it;"
for there is no travelling a league without meeting a river,
but more particularly by the Panay, which gives its name
to the ifland, and runs a courfe of forty leagues y. Oftheg9^
The ifland, for the better admlniftering of juftice, is '^^r*^fnentt
divided into jurifdidions ; the firft, called Panay, con- ^^^*^^*
tains all that lies between Cape Potol and Bulacabi ; the andnurn-
reft of the ifland is fubje£l to the alcayde of Otton, who ber ofin-
re fides at Iloilo, a point of land running out into the fea, tiabitauts,
on the fouth fide, between the two rivers of Tig Bavan \" ^^f^
and Jaro, and, with the ifland Imaras, forms a ftreight ^^^" *
not above half a league over, or rather an open harbour.
On this point, the governor Don Gonzalo Ronquillo
caufed a fort to be built, in the year 1681* The iiland
contains about fixteen thoufand tlxree hundred and fixty
* Tour du Monde, Genidii Caneri, p. v- liv. i. chap. S.
7 Mendgz?/ Coronel, Lnjt$.
tlibuta'-y
15 S DlfcoverteSy Wars^ and Settlements of
tributary Indians, partly belonging to the king, and partly
to particular encomienderos, or lords ; but they all pay in
lice, the ifland producing one hundred thoufand buihels,
Spanifh meafure, and but little other grain ^. The in-
habitants are ftout, lufty, and induftrious farmers, and
expert huntfmen, the country being full of wild boars and
deer. The women make cloth of feveral colours. There
are in the ifland fourteen parifhes, belonging to the fathers of
the order of St. AugulHn, three benefices of fecular priefts,
and formerly one college of thefociety of Jefus, where they
adminifter the facraments to the garrifon of Iloilo. Befides
the tributary Indians, there are here thofe blacks the
Spaniards call Negrilloes, who were the firfl inhabitants of
the ifland, and afterwards driven into the thick woods by
the Bifayas, who conquered it. Their hair is not fo ftiff
curled, nor are they fo ftout and ftrong, as the Guinea
blacks. They live in the moft uncouth parts of the moun-
tains, with their wives and children, all naked like beafts.
They are fo fwift, that they often overtake wild boars and
deer. They ftay about the dead beaft as long as it lafts j
for they have no other fubfiflence but what they acquire
with their bow and arrows. They fly from the Spaniards,
not fo much through hatred, as from fear. Among the
iflands about Panay lies Imaras, oppofite to Iloilo, and
about a quarter of a league diftant. It is long and low,
ten leagues in compafs, and three in length, the foil fertile,
abounding in falfapari^la, and exceeding good water. On
the mountains there are wild boars, deer, and good tim-
ber. It has alfo in it the port of St. Anne, three leagues
from Iloilo *.
An account Ten or twelve leagues to the northward of the point of
cffome Bulacabi is an ifland, called Sibuyan, of the fame fort with
^ ^'\ the laft. Two leagues to the northward are Romblon and
Batan, and the then ifland of Tablas, larger than any of
the others, and five leagues diftant from the point of PotoL
In it there are many Indians, who fpeak the fame lan-
guage, and are little difl^erent from thofe of Panay in other
refpedls. Thefe are all the lefl^er iflands that He clofe to
the great ifland of Manilla ; let us next proceed to thofe
which are beyond, and at a greater diftance ''.
Between the two great iflands of Lu9on, or Manilla, and
Mindanao, the former the moft northern, the latter the
moft fouthern, of this archipelago, are thofe of Leyte,
« Relac. de las Tflas Fllipinas, Gemelli Carreri. a Men-
4o2a, Gemelli Canerj, Luyts- *> Rclitc, de las Idas Filip'nas,
Samar,
»
the Spaniards in the Eafi Indies. 157
Samar, and Bohol, which, one after another, enter Into of the
that large femi-circle, which is formed by them all together, ijland of
The firft of the three, and neareft to Manilla, is called Samar.
Samar, on the fide which looks towards the ifles, and
Ibabao on that fide next the ocean. It is 1 ke the trunk
of a man's body, without head or legs. Its greateft
length, from Cape Baliquaton, which, with the point of
Manilla, makes the ftreight of St. Bernardino, in 1 3 deg.
30 min. north latitude, extends to that of Guignan, in
1 1 deg. towards the fouth. The other two points, making
the greateft breadth of the ifland, are Cabo de Spirito
Santo, or Cape of the Holy Ghojiy the high mountains of
which are the firll difcovered by (hips from New Spain ;
and that which lying oppofite to Leyte weftward, makes
another ftreight, fcarce a ftone's-throw over. The whole
compafs of the ifland is about one hundred and thirty-
leagues. Between Guignan and Cape Spirito Santo is the
port of Borognon, and not far from thence thofe of Pa-
lapa and Catubig, and the little ifland of Bin, and the
coaft of Catarman. VefTc'ls from countries not yet difco-
vered are very frequently caft away on the before men-
tioned coaft of Palapa. Within the ftreights of St. Ber-
nardini, and beyond Baliquaton, is the coaft of Samar,
on which are the villages of Ibatan, Bangahon, Cathalo-
gan, Paranos, and Calviga. Then follows the ftreight of
St. Juanillo, without which, ftanding eaftward, appears
the point and little ifland of Guignan, where the compafs,
of the ifland ends. It is mountainous and craggy, but
fruitful in the few plains there are. The fruits there are
much the fame as that of Leyte; but there is one peculiar
fort, called by the Spaniards chicoy, and by the Chinefe,"
who put a great value on it, feyzu, without kernels *=.
The ifland of Leyte takes this appellation from a village Of the
called Gieyte, feated on a bay oppoiite to Panamao. From ijlatidof
the point of this bay, northwards, one fide of the ifland ^C^'^*
runs as far as the ftreight of St. Juanillo, twenty leagues
in length. Then turning down from north to fouth is
the ifland of Panahan, at about thirty leagues diftance,
where there are two points, three leagues afunder ; the
firft called Cabalian, the other Motavan, a name taken
from a rock direftly oppofite, now called Sogor. Ferdi-
jiand Magalhaens, the firft difcoverer of tliefe illands, in
1 52 1, entered through this ftreight of Panahan. He
who gave him the beft reception was the lord of the little
.* Rclac, de las Iflas Filipinas.
ill and
158
Enjoys an
excellent
tiif, and
has fome-
thing pecu-
liar in its
feafonst
nuhich are
'very re-
taariabU.
Its produee
and revc
nue.
DJfc-overks, fVarSy and Settlements of
ifland of Dimaffavan, who conducted and guided him to
Cebu, and there was baptized, together with the king of
that ifland'*. From Dimafiavan, or Sogor, weftward,
there are forty leagues to the point of Leyte, and fo ends
its compafs of ninety or one hundred leagues.
It is well peopled on the eaft fide, that is, from the
ftreight of Panamao to that of Panahan, on account of
the fruitful plains ; but there are vaft high mountains,
which cut it almofl through the middle, and occafion fo
great an alteration in the air, that when it is winter on
the north fide, at the fame time as with us in Europe, it
is fummer on the fouthern coad. Thus, when one half
of the ifland reaps, the other fows, and they have two
plentiful harvefts in a year, to which feveral rivers run-
ning down from the mountains not a little contribute.
Thefe mountains abound in game, as deer, wild cows,
and boars, and feveral forts of fowl. The earth pro-
duces great (lore of roots, on which the inhabitants feed
as much as upon bread, grain, cocoa-trees ; and good
timber to build fliips. Nor is the fea inferior to the land,
yielding plenty of good fifli. The ifland contains about
nine thoufand Indians, that pay tribute in rice, wax, and
guilts ^
The air is frefher in Leyte and Samar than at Manilla,
and confequently thefe iflands are more pleafant. On
the fide of Baybay and Ogmua, Leyte is next to Bohol, the
third ifland, formerly under the care of the fathers of the
fociety, that is, the Jefuits. Its length from north to fouth
is fixteen leagues, irs breadth eight or ten, and its com-
pafs forty. The fouth coaft, locking towards Mindanao,
is the bed peopled ; that is, from Lobog, the metropolis,
to the little ifland or peninfula of Panglao. There are
three others with fewer inhabitants, but in all they do not
make above twelve hundred that pay tribute. The foil
does not produce rice, but is rich in gold mines, and
yields a vaft abundance of cocoas, batatas, and feveral
forts of roots, which ferve inftead of rice. There are
multitudes of cattle in the mountains, and fifh in the fea,
which the* natives exchange with thofe of the neighbour-
ing iflands, for cotton. The people fpeak the Bifayan
language, but are whiter, and have better countenances
than thofe of Leyte, Samar, and Panay, and are bolder
men, both at fea and on Ihore ^
< Pigafetta, Argenfola, Coronel. « Gemelli Carreri Tour da
Monde, p. V. iiv. i. chap. 9. f Relac, de las Ulas Filipinas.
Of
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 155
Of the IfandofCebuy the firjl Seat of the Spanljh Government,
The Pajfage hetiveen Lima and that yiandjhorter^ and more
commodious i than between Manilla and Acapulco. The I/land
cf Mindanao y rich Commodities thereof ^ a7id the prefent State
ofth^ Inhabitants ; as alfo ofXolo; with the Reafojis why the
Spaniards have not been able to extend their Authority farther^
or make the Revenue of thefe Ifands turn to a better Account*
CEBIT, Sogbu, Sibu, or Zebu, is but fmall, not ex- Of the
tending above fifteen or twenty leagues, the breadth eight, ijlandof
and the circumference forty-eight. The chief point to- ^^"'**
wards the fouth-eaft is called Burulague ; and hence its
two coafts run, the one from north-eaft to fouth-weft, to
the ftreight of Tanay ; the o^her from north to fouth, to
the ifland of Matta, four leagues in compafs, and the city
of the Holy Name of Jefus s. This is feated on a point, in
latitude 10 deg. almoft in the middle of the ifland, and
diftant from the ifle of Matta a mufket-fhot on the eaft,
and a cannon-fhot on the weft, where Magellan was
killed, with his father-in-law, the chief pilot, and captain
John Serrano. Between thefe two lands lies a port, fhel-
tered from all winds, and with two entrances, that is,
one from the eaft, and one from the weft ; but there are
ftioals at both. Here Magellan found many velTels, of fe-
yeral nations, at anchor ; and the king of that place de-
manding of him the duties for merchandize and anchor-
■^ge, he excufed himfelf, alleging, the greatnefs of the
^panifli monarch, and that (hips of war paid none (F).
g Tour du Monde, Gemelli Carreri, p. v. liv. i. chap. 9-
(F) In the neighbourhood over, others only on the bread,
of Zebu, there are Tome fmall the hips, the back, or the arms,
iflands, called Pintadoes, from with a great variety of figures,
their inhabitants, to whom the fuch as fnakes, dragons, or
Spaniards gave the fame name, birds of prey. This was the
becaufe many of them had finery of thefe naked people,
their bodies painted in a very a kind of herald's coat, by
extraordinary manner. Thefe which their great adlons were
people are blacks; and there declared, fince all thofe figures
are ftill many of them in the were emblematical, and confe-
adjacent iftands that are not quently not imprefled till the
under fubjeftion to the Spa- perfon who wore them had
nlards. This painting was per- atchieved fuch enterprizes as
formed by incifion and burn- thefe figures denoted (i).
jng. Some were painted all
(j) Relac. ds W*. Iflas Filip'.n;^?.
There
l6o DifcoverleSf PFars, and Settlements of
There were at that time in Zebu three thoufand familicis
of warlike people ; and in it was afterwards founded the
firll town of Spaniards, with all maglftrates of note ^.
Attohat In 1598, the king made it a city, fending F. Peter de
time it 'was Agurto, of the order of St. Auguftin, to be the firft bi(hop.
^^l^fht"^'^ It was then permitted to Zebu to fend (hips into New
ftel Spain, as at this time only Manilla can fend two ; and for
, certain reafons that will be hereafter given, they now con-
tent themfelves with one. In procefs of time, as the trade
of that illand increafed, and more efpecially from the grant
of annual fhips, the commerce of Zebu gradually funk,
infomuch, that the chief town, though it flill remains a
bifhop's fee, is long ^go become very little better than a
village ^ There are yet remaining, however, fome vef-
tiges of its ancient grandeur, fuch as the cathedral, two
or three monafleries, and a triangular ftone fort, built for
the prote£lion of the harbour, in which there are flill kept
two companies of Spanifh foot. There are likewife in its
neighbourhood two villages, which were formerly fuburbs
to the city : one of thefe is called Parian, where the Chi-
nefe merchants and artificers formerly dwelt, and in which
fome flill remain ; and the other inhabited by Indians, who
are free from tribute, in confequence of their original
agreement with the Spaniards, to whom they were the
firfl that fubmirted, and were of very great ufe to them in
difcovering and fubduing the rell of the iflands. It has
been computed, that there are in Zebu about five thou-
fand families, warmly attached to the Spaniards, in con-
fequence of their being converted to Chriflianity. The
only kind of grain in this ifland is what they call borona,
inferior not only to our corn, but even to rice; in colour
it comes nearefl to millet, but is much fmaller, and of a
different tafte. There is alfo abundance of that kind of
plant called abaca, which, when drefled in the fame man-
ner with flax, affords a finer and a coarfer kind of thread.
Of the former they make cloth, which ftrves for various
ufes, and though not very beautiful, is, hov>^ever, ftrong
and ferviceable *, and of the latter they make cordage and
cables, which are reported to be excellent, as they are
not fubjecl to rot by lying in the water, which is the fault
of the black cordage made from the cocoa-trees. They
have likewife in this ifland great quantities of cotton,
which they manufadure into very fine quilts ; and with
h Coionel, Argenfola, Gemelli Carreri. * Men'doza. Tour
^u Monde, par Gemelli Carreri, p. v. liv. i. chap. 9. Luyts.
a woof
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. i6t
a woof o£ cocoa-thread, and a warp of cotton, they make
a fort of cloth, which ferves for many ufes. As for more
valuable commodities, they have not many j yet fome they
have, fuch as a kind of drug refembling afa foetida, wax in ,
great quantities, and very good, with fome civet ^,
Before we quit this ifland, it is neceflary to inform the "^^e com*
reader of fome particulars, of which he will not meet ^^^^^^^^^^^
with any account elfe where. We find very intelligent H^aand
writers expreffing their amazement, that the Spaniards, zebu,
in traverfmg the Atlantic ocean from the Philippines to
New Spain, and from New Spain to the Philippines,
ftiould difcover fo little, and fhould never be able to find
again thofe iflands that were met with in their firft voyages.
The commerce between the Spanifti dominions in Afia and
America, while it remained fixed at Zebu, did not lie be-
tween that ifland and New Spain, but to Peru, the voyage
being made from Calao to Zebu, and from Zebu to the
fame port. This being almoft a direct paflage, was much
eafier and ftiorter than that between Manilla and Acapulco.
Ships have come from Calao in two months, and have re-
turned thither in three ; and hardly any paflage M^as made
without difcovering fome new iflands, either on the fouth,
or on the north, of the equator. In one of thefe voyages,
as fome accounts fay, in the year 1567, the iflands of So-
lomon were difcovered, which were reported to be richer
than any countries that had been found before that time ^
This information induced the licentiate Caftro, when Difcove'
he was governor of ^Peru, to fend a fleet in 1579, under ^^^^ '» '^^^
the command of Don Alvaro Mendoza and Don Pedro P^u^S*'
Sarmiento, to complete that difcovery. They failing from
the port of Calao eight hundred leagues weft, found cer-
tain iflands 1 1 deg. fouth latitude, inhabited by people of
a tawny complexion, who had in their huts cloves, ginger,
and cinnamon. Ihe firft ifland in which they landed
they called Ifabella, where they fitted up a pinnace, with
which, and their fhip's boat, they difcovered eleven great
iflands, between 9 and 15 deg. fouth latitude, all of them
rich, well peopled, and abounding with fpices, of which
they brought back with them a confiderable quantity : but
Sir Francis Drake coming through the ftreights of Magel-
lan into the South Seas, very Too n after this period, orders
came from Spain, forbidding any farther fearch after thefe
iflands. However, in 1595, the then viceroy of Peru
^ Mendoza, Gemelli Carreri, Luyts, ^ Purchas's Pilgrims,
vol. \v. p. 14.32. 1447.
■Mod. Vol. VIII. M equipped
1 62 * Difcovenes, IVars^ and Settlements of
equipped another fleet, or rather fquadron, confifting of
four fail, under the command of Alvaro de Mandana, who
mifFrng the hlands of Solomon, difcovered, between 9
and 10 deg. of fouth latitude, feveral illands, in which,
chiefly through their own fault, the Spaniards were very
roughly handled, loft two of their fliips, and the other
two, with the greateft difficulty, arrived, one of them at
• Mindanao, and the other at Manilla ■". This is a diftin£t
and clear account of the feveral attempts made to recover
thefe famous iflands, and will fully convince the intelli-
gent reader, that the Spaniards have been no great gainers
by the alteration of their route to the PhiHppines. Let us
now defcribe the remaining part of this archipelago.
Of the The iflands lying next to Zebu are on the north-eaft,
ijlands in near Cape Burulaque, Bantayan, a fmall ifie, encom-
ihenjuimiy pafled by four or five lefs, in all which there are only
of Zebu, xhxct hundred Indians that pay tribute : and, for the moil
and more , , ,, , - rs\- j i •
particu- P^^N ei'^ip^oy tnemlelves in hihmg, and making cotton
larly that cloth and hofc. Between Zebu and the coaft of Ogmach
of Negroes, and Leyte, are otji^r iflands, called Camotes, the chief
of which is Poro, dependent on Zebu. Jn it the point
of Tanion ftretches out to the ifland of Negroes, one hun-
dred leagues in compafs, and is feparated from, it by a
fmall channel, a league over, but dangerous becaufe of
the current. Ihis ifland extentis northward from nine
to ten degrees and a half. It is fruitful in rice, in which
the inhabitants pay tribute ; and it fupplies Zebu, and
other adjacent parts. The mountains are inhabited by
blacks w^ith curled hair, who, by reafon of their num-
bers, gave their name to the ifland, and who live in a
kind of brutal liberty, like their forefathers. The land
is divided among them, fome living on the tops of moun-
tains, others on the fldes ; but they fight fiercely among
themfelves, if one party attempts to invade the territory
of the other. This happens very often, for it is their
cuflom, that thofe above can have but one wife, and her
they mufl take by force from them below \ and fo, on
the contrary, thofe below from thofe above ; confe-
quently every day there is bloodfhed, and fome or other
killed, commonly with poifoned arrows. Thefe are
headed either with iron, flint, bone, or wood hardened
in the fire ".
^ Hiftory of Navigation, prefixed to the firft volume of Church.
Voyages, p. 74. P. Charlevoix Faftes Chronologiques du Noveau
Monde, torn. r. p. 33. " Tour du Monde, par Gemehi Carreri,
part V. lib. i. chap. 9.
At
the Spaniards in the Raft Indies* i^^
At the mouths of the rivers dwell a thkd fort g{ Various
blacks, who have no commerce with the other two, and ^''■<^»«f-
are fuch enemies to the Spaniards, that they give them no-'f^^.^^^^^'
quarter. Neverthelefs, if the ifland happens to be in- ^^^ differ^
vaded by pirates of Mindanao or Xolo, they run with ent mhw
their arms to defend it, and this fervice being performed, bitant^.
they retire to the mountains. They behave in this manner,
as looking upon themfelves to be the old lords of the
ifland. The Bifays, it is true, as an acknowlegement
for having been permitted by them to fettle here, fupply
them with rice, and the blacks requite them with wax.
Thefe Bifays live in the plain, and they are moft nu-
merous on the weft fide, under the dire61:ion of the
fathers of the fociety. In the ifland there are about
three thoufand that pay tribute, governed by a corregldore
and a military commander. Here grows a great deal of
cacao, originally- brought to the Philippines froni New
Spain, as alio much rice, which the mountains produce
without watering. The ifland Fuegas, otherwife called
Siquior, is near this, and alfo to Zebu ; though fmall, it
is inhabited by people of valour, dreaded by thofe of
Mindanao and Xolo. The ifland Panamao lies well, on
the fartheft coaft of Carigara, and not above a muflcet-
fhot from Leyte °, It is fixteen leagues in circumference,
the length four, and the breadth proportionable. It is
very mountainous, and excellently watered by feveral
rivers, and full of filver and quickfilver mines.
Thefe are what may be called the conftituent parts of /f///^/ ^^^.
the Spanifli empire in the Eaft Indies ; for, with regard ticulars
to the fmaller iflands, fome of which are inhabited, and ^^^^m to
others not, it would require a volume, to give even a ^d^^"^^i"\
fuccin6t dtfcription of them. The inhabitants of each encetothe
fpeak a difl^erent language i and, in fome of the iflands, aS/^^j/J^^-
"where, as we have obferved, difl^erent nations inhabit, /^''^'«4/^<'«
there are of confequence as many languages as there are
nations. However, many of thefe are but dialefts, occa-
sioned by a difl^erent pronunciation, fo that they under-
fland each other, at leaft in fome meafure, without
making ufe of interpreters. There are befides, two lan-
guages which univerfally prevail *, and the accounts we
have of thefe are more than fuflicient to fatisfy an intel-
ligent reader, that there mud have been a time when thefe
countries were in a better condition, their inhabitants
more knowing, and much more poliftied, than at pre-
° Mendoza, Navaj ette, Gemelli Carreri.
M z fent.
1^4 DifcoverleSj Wars, and Settlements of
fcnt^. We have now executed all that we propofed, with re-
gard to the provinces under the jurifdiftion of the Spanifti
viceroy of Manilla. But there are two iflands ftill remain-
ing, of which it is but fit we fhould fay fomething \ becaufe
though they have, long ago, thrown off the Spanifli yoke,
are ftlU confidered as a part of the archipelago of St.
Lazarus, and are, beyond all difpute, of as much import-
ance as any of thofe before mentioned, that of LU9011
only excepted.
Gftkemhle Mindanao is next to Manilla in point of fize. As to its
i/land of fhape, it appears almoft triangular, ending in the three fa-
Mtndanao, mous promontories of Samboangan, Cape St. Auguftin, in
yj^^^yi^yj, gT 6 degrees north latitude, and Cape Suliago, in 10 deg.
the archi- 30 min. Between Suliago and the Cape of St. Auguftin,
filago^ which lie north and fouth, is the province of the warlike
nation of Caragas. Between Suliago, which points tathe
north-eaft, and Samboangan, is the province of IlHgan, the
juiifdi£lion of Dapitan, and the people called Subanos*
Samboangan and Cape St. Auguftin lie eaft and weft ;
and the people of them on the one fide and the
other border upon the provinces of Buhayen and Minda-
nao. The circumference is about three hundred leagues;
but this ifland has fo many long points running out into the
fea, and deep bays, that a man may go acrofs it any where
in a day and an half. It lies fouth-eaft of Manilla, at the
diftance of tv/o hundred leagues. About it there are many
iflands of different fizes. Among thofe that are inhabited
is Xolo, thirty leagues diftant from Samboangan ; Balifan,
divided by a ftreight of four leagues \ Sangutl, the pcnin-
fula of Santranguan, and others *J. Mindanao being fo
far ftretched out, and fo much divided, enjoys, or parti-
cipates at leaft of feveral climates, and is encompaffed by
ftormy feas, efpecially on the coaft of Caragas. That part
which is fubjedt to the government of Samboangan is moll
temperate, the winds pleafant, feldom annoyed by ftornis',
and ftill lefs by rain. The provinces of Mindanao and
Buhayen, fubje^t to two Moorifti kings, are very marftiy,
and, the plain country efpecially, in a manner uninhabit-
able, by reafon of the gnats '. There are, throughout
p Argenfola, Coronel, Combes, Navarette, Gemelli Carrcri.
Juftification de la Confcrvation y Comerfio des las Iflas Philipinas.
See alfo the fubfequent feftions of this chapter. ^ Combes
Hiftoria de las Iflas de Mindanao, lolo, y fus adyac'mtes, Recueil
des Voyages qui ont fervi a I'EtablilTement de la Corapagnie des
Indes Onentales, vol, vi. p 48. Geraeili Carrcri. ' Relac,
dc las Iflas Filipinas. Luyts, Dampier.
the
the Spaniards in the Eaji Indies. 165
the whole extent of this ifland, about twenty navigable
rivers, and above two hundred rivulets. The moft re-
markable of the former are Buhayen and Butuan, both
flowing from the fame fpring, but the firft runs towards
the coaft of Mindanao, the other towards the north, and
falls into the fea, in fight of Bahol and Leyte. The third
river, called Sibuguey, rifes near Dapitan, and divides the
territory of Mindanao from that of Samboangan. There
are alfo two lakes here, one called Mindanao, which, in
that language, fignifies aMan,of aLake, and gives its name
to all the country, which is very large, and covered with
a fort of herbs they call tanfon, that fpread themfelves over
the water. The other, being eight leagues in compafs, is
on the oppofite fide of the ifland, and known by the name
of Malanao. All the country, except upon the fea-coaft,
is mountainous, yet abounds in rice, and produces very
nourifhing roots, as batatas, ubis gaves, aperes, and others.
There arc infinite numbers of that fort of palm-trees which
are called fagu, of the pith of which, reduced to meal,
they make bread and bifcuit throughout all the ifland of
Mindanao % but efpecially on the coaft of Caragas, near
the river Butuan (G).
Mindanao
s Gemelli Carreri Tour du Monde, p. 5. liv. ii. chap. 6.
(G) What vv€ have delivered of perfection. The foil moft
in the text, is fupported by the proper for it is a low marfliy
authority of fuch writers as at- ground, where it rifes to the
teft what they faw ; but a dif- height of twenty-five, and
tin6t and accurate account of fometimes thirty feet, and is
fagu, or fagou, for fo it is pro- as thick as a man can compafs
nounced, makes a large and with both his arms. The trunk
curious article in natural hif- is fmooth, for all the leaves
tory. Without pretending to rife from the head. They
enter into this matter fully, wc fpring at firfl upright and
will endeavour to give the pointed, of the thicknefs, at
reader competent fatisfadion, the bottom, of a man's arm ;
in as few words as poflible. by degrees they open, and de-
The fagu is one of the moft cilne their points, till they be-
numerous fpecies of palms, come as long as the tree is high.
grows in molt of the Molucca They are thick and ftrong, and
ifiands, as alfo in the ifland of are employed to cover houfes,
Borneo, which is held to pro- which they do much better
duce the beft. It feems de- than thatch ; and for other
iigned by Providence to fupply ufes. On the back of the leaf
mankind with food, in coun- there are ftrong fliarp prickles,
tries where no kind of grain that defend them from being
$an be cultivated to any degree eaten by beafts, and more ef-
M 3 peciully
i66
The cinna-
mon tree
peculiar to
this ijlandt
and the
rtajon why
it is but of
Uttie value.
Dtfcoveries, Wars, and Settlements of
Mindanao produces all the forts of fruit that are 'to W
found in other illands of this archipelago \ but the -tinha-
peclally by wild hogs, which
feed on them greedily, when,
as they grow old, thefe prickles
fall off. As new leaves fhoot,
the old ones decay. The fagu
grows thirty years before it
produces fruit ; and then, in-
fleadof new leaves, there ihoots
out at the top a firm piece of
wood, of the fize of a man's '
arm, from whence are pro-
duced flowers and fruif. In
the latter, which is of the fize
of a pigeon's egg,, is contained
a fmall nut, of a black colour,
and fharp four talk. It bears
but once ; after which the tree
gradually decays, But there
are very few of thefe trees that
are permitted to* bear fruit,
fince it is from the body of the
tree they procure that meal
which is of fo great. ufe. They
judge of the proper time for
cutting it down from its leaves,
which grow white and dry, and
are ealily rubbed to powder
when the heart of the tree is in
the bell: condition. As foon as
it is cut down they bark it, and
what is thus taken off is about
two fingers thick ; then they
cut it into pieces of five feet
long, and fplit each of thefe
through the middle. Some fay
the meal is made from the pith ;
which others deny, affirming
that it comes from the body of
the tree; and yet this is no
more than a difpute about
words, fince, in fadt, the body
of the tree is compofed of dif-
ferent fubftances, that is, of a
foft fpungy matter intermixed
with ligneous fibres. The for-
mer is carefully feparated from
the latter; then mixed, tem-
pered, and rubbed in water,
till it is reduced to a flour,, in:
which form it fettles to the
bottom of the vefTels ; and
then, the water being poured
off. Is carefully dried, and be-
comes fit for ufe. Of this,
while it is frelh, they make va-
rious kinds of food, grateful
enough to Indian palates,
though but infjpld to Europe-
ans, who, notwithiianding, by
the help of lemon-juice, fugar,
and fpices, render it very plea-
^ fant. The bread made of fagu
is baked between earthen pans,
in the form of fquare tablets,
fix inches long, four broad,
and about a finger thick. What
is intended to be kept longer,
the Indians have a method of
graining, and it may be then
preferved for many years. The
iiour of fagu is very light of di-
gelHon, nourifhing, and wbole-
fome, exadfly fuited to the cli-
mate in which it is ufed, and
therefore in thofe countries
there is a vaft confuraption of
it ; and the Dutch tranfport
great quantities to their remote
fettlements, where their; fol-
diers make it their principal
food. Of late years confi-
derable quantities have been
brought to England and Hol-
land, where experience fliews
that it is a great rellorative,
and very fit for weak flomachs,
which it flrengthens by de-
grees, and in time recovers
the loft appetite, and helps di-
gcftion (i^.
(i)From the inrormation of a Dutch gentleman who vifited thefe
i^ands, and refided fome time in the Moluccas.
men
the Spaniards in the Eqft Indies, 1 5^
mon Is a tree peculiar to this of Mindanao, grows on tlis
mountains without any improvement, and has no owner
but him that finds it. Whoever is fo lucky as to meet firft
with fuch a valuable tree, begins immediately to make ad-
vantage of his good fortune. With this view, he takes oft
the bark before it is ripe j and fo, though at firft it be /
ftrong, like that of Ceylon, yet in a fmali time, and at
fartheft in two years, it lofes all tafte and virtue. It is ga-
thered in twenty-five villages, and about as many rivers,
of the coafl of Samboangan, towards Dapitan, on high
and craggy mountains, and in one village of the province
of Cagayan. The inhabitants of Mindanao find very good
gold by digging deep into the ground; as alfo in the rivers,
making trenches before the floods. There is fulphur
enough for all forts of ufes, which may be eafily colle<9:ed
in the burning mountains, the oldeft of which is Sanxil,
in the territory of Mindanao. In 1640 a high mountain
broke out into flames, and clouded the air, land, and fea,
with its afhes. In the fea, between this ifland and that
of Xolo, there are very large pearls taken '.
Thirty leagues fouth-vvefl of Mindanao is the famous An account
ifland of Xolo, or Giiolo, governed by a king of its own. of theijlmd
All the fiiips of Borneo touch there, and it may well be of Xthy its
called the general mart of all the Moorifli kingdoms. The f^^^^^*
air is wholefome and frefli, from the frequent rains which ^^^ depen-'
likewife fertilize the ground. This, as is generally re- dencits,
ported, is the only ifland of all the Philippines which
breeds elephants ; and, as the iflanders do not tame them,
as in Siam and Camboya, they are mightily encreafed :
there are likewife goats with fpotted flcins like leopards ".
Among the birds, that called falangan, is the moft ef-
teemed. As for fruit, it produces the durion ; abundance
of pepper, which they gather green ; and a peculiar fort of
fruit called of paradife, and by the Spaniards the king's
fruit, becaufe it is found no where but in his garden. It
is as big as a common apple, of a purple colour ; has little
white kernels like cloves of garlick inclofed in a thick fllell
like a piece of leather, and is of a delicious tafte. The
ifland of Bafiian is three leagues from Mindanao, and
twelve in compafs. Being oppofite to Samboangan, it rn ay-
be called the garden that furniflies it with plantanes, fugar-
canes, and other kind of fruit with which it abounds w.
t Relac. de las Iflas Filipinas, Dampier. " Totir dti
Monde, GeiTie]li Carreri,- p, v. Iw, ii. chap. 6. * Combes, '
Tour du Monde, par Geinerii Carreri. i
M 4 There
1 68 DifcoverieSy Wars, and Settlements of
Of the ft- There are five nations in Mindanao, namely, the Mln-
tveralna- danaos, Caragas, Lutaos, Subanos, and Dapitans. The
uons inha- Caragas are very brave, when employed either by fea or
/>«i, land. The Mindanaos faithlefs, lazy, and cruel. The
their cuf- Lutaos, a new nation in all the three illands of Mindanao,
torn', man- Xolo, and Bafilan, live in houfcs built on the tops of trees,
nerit £fr. at the mouths of rivers, which at flood cannot be forded ;
forLutao, in their language, fignifies a Man that fw'ims on
the Water* Thefe rhen are fo indifferent about land, that
they take no pains about fowing or reaping, but live upon
the feas of Mindanao, Xolo, and Bafilan ; yet they are
cunning traders, wear turbans, and ufe the weapons of
the Moors, as holding correfpondence, and being in amity,
with thofe of Borneo. The Subanos, that is. Dwellers on
Rivers, for fuba fignifies a river, are the loweft in efteem
of any people in the ifjand, as being bafe and treacherous
in a fupreme degree, They never depart from the rivers,
where they build upon long timbers fo high, that there is
no reaching their dv/elling with a pike : they climb up at
night by a pole faltened to it for that purpofe. They are
as it were vaflals to the Lutaos. The Dapitans exceed all
the nations before mentioned for courage and wifdom, and
aflifted the Spaniards in conquering the iflands ^.
Th huf' The inland part of Mindanao is fubje6l to the mountain
barous people, who, fond of Hoth and liberty, live in thofe parts,
hghlandirs without any incHnation to vifit the fea, or maintain them-
^nao *^and ^^^^^^ ^7 ^i^^^ge > and, being thus grown wild for want of
their unac- pommerce, gave ftrangers an opportunity of poflefling
tountabU themfelves of the forfaken fhores and rivers. There are
pajfionjor alfo, befides thefe nations, in Mindanao, fome blacks like
iibsrij. Ethiopians, who own no fuperior, any more than thofe on
the ifland, or in the mountains of Manilla -, but live like
beafls, converfing amicably with none, and doing harm to
all they can reach. They have no fettled place of abode,
and in the worft of weather have no other fhclter than
the trees. Their cloaths are fuch as nature gave them,
for they never cover fo much even as that which ought to
be hid. Their weapons are bows and arrows ; and they
feem to live without reftraint in a fl:ate of favage nature ^.
Of the Wo- The generality of the inhabitants of thefe illands are
hammedans Heathens j but from Sanxil to Samboangan the people
'« '^^/^ along the coaft are Mohammedans, more efpecially in the
'dT f iflands of Bafilan and Xolo, which lafl is the Mecca of the
tne mean- '
nefs of their
fretenftons ' Combes, Geraelli Carreri. Dampier, y- Geroelli Car-
tethatrc' «", Dampi?r,
i'gion. archi-
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 169
archipelago, becaufe the firft teacher of Mohammed's
do£lrine is buried there, of whom the giddy-headed ca-
ques tell a thoufand fables. The Spaniards, at their com-
ing, deftroyed his tomb. However, to fay no more than
the truth, they are generally atheifts ; and thofe that have
any religion, deal in forcery ^. The Mohammedans know
nothing of their fuperftition befides abftaining from fwine's
flefh, being circumcifed, and haying a plurality of wives 5
though they all agree in giving their minds to fuperilitious
omens and auguries upon every accident. They are very
temperate, contenting themfelves with a little boiled rice,
and, where that is not to be had, with roots of trees,
without making ufe of any fpice. Even the better fort
ufe no feafoning but fait and water. Their cloaths are
plain ; for, being enemies to fociety, every man is his own
taylor. One and the fame garment ferves for breeches,
waiflcoat, and fliirt. They wear daggers with gilt hilts.
Over their breeches they bind a piece of their own country
fluff, fo broad, that it hangs down to their knees *, and oti
their heads they wear the Moorifh turban *. The women,
in the day-time, wear a fack inftead of a petticoat, which
at night ferves for fheet, blanket, and quilt ; yet they wear
rich bracelets on their arms. Their little wooden houfes
are covered with mats, the ground is their only feat, the
leaves of trees ferve them for plates and difhes, the canes
for large veffels, and the cocoa-nuts for drinking-cups.
As to manners, they are more barbarous than other Mo-
hammedans ; for if the father lays out any money for his
fon, or ranfoms him out of flavery, he keeps him as his
flave -, and, which is more unnatural, the fon ads in the
fame manner by his father. They praftife a thoufand
frauds to ftrangers that deal v/ith them •, and abhor theft:
inceft in the firft degree is punifhed with death, that is,
by cafting the criminal into the fea in a fack. Law-fuits
are foon decided without any formalities, either in civil or
criminal cafes. The king of Xolo, for the adminiftration
of juftice, has a prime minifter whom they call Zaraban-
dal, which is the fupreme honour in that court. The
great opprefs the poor, becaufe the king has not a proper
degree of authority ''. There are degrees of nobility, as
of tuam, that is, great lord *, orancayas, or rich men^ lords
of vaffals. In. Mindanao the princes of the blood royal arc
called caciles, or as pronounced, cachiles, the fame ftyle
» Relac. de las Iflas FilipinaS. * Tour du Monde, par
Gemelli Carreri, p. v. liv. ii* cljap. 6. l» Combsi, G-mtili
^arieri, Dampicr.
that
17^ Dlfcoveries, Wars^ and Settlements of
tliat is ufed in the Moluccas ^. In time of war thefe peo-
ple have fhewn great courage, both by land and fea, againft
the Spaniards, whom they have fometimes grievoufly dif-
trefled by their piracies, and repeated defcents upon their
coafts ''.
mindanao Great part of Mindanao was formerly fubje^t to his Ca-
only defen- tholic majefty, which however coft a great deal of trouble
^'^*' f^ '^^ . in reducing, and was with much difficulty kept. After-
wernmenl' wards they made peace with the Moorifh foltan, which
in the Phi- gave them an opportunity of leflening their garrifons, and
lippinesy .depending rather upon the zeal- of dieir millionaries in
<2»^Mf/>^o- converting the Indians, who, when they become Chrif-
^iviltin^io ^^^"^» attached themfelves firmly to the Spanifh govern-
rece'fveany nient ; and, as they lie at a diftance from Manilla, arelefs
ottierF.uro' expofed to oppreffions. The city of Mindanao, (landing
pean na- upon a river of the fame name, and built upon high pofts,
lion, Y^^ the capital of the kingdom of Siam, is a place of con -
'fiderable trade, and where there are large quantities of
g9ld ftirring. Captain Dampier informs us, that, when
he was there, the foltan and his fubjeds manifefted a great
liking to the Engiifh, and would willingly have allowed
them a fettlement; which in his judgement was a thing
very prafticable, provided fhips were fent thither through
the South Seas; by which courfe, if they left England in
Auguft, they might arrive there in February. The rea-
• fons he oilers in fupport of his opinion, that an advaiita-
• geous fettlemcnt might be fixed here, ar-e very plaufible,
being taken chiefly from the advantageous fituation of the
place, the rich commodities with which it abounds, and
the trade that might be opened with the neighbouring-
countries *. But when, on the other hand, we confider
the rights of our exclufive companies, which are utterly
. irreconcileable to fuch a projeft. our conftant compki-
. fance to the powers that might take offence at our making
fuch a fettlement, and the decay of that enterprifing fpirit
which can alone fupport undertakings of this kind, there
is no great reafon to cxpe^l: that any attempt of this fort
will be made, at lead in our times.
Probability Yet if, amongft the variety of projects formed by thofe
thatttie powers that are endeavouring to raife a naval ftrength,
EaJ} India ^}^gy f]^ould ever fall upon a fcheme for traverfing the
IxlendtJ South Seas, and entering this way into the Indies (which
thofe is far enough from being improbable), we fhall quickly be
iJlands, ^ Argenfola Conquifta de las Idas Malucas. ^ L'Ami-
rante D'Hitronymo de Banvelps y Canillo Relac. de las Iflas Fiii-
pinas. « Dampier's Voyages, in Harris's Colleftion.
convinced.
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies. 1 7 1
convinced, that the politics of the Spaniards, EngliOi, and
Dutch, in neglecting and difcouraging that route, are but
indifferently founded, and that the profits of an Eall In-
dia trade carried on this way, 'would very much furpafs
thofe that arife from that which is now in ufe. Thefe
may at prefent be confidered as mere fpeculations ; but
the time may, and certainly will come, when pofterity
fhall be fatisfied that the Indies are but half difcovered;
and that countries may ftill be found, abounding in as va-
luable commodities as any that have been hitherto brought
to Europe, which the inhabitants would be glad to part
with for our manufadures, and which commerce would
be free from that popular objedion of carrying out filver;
though, if this could be accompliflied, there is' little rea-
fon to believe that it would become more plenty in Eu-
rope, becaufe this would leflen the demand, and confe-
quently we fhould not receive fo much from America ^
^he State of the Commerce between Spanipj Afia and Span'iflj
America; the ObjeMwns raifed againjl this Commerce y and
the Regulations that have been devifed^ in order to render it
more fuit able to the public Inter ejl,
AS we have how defcribed the principal iflands in the The extent
pofleffion of the Spaniards, we fhall next examine the ge- of the Spa-
neral flate of things, and fhew of how great worth and *i^^, gonjer^
confequence the Philippines are. The governor-general, "^^^
in point of rank, is at leaft equal, if not fuperior, to the
viceroy of the Indies. His falary, in that capacity, is up-
wards of five thoufand pieces of eight per annum, which^
together with his appointments, as prefident of the royal
audience, or fupreme court of juflice, and commander in
chief of the forces, make up in the whole, thirteen thou-
fand pieces of eight, which, however, is but an inconfi-
derable part of his income ^. His power is almoft with-
out bounds, except fuch as are afTigned by his own dif-
cretion. He has all military preferments in his gift; dif-
pofes of mofl of the civil employments when they become
vacant ; , has the power of making twenty-two alcaides,
or governors of provinces \ puts in a governor of the Ma-
rianne iflands, upon a demife, till his Catholic Majefly's
pleafure is known j and names tlie general (fo the chief
officer is called on board the annual ihip), which being a
f See Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iy. p. 1422. § Rehc. de
las lilas Filipinas, GimeliiGarreri.
poll
»72
Severe
trial to
tuhkh he
is eaepojtd'
fhe com-
merce of
Manilla*
DifcoverkSy IVars, and Settknients of
poft worth fifty thoufand pieces of eight, he does not be-
llow it, or indeed any thing elfe for nothing ''. All the
encomiendas, when they fall, are in his gift , he makes
the Indians captains, majors, and colonels, in their mi-
litia; of which titles as they are very fond, fo they are
not unpolite to fuch a degree as not to exprefs their grati-
tude properly to him from whom they receive thofe ho-
nours. In fine, he has very little lefs than fovereign au-
thority, with a prodigious revenue : and all this he enjoys
for eight years without control. But, as there is no
condition in this life totally free from inconvenience, fo
there is one unlucky circumilance that attends this high
office, and which renders it the lefs defireable : the Spa-
nifh court, confidering that he is but a man, that power
is apt to corrupt, and that the defire of wealth is a ftrong
temptation, leave him, when he goes out of his govern-
ment, in fome meafure at the mercy of the people ^
When his commiffion is fuperfeded, he cannot quit the
ifland before his condu£l has flood the tefl: of a rigorous
examination. His fuccelTor is commonly appointed his
judge by a fpecial commiffion ; and, public notice having
been given through all the iflands, the people in general
are allowed fixty days to come and make their complaints,
and thirty more to produce their proofs. In fome mat-
ters of high and extraordinary nature the judge is only at
liberty to examine and record the evidence, which, toge-
ther with his opinion, he tranfmits home to the council
of the Indies ; but in things of fmaller moment he pro-
nounces judgment ^^ and this confifts ufually of two parts,
reftitution to the perfon injured, and a fine to the king.
In former times this inquifition was very much dreaded ;
for, if the accufations were many and weighty, the go-
vernor was fent to prifon ; and there has been an inflance
of one that lay there five years, and others have died of the
fright. Of late, it is faid a prefent of an hundred thou-
fand pieces of eight to the fucceffi^r has been found an ef-
fectual anfwer to moft accufations. Sometimes, however,
the people have taken up arms, and punifhed bad gover-
nors without waiting for the judge's determination.
Thefe iflands are certainly very capable of producing
more than enough to defray the expence of keeping themj
and yet it is generally agreed, that the public revenue
" Navarettc, Gemelli Carreri, and Hamilton's Account of the
Eaft Indies, 1 Tour du Monde, par Gemelli Carreri, part, v.
Ijv. i. chap. 5. ^ Navarettc, Gemelli Carreri.
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies* 173
does not difcharge above two thirds of the annual ex-
pence. The remainder, which amounts to about two
hundred and fifty thoufand pieces of eight, is every year
fent in filver from Mexico ; which has been all along
complained of as a moft heavy grievance, becaufe, as the
Spaniards will have it, this filver is never feen again ; but
fome very wife men believe that the governors, and other
great officers, tranfport at leaft an equivalent in gold and
jewels, of which a great part goes by the way of Mexico,
and a good deal finds its way to Spain by fome other
route. The commerce of thefe iflands, though nothing
near fo great as it might be, yet is very confiderable,
fince the European and other inhabitants have between
four and five hundred vefieis of different fizes, with which
they trade, amongft the iflands. to feveral parts of the con-
tinent of India, to the Portuguefe fettlement at Macao in
China, and elfewhere ^ Befides, Manilla is a kind of ma-
gazine of Weft and Eaft India commodities, and at the
fame time is in fome degree a free port, where the (hips
of all nations, except the Dutch, are welcome. The En-
glifti trade thither either under Portuguefe colours, or the
colours of fome Indian nation, and of late the Danes
have ufed the fame expedient. While the inhabitants of
Goa were able to carry on any trade, they fent abundance
of fhips thither, though there are ftill many that carry
Portuguefe colours, yet moft of them belong to other na-
tions; and thofe that aftually come from Goa are not
freighted by the Portuguefe, but the Canarins ; fo low is
that nation fallen through luxury and indolence, who,
while they had courage and induftry, were mafters of the
Indies'".
As to the commodities of the Philippines, they confift ^ome ae^ \
of gold, but in no great quantity ; civet, excellent in its ^^""^ ^^
kind, and of which they have a great deal ; deer-fkins, Jt'ie^s"and*
drugs, dyeing woods, wax, honey, and provifions. Be- manufac-
fides thefe, they have feveral forts of coarfe and ftrong turesof tht
cloths, and other manufactures made by the Indians; but Philippines,
what chiefly attracts the foreigners are the commodities
and manufaftures of China, fuch as wrought and raw filks,
gold and filver tifl^ues, rich cabinets, and other lacquered
wares, with a numberlefs variety of other curiofities,
brought thither by that ingenious and induftrious nation.
Though thefe are without doubt the principal gainers by
I Relac. de las Iflas Filiplnas, Navarette, Gemelli Carreri.
ni'©i£tionare Univerfel de Commerce, torn, ii, col, 889,
this
»74
Their trade
*when firfi
fettled, not
limited in
any refped.
Dlfcoveries, PTars^ and Settlements of
this traffick, yet it is impoffible it fliould be carried on at
Manilla without confiderable profit to the inhabitants, who
are vaitly encreafed within thefe few years, and if they
were free from fome reftraints, might improve greatly in
their circumftances, efpecially in times of peaee, though
in times of war they are not often difturbed, and are no
longer in any danger of being attacked or invaded in their
own ifland ". After all, it is the commerce between thefe
iflands and New Spain that is principally to be confider-
ed. This renders them of great confequence to his Ca-
tholic Majefty, preferves the trade with China, furniflies
honourable and beneficial employments to men of great
birth and fmall fortunes, and defends the South Seas, and
the Spanifh dominions that lie along the coails of them,
from being expofed to any danger on this fide ; to which, if
thefe iflands were polfelTed by any other nation, they
would be infallibly expofed : therefore thofe minifters>
who have bepn for deprefling the inhabitants of the Philip-
pines, are either not well acquainted with the importance
of thefe countries, and the vafl advantages that might be
derived from them, or are carried away by prejudices the
refult of narrow and partial views °.
We have obferved, that, when thefe iflands were firft
fettled, the feat of government was at Zebu, from whence
the commerce was carried on to Calao, which is the port
of Lima, and was very different in many refpecls from
what it afterwards became ; for in thofe early days the na-
tives readily employed themfelves in fearching for gold, of
which the Spaniards had much greater quantities than in
fucceeding times, becaufc very probably they ufe them bet-
ter; they had alfo no fmall fhare in the fpice trade, fo that
the cargoes they fent to Peru were very acceptable. After
the conqueft of Lu^on, and the building the city of Manilla, .
when the Chlnefe trade began', in 1572, it was found re-
quifite to make various alterations ; for the voyage from
thence to Callao proved very tedious and troublefome, and
therefore the courfe was changed ; and becaufe the veflels
were obliged to iteer eafl-north-eaft, to have the benefit
of a proper wind, the port of Acapulco was fixed upon, .
as in many refpefts the mod proper for this correfpon-
dence, by which the voyage to America was fhortened by
n Gemelli Carreri, Diftionairc de Commerce, Hamilton's Ac-
count of the Eafl Indies. * Don Juan Grau y Montfalcon
Juftification, &c.
near
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, - 175
near one half p. The trade, however, remamed perfe£lly
free and open, as it had been from the beginning, by
which the new colony flouriflied extremely for about thirty
years. The fleet from Peru coming conllantly to Aca-
pulco pretty near the time that the galleons arrived from
Manilla in order to take their (hare of the commodities
that they brought; and thus the mutual intercourfe be-
tween the Spanifli fubjecls in the Eaft and Weft Indies
was carried on to the general fatisfa£lion of all parties,
notwithftanding that the returns to Manilla were chiefly
made in filver,^and that to a much greater amount than
they are at this time '5.
But about the beginning of the feventeenth century, LooieJ on
his Catholic majePcy's minillers in Old and New Spain, fell ^^ prejudi-
into great appreheniions of the confequences of the "^ ^° ^^
Manilla trade, which they bfilieved tended to the im- ^"^
poverifhment of both thofe countries ; the clamour againft
thefe illands grew fo ftrong, that in 1604 the trade was
limited, that is to- fay, the people of Manilla were al-
lowed to fhip goods to the value of two hundred and fifty
thoufand pieces of eight, and were to carry back no more
than five hundred thoufand. Some time after the cpm-
merce between Peru and Mexico was interrupted upon
the fame principles j and there wanted not fome who were
for abandoning the Philippines entirely, in hopes tliat this
would have occafioned fending more filver to Europe; a
thing that would certainly have facilitated the' ambitious
views of the court of Madrid, which had embarraflTed
her with all her neighbours. For the next thirty years
there was nothing but uneafinefs and complaints, refer-
ences to the councils of the Indies, followed by all the
bad confequences that ufually attend fuch litigious contro-
troverfies ; fome infifting on the necefllty of farther re-
ftridions ; and others alleging, that the continuance
even of thofe was more than fufficient to prove the utter
ruin of the Philippines, where however the people were ^
by this time doubled, and though few or none of the
merchants were rich, yet they had wherewithal to fubfift,
and carry on trade ; which they would have alfo extended,
if they had not been with-held by their governors, in obe-
dience to the inftruftions that from time to time they re-
ceived from the minifters at Madrid.
P Hakluyfs Voyages, vol. ili. p. 442. <5 L*Amirante D. HIero-
nlnio de Banvelosy CaiiUo, Relaciones de las Iflas Filipinas.
- What
176 BlfcoverteSy PFars, and Settlements of
The cargo What informations we have with refpedi to the iflue of
cf the an- thefe difputes are very far from being explicit or diftin£t
nualfnip at for the laft hundred years. All we know with certainty
f Tj^ r* ^^* ^^^^ ^^^ inhabitants of Manilla have been long in pof-
fv^hundred ^^^^^"^ ^^ ^ ^ig^* ^0 fend two galleons to Acapulco, for
thoufand each of which they pay to the king feventy-five thoufand
pieces of pieces of eight. Of thefe, one ought to be a fhip of
•ighu trade, and the other of force; but, to fave expence,
they fend one very large fhip, which they croud with
goods and people to fuch a degree, that her lower tier of
guns can never be ufed in her paffage to Acapulco, till,
by the confumption of provifion, they are at liberty to
raife them out of the hold, when they draw near the
coaft of America. Thefe great fhips are built at Bagatao,
not far from Manilla, where there is a fine arfenal, and all
other conveniences ^ Thefe fhips are of very different fizes,
from twelve hundred to two thoufand ton; but, of what-
ever fize the vefTel be, the merchandize ought to confift of
fifteen hundred equal bales, a great proportion of which
belongs to the convents, that is to fay, they have a right
to fend fuch a number of thefe bales, which they com-
monly fell to the merchants ; and in cafe they want money
to provide a cargo, the convent furniflies them with that
too upon bottomry. But, in all this matter, there is pro-
digious corruption ; for, inflead of fifteen hundred, the
(hip often carries two thoufand, and even two thoufand
five hundred bales ; and, notwithftanding the magiltrates
and infpeftors come on board, and clear the fhip of thefe
Supernumerary bales, yet, in her paffage through the
flreights of Manilla, they are all put on board again, and,
to make room for them, they break their water-jars, and
fcarce leave the room neceflary for working the fhip '.
This is the true reafon that they are fo long before they
get clear of the land, and run the hazard of fo many dan-
gerous delays in their pafTage from Manilla to the Embo-
cadero of St. Bernard, which takes up fometimes five,
fometimes fix weeks, or even two months.
What the With refpeft to the cargo, it confifts in part of the
car^o con- commodities and manufactures of the Philippines, the
^n'r \n ^^"^'" ^^i^g very convenient for the wear of the meaner
njoh'tch the ^^"^^ ^^ people iri America, as they are, though coarfe,
Jiip is
manned^ ' D. F. Navarette Tratados Kiftoricos de la Monarchia de China,
and the Hv. vi. cap 31. » Gemelli Carreri, Tour du Monde, p. v. liv.
njaji profit \x, chap. xo.
of the ^ , ,
vojage- both
the Spaniards in the Eaft Ltdies, J 77
feoth lading and cheap : but ftill the bulk of the cargo
confifts of foreign commodities, fuch as china, wrought
and raw filks in prodigious quantities^ of which we may-
form fome computation fronv the number of ftockings
that are fent, of which there are commonly fifty thoufand ^
pair. Piece-goods is another confiderable article ; to
which if we add fpices, and large quantities of gold-
fmiths work and toys, the reader will be pretty well In-
formed of the contents of an outward-bound fliip. She
is accounted the king's (hip from the very moment that
Ihe is put in commlffion, and fhe is manned and officered
accordingly. The commander in chief has the lofty title
of general, and has a captain under him, who makes forty
thoufand pieces of eight by the voyage ; the pilot makes
about twenty thoufand, and each of his mates about half
that fum. Thofe that go in quahty of fa6lors have nine per
cent, upon the goods they fell j and every common feamaa
receives three hundred and fifty pieces of eight for his
voyage out and home, which is performed within a year ;
but then he has only feventy-five paid him when he em-
barks at Cavite, and the other two hundred and feventy-five
when he returns j which is a very wife provifion, fince
otherwife their homeward-bound fhi'ps would be but
meanly provided. The whole number of perfons, paflen-
gers included, on board one of thefe (hips, is from three
hundred and fifty to fix hundred ; and, notwithftanding
they are fo many, they might be in all refpefts very well
accommxodated, if they would fet any bounds to their
avarice, and be content to fend this vefiel with a reafon-
able lading ; and there are many of opinion, that it would
anfwer their purpofe better if they fent two veflels, as"
they did formerly, becaufe fo unwieldy a (hip is not only
fubjeft to many inconveniencies, but is alfo often in
danger ; whereas if fhe was of a moderate fize, there
would be no hazard at all ^
vf« Account of this Voyage annually performed hy thejiated^
licenfedf and meafured Galleon, from Adanilhy to Aca"
pulco.
THE (hip, having received her cargo, and being fitted ^f ^'^^^
for the fea, generally weighs from the mole of Cavite "„7^^/^
about the middle of July, taking the advantage of the yound Ma'
wefterly monfoon, which then lets in, to carry her to »///<j /hip
faiU, and
» D.F. Navarette Tratados Hiftoricos de la Monarchia de China, her cturfe
lib. vi. cap. 31. to Aqua-
Mod. Vol. VIIL N fea. M"-
175 DifcoveneSj ffars^ and Settlements of
fea •• When they have got through the paflage, and are
clear of the iflands, they commonly (land away eaft-north-
eafl, in order to get into the latitude of more than thirty
degrees, where they expedt to meet wefterly winds, be-
fore which they run away for the coaft of California. It
is very remarkable, that, by the concurrent teftimony
of all the Spanifh navigators, there is not one port, or
even a tolerable road, found betwixt the Philippine Iflands
and the coaft of California and Mexico j fo that, from
the time the Manilla (hip firft lofes fight of land, fhe
never lets go her anchor till fhe arrives on the coaft of
California, and very often not till (he gets to its fouther-
moft extremity ; and therefore, as this voyage is rarely
of lefs than fix months continuance, and the (hip is deep
]aden with merchandize, and crouded with people, it
may appear wonderful how they can be fupplied with a
ftock of frefti water for fo long a time ; and indeed their
method of procuring it deferves a very particular re-»
cital ". 4,
Jn hoiv ex' Their water is preferved on fhip-board, not in cafks,
traordi- ^ut in earthcrn jars, which refemble the large oil jars
/If ^rT*^ in Europe. When the Manilla fhip firft puts to fea, they
fupplied ^'^^ ^^^ board a much greater quantity of water than
nvith frfjb can be ftowed betv/een decks, and the jars which con-
nuaterdur- tain it are hung about the fhrouds and ftaysj and though
hg the their jars are more manageable than calks, and are li-
'^•^^^'* able to no leakage, yet a fix, or even a three months
ftore of water could never be ftowed in a ftilp fo loaded,
by any management whatever ; and therefore, without
, fome other fupply, this navigation could not be performed.
This indeed they have, but the reliance upon it, at firft
fight, feems fo extremicly precarious, that it is wonderful
fuch numbers fhould rifque perifhing by the moft dreadful
of all deaths, on the expectation of fo cafual a circum-
ftance. In Ihort, their only method of recruiting their
water Is by the rains which they meet with between the
latitudes of 30 and 40 deg. north, and which they are
always prepared to catch. For this purpofe they take to
fea with them a great number of mats, which they place
floplngly agalnft the gunwale ; whenever the rain defcends,
thefe mats extend from one end of the fhip to the other,
and their lower edges reft on a large fplit bamboe, fo that
all the water which falls on the mats drains into the bam-
n Texejra*s Travelf, chap, i, w Lord Anfon's Voyage round
the World, Svo. p. 332, 333.
boe.
the Spaniards in the Eafi Indies, f 79
boe, and by this, as a trough, is conveyed into a jar 5* and
this method of fupplying their water, however extraordi-
nary it may at firfl fight appear, hath never been known
to fail ; fo that it is common for them, when their
voyage is a little long'^r than ufual, to fill all the water
jars feveral times over. However, though their diftrefTes
for frefh water are fhort of what might be expefted in fo
tedious a navigation, yet there are other inconveniences
generally attendant upon a long continuance at fea, from
which they are not exempted *. The principal of thefe
is the fcurvy, which fometimes rages with extreme vio-
lence, and deflroys great numbers of the people ; but at
Other times their paffage to Acapulco is performed with
little lofs y.
The time employed in this paflage, fo much beyond The trUt
any other navigation, is perhaps in part to be imputed to ^aufes af*
the indolence and unlkilfulnefs of the SpaniOi failors, and ^^Y i
to an unneceflary degree of caution for fo rich a vefiel ; ^gj. ^^j^
for it is faid that they never fet their main-fail in the night, tranjif
and often lie by. And indeed the inftruftions given to o'v^\ ^he
their captains feem to have been drawn up by fuch as were ^^"r*^
more apprehenfive of a ftrong gale, though favourable, /^^^^^j/
than of the inconveniences and mortality attending a
lingering and tedious voyage ; for the captain is particu-
larly ordered to make his paflage in the latitude of 30
deg. if poffible, and to be extremely careful to ftand no
farther to the northward than is neceflary for the getting
a wefterly wind *. This appears to able navigators ait
abfurd reftridlion, fince it can fcarce be doubted that in
the higher latitudes the wefterly winds are fteadier and
brilker than in the latitude of 30 dtg. So that the whole
conduct of this navigation feems liable to great cenfure \
for if, inftead of (leering eaft-north-eaft into the latitude
of thirty odd degrees, they at firfl flood north-eafl, or
even flill more northerly into the latitude of 40 or 45
^eg. in which courfe the trade winds would greatly afTill
them, they might confiderably fhorten their voyage, per-
haps perform it in half the time now allotted for it. For
in their journals of thefe voyages it appears, that they arc
often a month or fix weeks, after leaving the land, before
they get into the latitude of 30 deg. whereas fleering a
more northerly courfe, it might be done in a fourth part
of the time •, and, when they were once well advanced
« Texeira, Gemelli Carreri. y Relac, de las lilas Filipinait
2 Lord Anfon's Voyage, p. 334.
N a north"
l8o DifcoverieSy Pfars^ and Settlements of
northward, the wefterly winds would foon blow them to
the coaft of California, and they would be freed alfo from
other embarrafTments to which they are now fubje^led at
the expence of a rough fea, and a ftifF gale *.
Her voyage '^^^ Manilla (hip, having flood fo far to the northward
to the coafis as to meet with a wefterly wind, flretches away nearly
of Call' in the fame latitude for the coafl of California ; and, when
fw^nia ^«^fliehas run into the longitude of ^6 deg. from Cape
Efpiritu Santo, fhe generally meets with a plant floating
on the fea, called porra by the Spaniards, being a fpecies
of fea-leek. On the fight of this plant they efteem them-
felves near the Californian fhore, and immediately ftand
to the fouthward ; relying fo much on this circumftance,
that, on the firft difcovery of the plant, the whole fhip's
company chaunt a folemn Te Deum, eftceming the difficul-
ties of their pafTage at an end ; and they conftantly correct
their longitude thereby, without coming within fight of
land *». After falling in with thefe figns, they fleer to the
Southward, not at all endeavouring to fall in with the
coaft till they have run into a lower latitude ; for, as
there are many iflands and fome (hoals adjacent to Cali-
fornia, the caution of the Spanifh navigators rhakes them
Very apprehenfive of engaging with the land ; however,
when they draw near its fouthern extremity, they venture
to hale in for the fake of making Cape St. Lueas, to afcer-
tain their reckoning ; and to receive intelligence from the
Indian inhabitants, whether there are any enemies on the
coaft ; and this laft circumftance is a particular article in
the captain's inftru£lions, for, Sy them, the captain of the
galleon is ordered to fall in with the land to the north-
ward of Cape St. Lucas, where the inhabitants are di-
rected, on fight of the vefTel, to make the proper fignals
with fires \ and on difcovering thefe fires, the captain is
to fend his launch on ihore, with twenty men well armed,
who are to carry with them the letters from the convents
at Manilla to the Californian miflionaries ; and are to bring
back the refrefhments prepared for them, and likewife in-
telligence whether there are any enemies on the coafl.
-And if the captain finds, from the account which is fent
him, that he has nothing to fear, he is direfted to proceed
for Cape St. Lucas, and thence to Cape Corientes, after
which he is to coaft it along for the port of Acapulco.
a Hakluyt's Voyages, torn. iii. p. 445. Lord Anfon's Voyage,
p. 334. b Hakluyt's Voyages, vol, iii. p. 446. Gemelli Carreri
Tour du Monde, p. v. liv. iii. chap. 6. Lord Anfon's Voyage.
lu
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. i%i
In obedience to thefe in{lru£l:ions all the officers on Doubtful
board a6^ precifely as they are dire£led. Thefe rules ivhether
were originally the produce of experience ; but as expe- ^y^"S W-
rience is always increafing, fo the value of thofe inftruc- ^a^i^t /^
tions muft decreafe ; and whatever the Spaniards may falutary or
fancy, they are, in effeft, little better than a contrivance detri-
to prevent the galleons from reaping any profit from mo- mental,
dern difcoveries. Unlefs the inilruftions could reach the
wind and weather, it is hardly poffible they Ihould do
much good -, but they may and do occafion a great deal of
delay and danger, and are the real caufes that the Spanlfh
feamen are lels knowing, and lefs a61:ive than the Englifti .
or the Dutch. We need not wonder, therefore, that they
are fix or fe^^en months in making this long run, and
that they very feldom reach the port of Acapulco before
the Feaft of Epiphany, fo that they are from twenty-fix to
thirty or thirty-one weeks at fea. In this fpace they are
expofed, as we may eafily conceive, to great hardftiips,
and a variety of difeafes. Their bifcuits are replete "wdth
maggots, all kind of food becomes corrupted ; and if it
was not for fweetmeats, chocolate, frefh water, and the
fifli that is caught, after they meet with the figns, they
would be reduced to great diftrefs. The maladies under
which they fufFer are chiefly two ; firft, the berben, which
is a kind of dropfy that gradually deftroys the patient ;
the fymptoms are fo mild, that he commonly dies talking,
and without having the lead fufpicion of being near his
end. The other is our fea-fcurvy, which is too common
to be defcribed ^, ^
The port of Acapulco is the fafeft and moft commo- Manmr In
dious in the Pacific Ocean •, the galleon enters it on the ?t'^^^^
€aft fide, the fhips from Peru on the weft. As foon as Mpoj^dm
the veflel is moored they begin to unload the cargo, and the arrival
the town of Acapulco, and the country round it, which a of the Ma»
little before was a defert, becomes on a fudden a place of nilla/hip*
prodigious refort, and continues fo till the fale is over ;
then, all things being adjufted, they begin without delay
to provide for their return. It is to be obferved, that as
the outward-bound Manilla fhip commonly meets with that
homeward-bound upon the coaft of the Philippines before
her departure, fo the utmoft precautions are employed that
every thing may be put in fuch order as that the galleon
may return within the year, which is of great confequence,
that they may arrive at a proper feafon to have a fair wind
* jGemelH Carreri Tour du Monde, p. v. liv. iil chap. 6.
N 3 through
%Bz
Amount of
the cargo
returned /q
Manilla
from
Mexico in
ihefame
Jkip, .
Di/coveries, fFars, and Settlements of
through the ftreights of Manilla. In the fpace of four
months that they lie in the harbour of Acapulco, they are
fure to lofe a part of the (hip*s crew through the unwhole-
fomenefs of the air. But this mortality does not hinder
their going back with more people than they brought
thither, which is occafioned by the number of merchants,
and other paflengers, who are delirous of going to Manilla 5
yet, notwithftanding this increafe of people, they are not
fo much crouded as in their outward-bound paflage, be-
caufe their cargo, being moflly filver, takes up lefs room,
and this circumltance enables them to Ihip a company or
two of foldiers for recruiting their garrifons in the Ealt
Indies ; neither are people fo much afraid of making this
voyage, becaufe it is fafer, Ihartcr, and more pleafant.
But before we enter upon the homeward-bound voyage of
the Manilla fliip, it will be requifite to fay fornewhat of
the cargo which fhe carries back, in order to form Come
notion of the profits of this trade, which will enable us
the better to judge of the great queflion, whefiier it be fo
detrimental to the inhabitants of New Spain, or leflens
the exportation to Old Spain, fo much as is commonly
imagined.
We have already fpecified what are the goods .that are
fent from Manilla, and thefe may be well enough reduced
to four different forts ; under the firft head may be ranged
gold-duft, jewels, and rich toys, which, though in them-
felves neither neceffary or expect lent to life, yet mufl be
allowed to have an intrinfic value, becaufe, amongfl all
polite nations, the general opinion of mankind llamps
fuch a value upon them. The next are the coarfe goods
which are worn J^y the meaner fort of people, and thefe
are neceffaries. The third are raw filks, which make a
confiderable part in the cargo ; and, it is laid, that feveral
thoiifands of people are maintained by the various manu-
fa61:ures in which they are employed. Under the laft
head, we may bring rich filks, fine llockings, chintzes,
mod kinds of piece-goods, fpice, and perfumes, which
are luxuries ; all thefe are paid for in a great meafure
with filver. As to the reft of the cargo, it is made up of
cochineal, fweetmeats, Spaniih wines, and millinery
ware from Europe, for the ufe of the ladies at Manilla,
and throughout the Philippines. In order to rriake an
eftimate of the quantity of filver that returns in the Ma,
jiilla (hip, there feems to be no better method than to take
the old proportions, for they feldom vary ; and therefore,
jf, when the trade was limited to two hundred and fifty
thoufand
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies • 182
thoufand pieces of eight, the return amounted to half a
million ; now the trade is extended to fix hundred thou-
fand pieces of eight, the return will be one million two
hundred thoufand of the fame pieces ; which, with two
hundred and fifty thoufand pieces of eight annually re-
mitted to make good the deficiency in the revenue of the
Philippines, makes, in the whole, one million four hun-
dred and fifty thoufand pieces of eight ; and whoever will
compare this with the fums taken in the Manilla (hip,
will find that there is not much ground to queftion this
calculation **.
The next thing to be confidered is, how far this in rea- How far
lity afFe61:s New or Old Spain. With regard to the for- this affeSs
mer, filver is, in fa6l, no more than a commodity, with *^^"^'
which the inhabitants of the new world go to market 5 and, ^^g^^ *"
to fpeak impartially, it is of no great confequence to them i^g^ and
if they part with their filver, whether it is carried eaft or Old Spain^
weft, into Afia or into Europe, for in both cafes they fee
no more of it ; and even they who complain moft of this
traffick, acknowlege that they have as much, or more,
from Manilla, than they could have from Europe for the
fame fum. So that it is not eafy to fee what reafon the
inhabitants of New Spain fliould have to complain \ and,
in fa61:, they do not complain, but others complain for '
them ; which brings us to the fecond queftion, and that
is, what lofs the people of Old Spain fuffer by this com-
merce ? And, fo far as we can difcern, that amounts to
little more than the value of the fiiks, which, it is fup-
pofed, if they did not come this way, muft come from
Europe, and confequently the value of them be returned
thither in filver ; and to this indeed it is not eafy to give
any other anfwer than this : that the crown of Spain is
beft judge of the value of the Philippines, and whether the
addition of that quantity of filver to her revenue, would
be an equivalent for the lofs of thofe iflands, which muft
neceflarily enfue if this commerce ftiould be prohibited,
as has been over and over demonftrated, when this point
has been debated in the council of the Indies *^.
The galleon being thus fitted for her return, the cap- -^n account
tain, on leaving the port of Acapulco, fteers for the lati- °l '^^
tude of 13 or 14 deg. and runs on that parallel till he gets i^'^i'
fight of the illand of Guam, one of the Ladrones. In this ieon*sfajr-
age from
^ Hakluyt, Purchas, Dampier, Cooke, and Lord An Ton's Voy- Acapulco
ages. e Taken from the Memorials in Juftification of the to Manilla,
Spani(hlnhabitants of the Philippines.
N 4 run
li± Difcoveries^ Wars, and Settlements of
run the captain is particularly dire(^ed to be careful of the
{hoals of St. Bartholomew, and of the iiland of Gafparico.
He' is alfo told in his inftru^lions, that to prevent his
pafling the Ladrones in the dark, there are orders given,
that through all the month of June iires fhall be lighted
every night on the higheft part of Guam and Rota, and
kept in till the morning ^ At Guam there is a fmall
Spanifti garrifon, intended to fecure that place for the re-
frefhment of the galleon, and to yield her all the affiftance
in their power. However, the danger of the road at
Guam is fo great, that though the galleon is ordered to
call there, yet (he rarely flays above a day or two ; but
getting her water and refrefllments on board as foon as
poffible, fhe fleers away dire^lly for Cape Efpiritu Santo,
on the ifland of Samal. Here the captain is again ordered
to look out for fignals ; and he is told, that centinels will
be polled not only on that cape, but likewife in Catan-
duanas, Butufan, Birriborongo, and on the ifland of Ba-
tan. Thefe centinels are inftru61ed to make a hre when
they difcover the fliip ; which order the captain is care-
fully to obferve ; for if, after this firfl fire is extinguifhed,
he perceives that four or more are lighted up again, he is
then to conclude that there are enemies on the coaft ; and
on this difcovery he is to endeavour to. fpeak with the
centinel on fhore, and to procure from him more parti-
culars of their force, and of the llation they cruife in ;
purfuant to which he is to regulate his condu6l, and en-
deavour to gain fome fecure port amongll thofe iflands,
without coming in fight of the enemy; and in cafe he
(hould be difcovered when in port, and fhould be appre-
henfive of an attack, he is then to land his treafure, and
to take fome of his artillery ort fhore for its defence, not
neglecling to fend frequent and particular accounts to the
city of Manilla of all that pafTes. But if after the firfl fire
on fhore, the captain obferves that twjo others only are
made by the centinels, he is then to conclude that there
is nothing to fear, and he is to purfue his courfe without
interruption, and to make the beft of his way to Cavite,
which is the conitant ftation for all the fhips employed in
this commerce to Acapulco.
Before we part with this fubje6l, it will be expelled
that we fhould inform the reader exa6lly how great the
fun from Manilla to Acapulco one way, and that from
^capulco to Manilla the other, really is ; becaufe authors
f Kplac. delas Iflas Filipinas, Navarette, Gcmelli Carreri.
differ
the Spaniards in the Eaji Indies, i8^
/differ very much upon this fubje6t, as well thofe who, ^„ ^^^^
from their great (kill in the mathematics, may be pre- computa-
fumed to be good judges, and even thofe who have made tion of the
the voyage, and therefore might put in their claim to be f-^f"ff
ftili better. But, as thefe variation^ plainly prove, this is a ^flg\j^f{
point not eafily and at the fame time accurately to be ^ward and
decided. In the paffage from Manilla to Acapulco, a vef- homeward'
fel is obliged to fteer, when clear of the land, into 20 bound/hip»
Acg. higher latitude, to obtain a wind ; and when fhe is
near the coaft of America, to defcend again towards the
equator almoft as much. However, fuppofing the Manilla
Ihip to get into the latitude of 35 deg. as foon as poffible,
and to keep as near as may be under that parallel, till Ihe
meets with the fea-weeds mentioned in the foregoing
defcription, her courfe will then be about three thou-
fand leagues, very little more or lefs. In returning from
Acapulco to Manilla they generally get as near as may be
jnto the latitude of the laft mentioned place, and fo run
ilrait before the wind, their courfe amounting to about
two thoufand five hundred leagues ; which being plainly
Shorter, encumbered with much fewer difficulties, and
the fhip having a fmaller cargo on board, enables them
to perform this run in half the time that is fpent in the
outward-bound paflage. On the whole, therefore, the
galleon fails from Manilla towards the end of June, or the
beginning of July, reaches Acapulco about the beginning,
the middle, or the end of January, is ready to fail again
by the beginning of April, and enters the port of Cavite
about the fame time that fhe left it the year before, where
the feamen receive the remaining two hundred and feventy-
five pieces of eight as foon as the treafure is landed ^. ^
The Spaniards give this immenfe coUeftion of water Why the
between Afia and America the title of the Pacific Ocean, Sp^sniardi^
becaufe it is, generally fpeaking, fmooth and calm along ^///^^^^f
the coafts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico, infomuch that padfic on
they make ufe of very rude methods of failing, without the ocean
meeting many untoward accidents; but they are milled between
who, from thefe accounts, infer that thefe annual (hips ^J^^ ''."'^
are little expofed to danger, fince it is very .certain that *"^^^^^'
many of them have perifhed, as well in their homeward
as in their outward-bound voyages ; and have been fw al-
lowed up in this ocean as well as wrecked upon the coafts
pf the Philippines.
f Gemelli Carreri, Tour iJu Monde, p. $• liv, iii. chap. 6.
The
1^6 D if cover kS) IVars^ and Settlements of
Haw often '^^^ peace of thefe feas has been often interrupted fince
this an- the Spaniards became mailers of the new world ; and
tiualjhip thefe annual {hips in particular have been often attacked,
^^/ ^^u^ ^"^ fometimes taken. As for inftance, that great and
iheEnlliJht very fortunate Englifh Seaman, captain Thomas Caven-
and when! difh, took an outward-bound Manilla fhip as fhe was go-
ing into the port of Acapulco, November the 4th, 1587,
within a fhort time after this correfpondence was fixed •*.
He afterwards vifited and alarmed the Philippines ; nei-
ther ought we to omit that he made his paflage thither in
a furpriling fhort fpace of time, leaving the coall of Ame-
rica on the 19th of November, and arriving before the
ftreights of Manilla on the 14th of January following*.
On the 2 2d of December, 1709, one of the outward-
bound annual fhlps was taken near Acapulco by commo-
dore Rogers, with his little fquadron, confifting of the
Duke, Duchefs, and the Marquis ; and they afterwards
attacked the larger fhip, but, for want of ammunition and
men, were not able to carry her ^ ; and on the 20th of
June, 1743, a homeward-bound Manilla fhip was taken
by commodore Anfon, for this, and other great fervices,
created afterwards a peer of the realm ^
^he Siiuatiotiy Natural Htflory^ and Commodities of the La-
drones, or Marianne IJlands ; their Difcovery ; Genius and
Temper of their Inhabitants ; their Hijlory, prefent State of
thofe IJlands ; the Policy of the Spaniards in refpeEl to them ;
their great Importance ; and fome ConjeElures as to the
Caufes of their being fo much and Jo long negleEled,
Thefevf THE iflands which we are now about to defcribe
ral names were originally difcovered by Ferdinand Magellan, ii^
?/'^y^ the firft attempt ever made to fail round the globe. He
^^ ^' is faid to have called them when firft feen. Las Iflas de
las Velas, that is, the I/lands of Sails ; or De las Velas
Latinas, that is, of Triangular Sails^ from their prows, in
which the inhabitants flood out to fea upon the approach
of his fhip J but afterwards, Las Iflas de los Ladrones, or the
IJlands of Thieves \ becaufe the Indians who came on
board him, ftole every thing that was made of iron within
their reach. It was not till the latter end of the laft cen-
*» Hakluyt*« Voyages vol.iii.p. 816. ^ Sir William Monfon's
Naval Trafls, ^ Cooke's Voyage to the South Sea, in Harris's
Coilcftion. I Lord Anfon's Voyage, p. 503.
tury
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies, 187
tury that they obtained the name of the Marianne Illands,
from the Queen of Spain, Mary Anne of Auftria, the
mother of Charles the fecond, at whofe expence miffion-
aries were fent over thither to propagate the Chriflian
faith. We hardly ever find them called hy the name firft
mentioned, except in the relations of Magellan's voyage.
As to the fecond, it became their common appellation ;
and in all the old books of hiftory and voyages, as well as
in maps, we find them ftyled the Ladrones ; notwith-
ftanding which, the laft mentioned name has gradually-
gained ground, and prevails at prefent ; fo that they are
now commonly ftyled in moft of the languages of Europe,
the Marianne, or rather, though lefs corredlly, Marian
Iflands.
Thefe illands lie between 13 deg. 25 min. and 21 di^g. Their fitti-
of north latitude, almoft in a line from fouth to north, ^^^°'^*
occupying the fpace of about four hundred and fifty ^"^^^ Jj.^^
miles, having the iflands of Japan on the north, and the and parti*
country of New Guinea on the fouth, on the verge of cular ap^
what is called the Pacific Ocean, and at the diftance of peltations.
twelve hundred miles from the Philippines. Antonio
Herrera fays they are fixteen in number. Modern geo-
graphers acknowlege but fourteen, and place them in the
following order : from fouth to north, namely, I. Gua-
han, Guam, Guan, or, as the natives pronounce it, Gua-
hon, or the ifland of St. John ; 2. Zarpana, Rota, or the
ifle of St. Anne ; 3. Aguiguan, or the ifland of the Ploly
Angel ; 4. Tinian, or the ifland Buena Vifta Mariana ;
5. Saypan, or the ifle of St. Jofeph ; 6. Anatajan, or the
ifland of St. Joachim ; 7. Sarigan, or St. Charles's ifland ;
8. Guguan, or the ifle of St. Philip ; 9. Alamagan, or
the ifland of the Conception; 10. Pagon, or St. Igna-
tius's ifland; 11. Agrigan, or the ifle of St. Francis
Xavier; 12. Aflbnfong, or the ifland of the Aflumption j
13. Maug, or Tunas, called alfo the ifland of St. Law»
rence; 14. Urrica, or Urac, which is uninhabited.
The ifland of Guahan, ,or Guam, which is the moft The ijland
fouthern of thefe iflands, lying in latitude 13 6.Qg, 25 ofGua/ian*
min. north, is about thirty- three Englifli miles in length,
twelve in breadth, and one hundred and twenty in cir-
cumference. There is a chain of mountains runs from
fouth to north, between which lie many pleafant and
fruitful vallies ; and the mountains being covered with tall
fiourifhing trees, look green, and very chearful at a di-
ftance. The coaft is plain, and for the moft part of an
excellent foil, being watered, more efpecially on the weft
fide,
l88 DffcoverieSy PFarSy and Settlements ef
fide, with abundance of pleafant ftreams, the verdant
banks of which render the country very delightful. On
this fide of the ifland there are two indifferent ports. Hate
and Umatay, where the Dutch have fometimes careened
their (hips. On the eaft fide of the ifland there are alfo
two tolerable good ports, Iris and Pigpug, feparated
only by a point of land ; but the beft port of all is that of
Agadna, where the Spanifii town and forts ftand, and
where, except in hurricanes, fliips may ride in the utmoft
lafety from all winds, from ten to eighteen fathom water,
the bottom being perfectly found and good. There were
formerly between thirty and fdrty villages in this ifle, but
they are now fewer ; and amongft thofe that are left,
Agadna and Umatay are all that deferve the name of
towns, the houfes in them being tolerably well built, and
having a confiderable number of Spanifli inhabitants, as
alfo churches, convents, and fome other public edifices.
As the climate, though warm, is equally pleafant and
wholefome ; as all the neceffaries of life are to be obtained
here, with very little trouble, in the greatefl abundance ;
and as they have all the materials for building houfes, al-
moft in every part of the ifle, it is fl:range that they have
not more and bfetter fettlements in it -, and ftrange r fi:iU
that even thofe they have arc far from being in a thriving
condition". In the year 16H4, the Spaniards built a fhip
here, of the burden of one hundred and fixty tons, for the
Manilla trade ; but nothing of that kind has been done of
late years. 5 on the contrary, they feem to make it a point
of policy to preferve their prefent fettlements, becaufe
they are abfolutely neceffary, without any thoughts of
extending them. This is the only one of thefe iflands
in which any Spaniards, the miffionaries only excepted,
refide, though they fend fmall detachments from their
garrifon to the adjacent iflands, from time to time, to
bring them refrefhments; and it is here that the Manilla
fhip touches in her paflage, for the fake of frefli provifions,
and recruiting her fick, which is the principal reafon that
the crown of Spain has been at the expence of fupporting a
fortrefs, and maintaining a garrifon, without drawing any
thing from the produce of the ifland ".
Zarpana, Rota, or the ifle of St. Anne, lies at the
diflance of feven leagues from jGuam, and is about forty-
"^ Giro del Mondo del Dottor Giovan, Francefco, Gemelli Car-
reri, Fet. Mart. Dec. v. lib. 6. Da Bois Geographic Modcrne, p.
it. chap. xiy. art. v. " Lord Anfon's Voyage, book iii. chap. jt.
five
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. 1 ^^
five miles in circumference, being in the latitude of 14 Afuecina
deg. north. This is alfo a very pleafant and fertile illand, defcription
finely diverfified v^^ith rifing grounds, covered with lofty oftheiftand
trees, beautiful plains of a rich black foil, and ex;,tremely ^f^'^^P^'^^o
well watered. There are two excellent ports, one on the
fouth, the other on the north-weft fide of the iiland. The
latter was called in the language of the natives, Socanrayo,
but the Spaniards call it the Port of St. Peter. This ifle
was extremely populous when the Spaniards firft vifited
Guam, and long after. Some of the niiflionaries fuiFered
death in their endeavours to propagate the faith amongft
the natives : at prefent the Indians are very few in com-
parifon of what they were, for reafons that will appear in
the courfe of this narrative^.
Aguiguan, or the ifland of the Holy Angel, lies in the Tfie ijl$ of
latitude of 14 deg. 43 min. about forty miles from ZarpanaP. Aguiguan*
It is but a fmall illand, about nine miles in compafs,
mou^ntainous, but pleafant, and formerly very well inha-
bited. This feems to have been the ifland that captain
Funnel touched at in 1730, when the people came off in
their boats, and furnifhed him with filh, eggs,, yams, po-
tatoes, and other refrcfiiments. He offered to pay them
in money', which they looked at, and refufed, making
figns that they would be better plcafed with tobacco,
which was given them. To one poor Indian who v4^ent
on board they offered a glafs of brandy, and he feeing
them drink it freely, ventured to fwallow feme of it, but
immediately tumbled dovv'n as if he had been dead, flaring
with his mouth open ; upon which they put him > on board
his own prow, recommending him to the care of his coun-
trymen, at the fame time giving them to underftand, he
would come to himfelf in a little time*^.
Tinian, or the ifland Buena Vifta Mariana, lies at one Account of
league diflance from the iiland laft mentioned, and is about ^^^ ^P ^f
forty-five miles in circumference. A Manilla fhip, called '"^''^*
the Conception, was caft away upon this coaft, in the
year 1638. This ifland Hes in the latitude of 15 deg. A more di-
8 min. north, and longitude from Acapulco 114 deg. 50 flina vieiu
min. wefl ; its length is about twelve miles, and its breadth ofthecmn-
about fix, extending from the fouth-fouth-wefl: to north- ^^^^^
north-eaft. The foil is every where dry and healthy, and
^ Memoire du Pere Louis de Morales. Pere le Gobien Hiftoire
des Ifles Marianes, p. 77. Lord Anfon's Voyagf, book iii. chap, i,
P Memoire du Pere Louis de Morales. Pere le Gobien Hiftoire
des Ifles Marianes, p, 388. q Fnnners Voyage round the World,
in Harris's Colleftion, vol. i. p. 1391
fomewhat
1 90 DifcoverleSy fVa^i^ and Settlements of
fomewhat fandy, which being lefs difpofed than otheir
foils to a rank or luxuriant vegetation, is the reafon that
the meadows, and the bottoms of the woods, are there-
fore much neater and fmoother than is common in hot
climates. The land rifes by eafy flopes, from the very
beach to the middle of the ifland, though the general
courfe of its afcpnt is often interrupted by gentle declivi-
ties, and pleafant vallies ; and the inequalities that arc
formed by thefe gradual fwellings of the ground, are moft
beautifully diverfified with large lawns, covered with a
very fine trefoil, intermixed with a variety of flowers, and
Ikirted by woods of tall and well-fpread trees, moft of
them worth notice, either for their afpecSl or their fruit*
The turf of the lawns is quite even, and the woods ufually
terminate on the lawns with a regular out-line, not broken
or confufed with ftraggling trees, but as uniform as if
they ha'd been laid out by art. There arife from hence a
great variety of the moft elegant and entertaining pro-
fpe£ls, formed by the difpofition of thefe woods and
lawns, and their various intermixtures, as they fpread
themfelves differently through the vallies, and over the
flopes and declivities with which the place abounds.
Of the The animals partake in fome meafure of the rpmantic
cattle, caft of the ifland: the cattle, of which.it is not uncom-
poultry, ji^Qj^ tQ fgg thoufands feeding together in a large meadow,
'n^iuLL "^^^ certainly the moft remarkable in the world ; for they
"jjhick the ^J^c ^^1 of them milk-white, except their ears, which are
Spaniards generally black ; and though there are no inhabitants, yet
breed here, the clamour of domeftic poultry, which range the woods
in great numbers, perpetually excite ideas of the neigh-
bourhood of farms and villages, and contribute thereby to
the chearfulnefs and beauty of the place. Befides the
cattle and the poultry, here are abundance of wild hogs ;
but as they are very fierce, people are either obliged to
ihoot them, or hunt them with large dogs.
The excel- It is not only the plenty and excellency of its frefti pro-
Imcy tij the vifions that recommends this ifland, but it is as much, per-
^ruits, haps, to be admired for its fruits and vegetable produftions j
for in the woods there are inconceivable quantities of co«
coa-nuts, with the cabbages growing on the fame tree.
There are befides, guavas, limes, fweet and four oranges,
and a kind of fruit peculiar to thefe iflands, called by the
Indians rima, but by us, the bread-fruit, conftantly eaten
by the feamen inftead of bread, and univerfally preferred
to it : it grows upon a tree which is fomewhat lofty, and
which, towards the top, divides into large and fpreading
branches.
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. I^i
branches. The leaves of this tree are of a remarkably deep
green, notched about the edges, and are generally from
a foot to eighteen inches in length. The fruit grows in-
differently on all parts of the branches : it is in fhape ra-
ther like a large pear than an apple, and is covered with a
rough rind, and is ufually feven or eight inches long ; each
grows fingly on its flalk. This fruit is, in the properefl:
ftate, to be ufed when it Is full-grown, but (till green ;
at which time its tafte has fome refemblance to that of an
artichoke bottom, and its texture is not very different, for
it is foft and fpungy. As it ripens it grows fofter, and of
a yellow colour, and then contrails a lufcious tafte, and
has an agreeable fmell, not unlike a ripe peach ; but in
this ftate it is efteemed unwholefome, and is faid to pro-
duce fluxes. Befides the fruits already enumerated, there
are many other vegetables ; fuch as water-melons, dande-
lion, creeping purflain, mint, fcurvy-grafs, and forrel ;
all of them highly acceptable to men long cooped up at
fea, and (inking under that loathfome difeafe the fcurvy.
There are plenty of fifh upon thecoaft, but fo lufcious
that they are thought unwholefome. But it muft not be
forgot, that near the centre of the ifland there are two
confiderable pieces of frefli water, which abound with
ducks, teal, and curlew. The whiftiing-plover are alfo to
be found there in prodigious plenty. Thefe pieces of wa-
ter, in conjuntlion with wells and fprings, which are
every-where to be found, or funk with little difficulty,
make fome amends for the want of rivulets, which are
fo common in Guam, and which, with all its beauties
and blefTings, it muft be owned, are not feen in Tinian ^
It muft however be admitted, that the having no fuc-h Some /«-
running ftreams, is, in many refpec9:s, a very material de- conyeni-
fe£t ; and there is another inconvenience, which, though ^^C^^ •
of lefs confequence, is rather more troublefome ; namely, Jf/^///^
the fwarms of mulketoes, and other kinds of flies-; and, brated
which is yet worfe, a fort of tick, which not only infell i/land»
cattle, but will alfo thruft itfelf into the fkins of men,
and thereby create, if not a dangerous, yet a painful in-
flammation. The centipedes and fcorpions have likewife
been found there ; and it is not impoffible that there may
be other venomous creatures.
But the moft important and formidable exception to The great-
this place remains ftill to be mentioned ; this is the little ^fi is the
ivant of a
r Lord Anfon's Voyage round the World, p. 417, 418. 'D2im' f^fe ^oad in
pier's Voyages, vgj. i, p. ije. Mr. Pafcce Thomas's Journal, &c. allfeafans
p. 167, of the year ^
fecurity
192 DifcoverleSy PVars, dnd Settlements of
fecurlly there is, at fome feafons, for a fhip at anchof/
The only proper anchoring-place for Ihips of burden is at
the fouth-weft end of the ifland : the bottom of this
road is full of (harp-pointed coral rocks, which, during
four months of the year, that is, from the middle of June
to the middle of Oftober, render it a very unfafe place to
lie in. This is the feafon of the weftern monfoons j when
near the full and change of the moon, but more particu-
larly at the change, the wind is ufually variable all round
the compafs, and feldom fails to blow with fuch fury, that
the flouted cables are not to be depended on : what adds
to the danger at thefe times, is the exceffive rapidity of
the tide of flood, which fets to the fouth-eaft, between
this illand and that of Aguiguan, a fmall ifland which we
have already mentioned, near the fouthern extremity of
Tinian. This tide runs at firft with avaft head, and over-
fall of water, and occafions fuch a hollow and over-grown
fea, as is fcarcely to be conceived. Thofe who lie here in
this feafon muft be under the dreadful apprehenfion of be-
ing pooped by it, though in a fixty-gun (hip. In the re-
maining eight months of the year, that is, from the middle
of October to the middle of June, there is a conftant fea-
fon of fettled weather, when, if the cables are but well
armed, there is fcarcely any danger of their being fo much
as rubbed ; fo that during all that interval, it is as fecure
a road as could be wilhed for. To this it is proper to add,
that the anchoririg-bank is very ihelving, and ftretches
along the fouth-weft end of the ifland j and that it is en-
tirely free from ilioals, except a reef of rocks, which is
vifible, and lies about half a mile from the fliore, and af-
fords a narrow pafl^age into a fmall fandy bay, which is the
only place where boats can poflTibly land '.
*rhe ijland Saypan, or the ifle of St. Jofeph, lies in the latitude of
•fSaypan. j^ Jeg. 20 min. at the diftance of nine or ten miles from
Tinian, and is about twenty miles in circumference ; on
the weft fide of this ifland, at the bottom of a fteep bay,
well fheltered with wood, lies a fafe and commodious
port, called Cantanhitda ^ After Guam, this is the largeft,
and was formerly the beft peopled of all thefe iflands, and
was not thoroughly fubdued by the Spaniards till the be-
ginning of the current century. The country is diverfified
with hills and plains, looks very green and pleafant at a
• Lord Anfon's Voyage, p. 413, 4.24. Mr. Pafcoe Thomas's
Journal, a:c. p. 163, 164. t Memoire du Pere Louis de Mo-
ja.ei. I e Jt Gcbier.Hiltoire des Ides Marianes, p. 304.
diftance,
I
the Spaniards hi the Eaft Indies, 193
diftance, and is no lefs beautiful when examined more at
leifure, as it aiFords all the neceflaries of life in the ut-
mofl plenty, and is blelTed with a fertile foil and a ferene
climate.
Anatajan, or the ifland of St. Joachim, lies in the lati- Defcr]pm
tude of 17 deg. 20 min. and is about thirty miles in com- ''^* <'/'^<?
pafs. This is the fiift of thofe called the Northern, Ifles, ""f^jfTf^
and lies fomewhat more than a hundred fniles diftant ijiandsin
from Saypan, Sarigan, or St. Charles's Ifland, in the lati- thharchi'
tude of 17 deg. 35 min. about twelve miles in compafs, and /»W«<s^»
about nine diftant from the laft mentioned ifland". Gu-
guan, or the ifle of St. Philip, lies in the latitude of 17
deg. 45 min. eighteen miles diftant from Sarigan, and
about nine miles in compafs ^. Alamagan, or the ifland
of the Conception, in the latitude of j8 deg. 10 min.
about ten miles from Guguan, and eighteen miles in
compafs. Pagon, or St. Ignatius's ifland, in the latitude
of 19 ^^g. thirty miles from Alamagan, and about forty in
compafs \ Agrigan, or the ifle of St. Francis Xavier, in
the latitude of 19 deg. 4 min. a large mountainous ifland,
fifty miles in circumference, remarkable for its volcano.
We are informed by an author of credit, that it is well in-
habited, and that formerly the inhabitants of this, as well
as of the reft of thefe iflands, put to fea in their prows, in
ordei: to carry provifions and refrefhments to any fhips
they could difcern ; but that an infolent Spaniard having
maltreated fome of them, they never afterwards went out
to meet the galleons y.
AfTonfong, or the ifland of AfTumption (in which The three
there is alfo a volcano) lies in the latitude of 20 deg. 15 ^^fi "°^'
.min. about eighteen miles in circumference, and lying,/ ^'^^ ^^^*
twenty leagues north from Agrigan ^. Maug, or Tunas,
called alfo the ifland of St. Lawrence, compofed of three
rocks, fomewhat more than twenty miles in compafs, ly-
ing in the latitude of 20 deg. 35 min. about fifteen miles
from AfTonfong; and much about the fame diftance north,
lies Urrica, or Urac, the laft of thefe iflands, which it
does not appear was ever inhabited, and of which there-
fore we meet with no particular defcription.
" Memoire du Pere Louis de Morales. w Du Bois Geo-
graphic Moderne,p. 701. x Pere le Gobien Hiftoire des Ifles
Marianes, p. 306. y Giro del Mondo del Dottor Giovau,
Francifco, Gemelli Carreri, p. v. 2 Memoire du Pere Louis dc
Morales. Pere le Gobien Hiftoire des Ifles Marianes, p. 306.
MoD.VoL.Vin. O Thefe
194 Difioverles, IVars, and Settlements of
The climate Thefe idands lie in the torrid zone ; and yet fo much k
and/oil of the heat of the fun tempered by the humidity of the air,
the Mari- and by the breezes of the fea, that the climate is, generally
anneijlands fpeaking, equally ferene, falubrious, and pleafant ; only in
m genera . ^q^^ feafons of the year they are liable to hurricanes,
which, though they do fometimes a great deal of mifchief,
yet clear and refrefli the air, in fuch a manner, that before
they were vifited by the Europeans, the people commonly
lived beyond the age of a hundred, without being difturb-
ed with ficknefs or infirmities. For the moil ancient Spa-
nifli writers fpeak of thefe illands as mean, barren, con-
temptible places ; and indeed it is apparent, that they
would be underftood to have thought them fo, fince, as
they allege, their government took near a century to con-
fider whether they fliould keep them or not. In order to
comprehend this afTcrtion clearly, and to reconcile it with
what has been already faid, it is neceffary to lay open the
nakednefs of thefe miferable illes, and to acknowlege, that,
with the fineft fun and theliioft fertile foil, they afford not
either precious ftones or metals. However, this mean
barren country produced fruits, fallads, and a variety of
wholefome herbs, and in the greateft plenty. Beads they
had none, and but one kind of birds, not unlike the turtle-
dove. There were indeed fifh of many different kinds in
their rivers, and upon their coafts ; but whether they eat
them or not is doubtful.
An account The inhabitants are tall, robuff, and very a^livc ; of a
tfihe per' dark colour, yet not quite fo dark as the inhabitants of the
fonsj incli' Philippines ; coarfe features, and rather hard-favoured.
^and**facul- The men went entirely naked, the women only concealing
tks of the what natural modefty teaches fhould be concealed. Both
inhabi' fexes endowed by nature with ftrong parts, which, how-
tants, ever, feldom taught them to corrcift their paffions. Quick
in apprehenfion, not deficient in underftanding ; extremely
fond of pleafure, not unacquainted with virtiie, but very
little inclined to pradife it. Luff, diffimulation, and
revenge, ae the mirfionaiies fay, were their prevaihng vices j
to gratify which they very feldom ftuck at any thing.
Without re' They may be faid to have no religion *, and yet they were
ligwh ond over-run with fuperflition. The had fcarce any notion of
yet exceed' ^^ Deity, but had a very diflin61: idea of the d^vil. They
^""^^firm- ^^^y firmly believed the immortality of the foul ; and,
J/tf». ' though they had no conceptions of rewards and punifli-
ments after death, yet they were thoroughly perfuaded
that there was a place of happinefs, and another of tor-
ment. They had no proper name for the former, which
they
• the Spaniards in the Baft Indies, ip^
^tKey fancied to be under the earth, defcrlbing it as a deli-
cious garden, full of lofty cocoa-trees, abounding with rich
fruits, and watered by pleafant rivers, running through
flowery vales that exhale the richeft odours. The latter
they called Zazarraguan, or the Houfe of Chayfi-, that is,
the demon who they believed afflicted the fouls that fell
into his power with variety of tortures. They did not
afcribe this puniftmient to the crimes they had committed,
but imagined that every one who died a natural death went
immediately to paradife, and that fuch as were cut off by '
violence, were doomed to the houfe of Chafi '*. When
their friends or relations were dying, they flood with a neat
little balket on one fide of them, <ind defired that the foul
would be plcafed to repofe there whenever it came to make
them a vifit. Thofe of the better fort filled thefe bafkets
with fragrant herbs, and rubbed them with odoriferous
oils, carrying them fometimes into pleafant places, and at
others to the houfes of their friends -, and fometimes left
them there, fuppofing that the fouls might be delighted
with this change of habitation. All thefe marks of refpedl
did not proceed fo much from reverence and affection, as
from terror and apprehenfion ; for they imagined that the
anitis, fo in their language they ftyled thefe departed fpi-
rits, appeared to, and mal-treated them, diilurbing them,
more efpeclally in their dreams ; and therefore at certain
feafons they faded, and took other methods to appeafe
them ^.
As they are fuperflitious without religion, fo no people Withouf go-
in the world are fo tranfported with notions of nobility of '^emment,
blood, without having either authority or government. ^avf/Ja
There are amongfl them three kinds of people ; the cha- r^^e of m-
-morris, or noblemen, the middle, and the common fort of bles exee/^
men. The firft of them have a kind of eftates upon which /"'^^^
they, live; but they have no tenants, vaffals, or domeflics. P^^^'**
They have great refpe6l fhewn them ; in their public coun-
cils, their fpeeches are heard with filence and attention ;
but notwithllanding this, every other man was llkewife
heard, and that advice was likewife followed which the
majority thought beft. A chamorris has fomething ele-
vated and noble, not only in his look and in his perfon,
but in his behaviour and manner ; for ufage in all coun-
tries eftabliflies politenefs, and the ufual compliment
a Pere le Gobien Hlftoire des Ifles Marianes, p. 65, 6S, b Du
Bois Geographic Moderne, p. 702. Pere le Gobien Hiftoire des
Ifles Marianes, p. 67, 68.
O a among
is6
thsfingu*
iar man-
nersy
firange fa
bles, and
ridiculous
tvanity of
thefe feQ-
fte.
DifcoverieSy Pf^ars^ and Settlements vf
among them is, ali arinmo, fitj^cr me to k'lfs your feet
They never converfe with ordinary people ; on the con
trary, if fuch eat or drink in their houfes, they look upon
them as polluted ^. If at any time they are under a ne-
celTity of fpeaking to perfons beneath them, they ftand at
a great diftance, deliver themfelves very fuccindly, and
with a loud voice. If a chamorris marries into a common
family, it is held fuch a difhonour to the whole body of
the nobility, as can be atoned for only by his blood. Yet,
with all their delicacy about marriage, their efliates do not
defcend to their children, but to their nephews, either by
their brothers or fiflers. T here is no form of rule amongit
them, nor any kind of authority but what is acquired by
perfuafion, which goes as far, and lads as long as fupe-
rior eloquence can carry or. maintain it. "Whatever no-
tion, therefore, thefe people may entertain of freedom,
this is certain, that they carry pradicai liberty as far as it
i-s poiTible.
it is a point not hitherto decided, from whom thefe peo-
ple are defcended, or whence they came ; but from the af-
. finity of their language with the Tagalefe, of which
we have fpoken already, fome have thought it proba-
ble, that they were of the fame flock with the inhabitants
of the Philippines *, others, from their love of fre'edom, the
haughtinefs of their fpirits, and their high notions of no-
bility, have, inclined to think them a-kin to" the Japanefe.
It ispoffible that the chamorris maybe of the one country,
and the reft of the nation of the other. They have poets
am^ong them who are extremely admired, and who, in
their fongs, celebrate the great a£lions of their anceftors,
and amufe the poor people with fond notions, not only of
their excellence in bodily ftrength and agility, but alfo of
their fuperiority in fciencc, over all nations in the world ^,
They make them believe that the firft man was formed
out of the earth of the ifland of Guam •, that he was after-
wards turned into a ftone, and this ftone being broke to
pieces, and fcattered over the reil of the world, there
fprung up from thence all the refl of mankind. They
have another fort of people amongfl them called macanas,
wife men ; like the magi amongft the Perfians, they dire£t
them in their fuperltitions ; teach them how to foeth
the anitis ; know the virttics of different herbs, and
pra6life a kind of furgery. But liill all depends upon per-
c Hiftoire des Ifles Marlanes, p. 4.9^ 50*
Ifles Philippines, p. 1 3,
^ Relation des
.fuafion 5
the Spaniards In the Eafi Indies. 197
fuafiou ; fo long as they can pleafe and delight, fo long they
are obeyed ; for every man, from the hour he can fupply
his own wants, is mafter of himfelf, and abfolutely inde-
pendent. Yet this very wife and knowing nation had not
io much as the idea of fire, till they were taught it to their
coft, by the Spaniards burning their houfes, and then they
took it for an animal that fed upon wood ^,
In thefe iflands the women have all the graces of the fex ^fieir we^
in their perfons and their manners. Their features are foft ^^" ^^'
and regular, their complexions clear ; they have an eafy ^.^^^ /-^^_
.addrefs, a chearful humour, Jmd are as much devoted to prrjTng fa*
eafe and diverfions as in the politeil countries on the globe, cu/ties,
They have their aflemblies, as well as the men, in which 'wjikhgam
they amufe themfelves with reciting the performances of '^^^^^^^^
their poets, in a manner perfeftly peculiar to themfelves. conjiantfu*
For calling themfelves into a circle of ten or a dozen, they periority
fpeak, or rather chant, all at once, and yet fo diftindly, ^'^^^ '''*^
with fuch harmony, and with fo fine a cadence, as appears ^^"''
equally furprifing and fatisfa£lory, even to Europeans. Ori
fuch occafions they are adorned with little (hells, and pieces
of tortoifc-fliell hanging on their foreheads, with girdles of
the fame fhells interwoven with flowers of different co- n
lours, and little cocoa-nuts neatly engraven *", They com-
monly wear only a piece of mat for modefly's fake, in
which particular they furpafs the men, who go abfolutely
naked ; but at thefe affemblies they wear an entire garment
made of twigs and roots, which disfigures them extremely;
for it makes them look as if each of them was in a cage,
and yet they move in them with agility enough ; dance
v/ith fhells between their fingers, as the Spaniards do with ,.
caflenets , and accompany the poems they fing, with fuch
a variety of a<Slion, that they may be efteemed a kind of
pantomimes s.
In confequence of thefe fuperior accomplifhments, the The unrea"
fex have a more abfolute dominion here than almofl 2iny fan able prim
where elfe, It is true a man may marry as many wives as 'z^^^<?^f ^^^
he pleafes, provided they are not relations *, but this feem- YoTTna
ing privilege fignifies little, fince, as the efFecSl of their ^^^^ gf
labour would not produce a competent maintenance for marriage*
more, they are glad to be content with one. We have
before obferved, that in thefe iflands every man was maf-
ter of himfelf, but not gf any other man. From the mo-
e Du Bois Geographie Moderne, p. 703, f Pere le Oo'
bJen Hiftoire des Ifles Mariaiies, p. 58, 59» « Pu Bois Geo-r
graphic Moderne, p. 70Z.
O 1 «»ent
1^8 DifioverieSj PVars, and Settlements of
rt ent he marries, half his Uttle authority is taken away ;
fcr the wife commands every thing within doors, and her
hufband too, fo long as he is there. If he gives her any
reafon to be jealous, fhe is at liberty to punifh him in fuch
a manner as to prevent any future fufpicion. If he is lazy,
pafrionate,or fullen,*hiswife takes the other married women
in the neighbourhood to her afliltance, who, armed with
their hufbands' fpears, come and punifh the delinquent,
by deflroying his plantation, or perhaps his houfe j and
even nis perfon is not in fafety, if he falls into the hands
of thefc enraged females ^. I'he wife is alfo at Hberty, in
cafe (lie is offended, to retire to her own relations, who
are glad of fuch an opportunity of plundering their neigh-
bour, under pretence of puniihing him. If fhe is of a
milder difpofnion, fhe may leave her hulband without af-
figning any other caufe than that flie is weary of him. He
may alfo leave her, or rather oblige her to quit him ; but
then {he takes with her the bed part of his fubilance and his
children ; fo that a man by letting flip a hafly word, lofes
both family and fortune in an-inllant, and fees them per-
haps conveyed to the houfe of his neighbour the next day.
In cafe a woman is falfe to her hulband's bed, he may re-
venge himfelf as he pleafes on her lover, and even put him
to death ; but unlefs he has a mind to be left alone, he
mud take eare not to exprefs the leafl reientment towards
. her K
From the. From a fenfe of the trouble and inconveniency attending
confiJera- the married flate under thefe circumftances, many of the
f.on oj thi^i young men ran into a profligate kind of life, fromx which
tram from ^^^7 W^re feldom reclaim.ed. I'hey corrupted young wo-?
mayria^ey men by prefents •, or, if the parents were poor, bought
and lead a them, whilc they were yet children, and placing thefe in
dr:hauct:ed ^ houfe commou to themfelves and tlieir companions, prcr
V'iie cour'e ^^''^^^ ^!^ ^ regular occonomy thefe kind of public flews.
•tflije. This diifolute fort of life prevailed very much before the
Spaniards came amongft them, by corrupting their minds,
and enervating their Ifrength, rendered them ripe forthofe
calamities which afterwards fell upon them. It is true, by
the wifer and better part of the nation thefe men were
held in the greateft abhorrence. However, as their num-
ber was always great enough to furnifh converfation
amongfl themfelves 4 and as the genius of the people is
flrongly bent to pleafure, they were not to be reilrained
h Du Bois Geogropbie Moderre^ p. 7oz, ' Pere le Go-
bien Uil^oiredes IHes Marianes; p. 6j.
' ■ fer
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. igg
by any fenfe of fhame ; and in the more diftant iflands,
and even in the mountains of the ifland of Guam, where
the people ftill enjoy their Hberty, thefe fort of aflbcia-
tions are ftill frequent enough ; and it is ehiefly from the
bad behaviour of thefe debauchees, that authors have re-
prefented the inhabitants of the Marianne iilands, in ge-
nera], in a worfe point of viev/ than they deferved.
Their houfeswere built vi^ith pahn-trees, and fuch other AceoWnt of
timber as their refpe6live iflands afforded. Every houfe, their
was, generally fpeaking, divided into four apartments, by houfes.fur.
a kind of mats, made of the filaments of leaves, roots, ^^'^"^' ^' .
and twigs of trees, and the covering was commonly of the Qi^ig^ Jo-
fame material, but of a coarfer kind. Each of thefe apart- mejiic con-
ments was deftined to a particular purpofe ; they flept in <erns.
one, they eat in another, they laid up their fruit and pro-
vifions in the third, and they worked in the fourth. Their
utenfils were not many, but every thing they had was neat
in its kind, and carried in it marks of genius, by which
they fupplied many things that more civilized nations de-
rive from experience. As to defenfive weapons, they had
none ; they had no idea of bows, arrows, fwords, or in-
deed any other inftrument of violence, but a lance or ja-
velin, made of a tough ftrong wood, and pointed with
human bones ''. Thefe and ftones were their only wea-
pons ; and though they had not, before been taught by
the Spaniards, the ufe of flings, yet they threw them with
great dexterity, and with fuch furprifing force, as to enter
into the bodies of trees at a confiderable diftance ^
As they had no policy of any kind, fo every man re- Their m\lU
venged the wrongs he fuftained in what manner he tary dif-
thought fit, and in fike manner the inhabitants of one di- P°P^°^'\i
ftrict, if they conceived themfelves injured by thofe of
another, commenced hoftilities, and continued them till
they had obtained fiitisfaclion. In thefe wars fraud and
cunning had a much greater fhare than courage or force.
They laboured as much as in them lay to furprife and cir-
cumvent their enemies j and in the choice of ground, in
making falfe attacks, and in laying ambufcades, they
fhewed equal addrefs and patience, remaining fometimes
for two whole days without provifions ; but when they
came to engage in earneft, their difputes was not either
long or bloody. If one or two men were killed, and half
^ Purchas's Pilgrim, p. 951. Capt. Cowley's Voyage round
the World, p. tq. Du Bois Geographic Moderne, p, 703, * Pere
U Qobien Hiftoire des Ifles Marianes.
O 4 a fcore
200
Skill in
mechanic
arts.
I)tfcovertes\ PVars^ and Settlements of
a fcore difabled, there was an end of the war ; thofe whoi
were defeated fending immediately ambafladors to make
fubmilFion, and to fettle terms of peace. In order to qua-,
lify themfelves for martial exploits, the principal diver-^
iions among the men confided in robiift exercifes, fuch as
running, leaping, wreftling, pitching flones, and throwing
lances at a mark '".
They were likewife very dextrous in fwimming and div-
ing, to which they enured their children, as foon as they
were abl^to walk, and thereby rendered them not only
hardy and robuft, but fo accuflomed to, and fearlefs of the
water, that they were, in a manner, inhabitants of that
element, at leail in comparifon of other men ; and would
bring up Hones or iifli, or whatever elfe they could per-
ceive in the fea, from a great depth, Their ingenuity
and mechanic genius was mofl conspicuous in the inven-
tion of that fingular vefTcl called by our feamen the flying
prow, which has been commended and admired by all,
but chiefly by thofe whofe Ikiil in naval archite6lure en-
abled them to judge of it beft (H), In thefe veflels, be-
fore
«■' Dti Bois Geographic Moderne, p. 703.
(H) Tbe flying prow, or
proa, as fome write it, is very
JLitilyconfidercdas theraoll ex-
iiA and finiflied piece of naval
architecture which hitherto the
world has feen. This prow
being the bell adapted that can
be imagined to the nature of
thefeas and
in and by
which fhe is to fail^ certainly
merits that character, and
would be confidered as a maf^
ter-piece of art If made in the
moll civilized country, with
the help of the beft niaterials,
and tools the moft fitly adapt-
ed, feut if we confider It as
framed here under great de-
feats in regard to the former,
and without the alfiilance of
any inftrument made with iron,
it becomes truly - wonderful.
Thefe prows are of different
lizes, efpecially in point of
Jpiigth ; hov/ever, they may
be taken at a medium at forty
feet ; but they are not above
two teet in breadth. The body
of this veflel is compofed of
two pieces, joined end-ways,
and fewed together with bark,
caulked, and othervvife fecur£d
by a natural bitumen, which
is common in mo'i of the
iilands. -At the bottom the
timber may be about two,
inches .thick, which, in work-^
ing her into fhape, is reduced
unto lefs than one. The
depth at moft about four feet.
In the center {lands a mall
twenty-four feet higli ; (he car-
ries a triangular fail, fi:j{ed
to a yard and boom, above
twenty feven feet every way,
As all other veflels have their
flems and flerns of diflerent
conflruftions, the prow, on
the contrary, has them both
alike, fo that each ferves in-
differently
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies.
fore they had any acquaintance with the Europeans, they
anacle conliderable voyages from one ifland to another ;
and when overfet, fhewed great prefence of mind in turn-
ing them, reiitting, and getting again on board ; fo that,
taking all circumitances together, they might be efteemed
none of the woril foldiers, and as brifk and bold feamen
as any in this part of rhe world. They are likewife faid
to have planted and cultivated their ground j but in what
20|
differently for flem or ftern, as
they lleer on different tacks ;
but, as other velfels have
both fides alike, the conftruc-
tion of the prow differs from
them alfo in this refped; for
though the windward bellies
out like other boats, yet the
lee- fide is perfedly fiat. Iti
order to carry fo great a fail
without danger of overfetting,
(he has a frame laid out to
windward, confilling com-
monly of three firong beams,
which refts upon a log hollow-
ed in the fliape of a boat.
This frame is about twelve
feet in length, and the little
boat about thirteen. We find
this contrivance fiyled an out-
leaguer, or out-rigger, and is
well fecured by two crofs-bars,
and has alfo two braces from
head and Hern to keep it fieady.
There is likewife a thin plank
on the very fame fide of the
veflfel, upon which fometimes
an Indian fits, and on which
they likewife lay goods. One
of thefe prows carries generally
fix or feven Indians, two plac-
ed at the head, two at the
ilern, who fleer alternately
with a paddle, according to
the tack fhe goes upon, the
reft being employed either in
baling out the water which (he
accidentally fliips, or in fetting
and trimming the fails. The
maft, yard, boom, and out-
rigger are made of bamboo,
the fails of matting, and very
neat. When they have a mind
to tack, they bear away a little
to bring her fiern up to the
wind; then, by eafing the
halyard, and raifing the yard,
they lift it out of the focket in,
which it refled, and carry it
round the lee-fide till it is falls
into the focket at the other
end of the boat ; and the boom
being fhifted into a contrary
fituation, that which was be-
fore the head becomes the flern
of the veflTel, and (he is trim-
med upon the other tack. As
all the ifiands of this archipe-
Irgo lie nearly in a line from
fouth to north, and are within
the limits of the trade-wind,
it is evident that thefe veflels,
which fail excellently on a
wind, can run fronj one ifland
to another, and back again
only by turning the fail, and
without ever putting about.
It is the fmallnefs of .their
breadth, and the flatnefs of
the lee fide, which gives them
this great advantage, which no
veflel can have that goes large ;
and this advantage confifis in
going with as great, and fome-
times with greater velocity
than the wind (i).
(i) Lord Anfon*s Voyage round the World, p. 453—457'
manner,
202 DifcoverleSy IVars^ and Settlements of
manner, or with what kind of feeds, does not appear ;
for though they are now expert enough in this kind of
cukivation, yet it manifeflly appears that they have learn-
ed it from the Spaniards.
5©«f# hai^fi According to fome of the mifTionaries, Magellan did
^^^JY'i '* great wrong to thefe people, when he fixed upon their
jrsm the"* ji^^"<^s ^he appellation of Ladrones. The natives, fay
imputatian thefe miflionaries, are fo far from being of a thievifh dif-
9j thieving, pofjtion, that they leave every thing open, without the
lead fufpicion of each other, and without ever fufFering
by this feeming negle6l. It is, however, worth obferv-
ing, that it is no conclafive proof thefe people were not
thieves, becaufe they had no conception of theft. Other
barbarous nations, as well as they, have refpe£led pro-
perty amongit themfelves, and yet made no fcruple of
taking whatever came within their reach from flrangers.
There feems to be alfo fome contradiction in what they
report of the ficklenefs and mutability of the natives in
their temper, eagerly feeking things one minute, and re-
jc6ling them the next ; and reprefenting them at the fame
time as very deep diffemblers, concealing their refent-
ments even for years, and taking fudden and furprifing
revenges as foon as fuitable opportunitievS offered". Such
defcriptions are unnatural. Men of a fluttering and vo-
latile difpofition are very capable of duplicity, but not of
ftudied difTimulation.
Fkfifure The raifTionaries are probably more in the right in re-
the gr gat prefentincf pleafure as the great objeCl thefe people had
fhetr /&. ^" ^^^^ > ^^^ ^"^^ ^^ ^^^-^ natural object of mankmd m ge-
^^es^ ncral, and the great ufe of reafon is to diflinguifh rightly in
the choice of pleafures, and in adapting properly the
means for their attainment. It is in this the great differ-
ence between uncivilized and civilized nations fublifts.
The former are lefs capable of making a true judgment of
appearances, and, by hallily grafping at whatever they
take to be pleafure, run themfelves upon thofe evils,
which, if they faw them, they would certainly avoid.
This kind of ignorance, natural, and confequently infe-
parable from favages, is what better difciplined people,
when they either fee it with aftonifliment, or feel it to
their cofl, term barbarity ; and therefore the firft flep to-
wards doing any good with fuch men, is to teach them to
reafon right ; and though this would be a much flower, it
would be a much furer method of leading them to em-
. brace the true religion ; and it is certainly for want of this
fji^t fo tpany of the miflionaries, in thefe iflands particu-
torljr^
the Spaniards in the Eafi Indies* 20^
larly, have become martyrs *, for while they pleafed
themfelves with making multitudes of converts, they in
reality made very few Chriftians.
We come now to fpeak of the difcovery of thefe iflands, I'hefirji
and to report the very few fa61:s that conftitute their hif- ^^f^^^'very of
tory fince they were difcovered. Ferdinand Magellan, in ijl^^j f,y
that adventurous voyage in which he completed the de- Fer-ilinand
fign of the great Columbus, whofc intention it was to Magellan*
reach the Eail Indies by a well courfe, arrived, after hav-
ing been longer out of fight of any known land than ever
any man had been before, amongll thefe iflands, on the
6th day of March, 1521. He is faid to have pa (Ted be-
tween an ifland lying towards the north-weft and two
others bearing fouth-weft, one of which was higher and
larger than the other ; and there Magellan attempted to
have gone on fhore, but was prevented by a multitude of
of canoes, or Indian prows, filled with people, who com-
ing on board, ftole every thing upon which they could lay
their land. Upon this he changed his purpofe of bring-
ing his fliips to an anchor, and, to gratify his own and his
people's refentment, landed only with forty armed men,
fet fire to fifty houfes, burnt fome of their prows, killed
feven of the inhabitants, and recovered one of his boats
which they had carried away. It was from this accident
that he flamped them with reproachful name of Las Iflas
de los Ladrones, in Latin, Infulae Latronum, or the Iflands
of Thieves ". After this exploit he left them, and arrived
in four days at Samal, generally fuppofed one of the
Philippines.
It is by no means clear to which of thefe iflands this Hhtduehi
hiftory belongs. It has, with great probability, been fup- ^^^ ^^^^^ h
pofed, that the northern ifland was Saypan ; and if fo, l^^r^^J^^
then the ifland which felt the effefts of his fury, mull /^ ^fg „^.
have been Tinian. We are afliired, when the people tives,
were fhot through and through with arrows, they drew
them out of their bodies, and gazed at them with a curio-
fity that overcame the fenfe of pain, till they dropped
down dead. What was no lefs (ingular, notwithftand-
ing all that had happened, the people followed him out
to fea with two hundred prows, and held up fifh, and
other things, as if they had flill defired to barter with
them. In fome of thefe prows the Spaniards faw women
n G. Battifta Ramufio Racolto delle Navigation! & Viaggi, torn,
i. fol. 355. b. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. book ii. chap. 4. p« 37.
Eden's Hiftory of* Travaile.
lamenting
ao'4'
fhtfmall
taken e/
iktmy dur-
wg a long
iime^ by
the- Spa-
DifcoverkSy Jfars^ and Settlements of
lamenting and tearing their hair, as they fuppofed, for
the lofs of their hufbands : and the fhort account given
of thefe people in Magellan's voyage, agrees veiy exadly
with what vi^e have faid more at large, and from thence, no
doubt, the generality of writers have been led to the con.,
clufion, that the iHands de las Velas, and tlie iflands de
los Ladrones, are the fame \ which, however, when ma-
turely confidered, may, notwithilanding this concurrence
pf opinions, remain ftill a matter of feme doubt p, unlefs
we very m.uch enlarge the bounds of this archipelago in
order to embrace them.
This harfli treatment on fo fhort an acquaintance muft
feem to be but an ill prefage of whjit the inhabitants of
thefe ifies were to expert from their intercourfe with the
Europeans. We have feen at the beginning of this chap-^
ter the obftacles that, for a time, had prevented the Spa-
niards from improving that communication which they had
opened between the Eaft and V/eft Indies, and which was
the only caufe of their vifiting thefe iflands, as it had been
of their difcovering thera^ and this accounts for their
gaining fo little knowlege, and taking fo finall notice of
them during that interval, infomuch, that it is not very
cafy to find when they vifited them next, or whether they
confidered them as places worthy the honour of being an^
nexed to the C^ftilian empire ''. The riches of the Mor
luccas had firft tempted them to this route, and when the
Spanifli government confented to fufpend their pretenfions
to thefe, and make fo light of the informations they had
received of the Philippines, we need not at all wonder
that the Ladrones, without metals and without fpices,
were thought in a manner beneath their attention ; and it
is very remarkable that Argenfola, who wrote, under the
royal protection, the hiftory of the Moluccas, though he
gives us a fuccinCt relation of Magellan's voyage, does not
fo much as mention the difcovery of thefe illands '. It
was really a misfortune to the Spaniards that their firf^
difcoveries proved fo extremely rich, for it made them
overlook all other advantages. So that they did not fuf-
ficiently attend to the connecSiion of the different parts of
their empire in the Eafl and Wefl Indies j and, at the
P La Hiftoria General y Natural de las Indias, por el Capitain
Oongalo Hernandez de Oviedo. CUiverii, Introduft in Univerfam
Gtographiam, lib. v. cap. ji. Pere le Gobien Hiftoire des Ifles
Marianes. *» Antonio de Herrera Defcripcion de las Indias
Occideniales, cap. 27. ^ ^ Argenibla Conquifta de las Iflas Fi?.
lijppinas y Malucas, lib. u
the Spaniards In the Eafl Indies, io^
f^me time, wafted the vaft wealth they drew from thence
in grafping at dommions that coukl be of little or no ufe
to them in Europe •, which reafons will fufficiently account
for the declenfion of the Spaiiilh monarchy, at a time
when tmiverfal empire was the aim of its monarchs, and
f<3r the accompliihment of which they feemed to have the
propereft means in their own hands.
After two-and-twenty years deliberatioHj the general, TkiZpn"
Don Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobes, was fent to take pofief- n'mrds, af-
fion of thofe iilands x'^hich Magellan had difcovered, arid ^^^-^""^ '*"
to which his fucceiTor, Don Miguel Lopez de Legafpe, ^Z ffi^'fg
gave the name of the Philippines. They both touched at ijies in their
the Ladrones in their paffage for refreihments, but with- pajfagetn .
out making any ftay, or leaving any of their people behind ^^/ ?^^i^*
them ; and thus they became^ and more efpecially the ^^*'"''
iiland of Guam, what it is flill, a place of refrefliment in
the great run between the two Indies ^ In 1568 a Spanifh
fhip going to the Philippines with two companies of foldiers
on board, fome of the men landed on the ifle of Guam,
and began to traverfe it in fe arch of provifions. Amongft
thefe was a youth about twenty, who, walking unarmed
through a wood, met with a boy about fourteen who
made up to the ftranger, carelTed him extremely, and at
length, laying hold of him about the middle ran away
with him laughing. The poor Spaniard ftruggled, but
was afraid to cry out, apprehending that the favage would
have killed him ; however, the noife they made in paffing
through the wood brought four Spaniards armed, to fee
what was the matter. lJpoi\this the boy quitted his prey,
and fled through the wood with amazing fwiftnefs. This
circumftance {hews that in their primitive (tate, and be-
fore they altered their manner of living, to imitate the
Europeans, that thefe people had a prodigious ftrength and
a furpriling agility *.
About five years afterwards, Don Martin Henriquez, s^nvnkf
viceroy of Mexico, dire£led the fame captain Juan injUncfff
Lopez de Aguirre, who was goi^ig again to the Philippines, t/i£ ba-har*
to feize fome of the youths of this ifland, and to carry them ^^'^^ ^f^
with him, that being educated there, and taught the g„^^p^.g^
Spaniih language, they might learn from them a more q;aileJ
difl:in£l: account of the country than they had been able amangp
to procure. He executed the order he had received, and, '^^/* f ***
amongft the youths that he then carried away, was the ^
' Colin. Hif!-. de las Philipirtas, lib. i. t Fragmens fur
les Ifles de Soldmon, ap. Tl'.evenot, torn, i, ' '
very
2o6 Dlfcoveries, WarSy and Settlements of
very boy who had attempted to ileal the Spaniard. When
they came to Manilla they knew each other again, and
became very good friends, when the favage very frankly
told the foldier, that if he had fucceeded in his defign,
his intention was, according to the cuftom of his country,
to have knocked him on the head, then to have fucked
out his brains, to have burnt his body, and drank the
afhes in palm-wine ; which, he faid, was their way of
interring their relations, and to have kept his bones to
make heads for his lances ", Thefe are circumftances of
which the miffionaries take no notice, becaufe in all pro-
bability, thefe barbarous culloms had been laid afide long
before they came into thefe iflands •, or, if not, very in-
duflrioufly concealed.
Captain Our famous difcoverer, captain Thomas Cavendifh,
Thomas was the firft of our countrymen who vifited thefe ifles ;
Ca-vendijh for, as we Ihall fliew in its proper place, fir Francis
Tre^in his -^^^^^'^ touching here, though univerfally affirmed, is
■famous ex* ^it^^^r falfe, or very uncertain. The time of captain
pedition, Cavendifli's arrival was on the 3d of January, 1588, hav-
ing traverfed the Pacific fea in forty-five days ; and pafled
in that fpace, according to his computation, eighteen
hundred leagues. He arrived about two in the afternoon
upon the coail of Guam, and was prefently furrounded by
fixty or fcventy Indian prows, full of people, bringing
with them plantanes, cocoas, potatoes, and frefh fifli which
they had caught at fea. The method they took in ex-
'^ changing, was to lie a piece of old iron to the end of a
fifhing line, or of a cord, which they threw into a prow,
where the natives untying and taking away the iron, re-
placed it with fome of the things they had «^. ' But it fcems
they were more eager for iron than our people were for
refrefhments, fince they followed them fo long and prefTed
them fo clofe, notwithftanding they ran down fome of
their prows, that at length the captain gave orders for
firing upon them ; however, they avoided the fliot by
dropping over board. Our people report them to have
been of a tawny colour, large and fat with long black hair
hanging down to the middle of their backs, or elfe tied in
a knot upon the crown of their heads. They much ad-
mired their prows, or, as they ftyle them, canoes ; which,
they fay, were neatly made, confidering they had na
u Churchill's Colleftion of Voyages, vol. iv. p. 673. ^ Pur-
chas's Pilgrims, vol. \, book ii. chap. iv. p. 67, Sir William
Monfon's Naval Tra^s, in Churchiirs Collection*
{harper
the Spaniards in the Eajl I/idles, 20/
Iharper tools than either flints or fhells. They were no lefs
flnick with their ikill in navigating them, and with their
boldnefs and agility in diving. Captain Cavendiih con-
tinued his voyage from hence, as Magellan did, for the
illand of Samal, which he difcovered on the 14th of Ja-
nuary, being three hundred and ten leagues from the
ifland of Guam ^ .
In the year 1596, one of the fhips belonging to the Some Jar*
fquadron of the adelantado Alvaro de Mindana, who had ^^^^ paru*
failed from Peru to difcover the iflands of Solomon, arriv- ^^^^'':^ **
ed unexpecledly at Guam, and in a fragment of the ac- ^/^^ ^^^_
count of that voyage, which is ftill remaining, we have ners of
fome very curious particulars relating to thefe people, thfept^fe^
The author tells us, that he faw fome of their prows in
which there was only one Indian 5 and though it had a
maft, fail, yard, tackles, halliards, and helm, he fleered
with one hand, arid with the other hoifls, lowers, and
trims his fail, having one of the tacks faftened to each foot,
and fo veers out, or hales to, as occafion ferves. Bodi
ends are heads, and as foon as the fail is llipt round, they
make way without bringing about the velfel. They are
very fwift, and when a wave breaks and fills it full of
water, the man cafts himfelf into the water like a fifh,
overturns the boat, and clears it of all the water.- The
boat being clear, he gfets in at one fide, being come to
fliore, he takes his vefTer on his back, and leans it againft
a tree, on which he has his habitation, like a bird living
upon the fifli he takes. It is afErmed in this relation, that
thefe people were idolaters, worfhipping the fun, moon,
flars, and even crocodiles and fliarks ; that they facrifice
to them, by putting their gifts into a prow, and fending
it out to fea"; that their houfes were built upon pofhs or
trees ; that they laughed at money, but were exceedingly
defirous of iron, of which they made themfelves tools ;
that they firft flayed and then burnt the bodies of their
dead, preferving their bones *, that they drink the aflies of
the corpfe in palm-wine; and that on fuch occafions they
hired mourners, who, if the deceafed was a man of qua-
lity, fung his praifes for a week together ; relating all his
adiions from his cradle to his grave ; and if any of thefe
were comical, the audience confiiling of fome hundreds,
laughed j and if any terrifying accident .was mentioned^
they fhrieked all together in the moil frightful manner ^.
« Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. giS. " y Churchill's
Collection of Voyages, vol. iv, p. 673, 674,
la
20 8 bifcbverleSy tVarSy and Settlements of
In other refpeds, this narrative agrees with what wc hav^
already mentioned.
Arri'val of The firft native of Holland that vifited thefe ifles was
n^ ^il^fh- ^^^^'^^^ ^"^^ Noord, with two fhips under his command, on
thlu've'J' ^^^ 1 6th of September, 1599. They were immediately
mjitedthe Surrounded by a multitude of prows, full of the natives,
Ladrones. who roared out hiero, hiero ! that is iron^ iron I the Dutch,
who had feen captain'^Cavendifli*s account, followed his ex-
ample, throwing iron tied to ropes into their canoes, and
they returned baikets of fruit, roots, and rice. Thefe
Dutchmen thought Magellan was in the right in his fenti-
ments as to thefe people , for, upon examining the baikets,
which feemed to be full, and which were indeed very
neatly made, they found nothing butfhells, leaves, and a
little rice fprinkled at the top. Some of thefe people, not
fatisfied with trafficking at a diilance, came on board and
laying hold of any bits of iron they could reach, they leap-
ed into the fea with their purchafe.
Find all Thofe who remained on board, and had ftolen nothing,
'm"^h' th ^^^^ ^^^ that palled with the greatell indifference that could
condition ^^i ^^^ ^"^^ drank very readily whatever was fet before
that capt. them, and when they were fatisfied leaped over board*
Cavendijb To make a trial of their dexterity in diving, a Dutchman
defcnbed ■ threw five pieces of iron one after another into the fea.
One of the natives dropped after them, and having con-
tinued under water fome time, brought up all five, and
fwam on board his prow. AH that our countrymen had
advanced concerning thefe people, as^to their fize and
looks, as well as their uncommon ftrength of body, we
find confirmed by the Dutch, who add, that both men
and women feem to have no fenfe of modefty or fhame.
By this time there was one innovation had crept in, for
the men had all their hair cropt ; whereas the women
wore their's long and flowing upon their flioulders *. The
Dutch vifited thefe iflands afterwards very often, and
fometimes careened their (hips there, finding them very
commodious for that purpofe, at certain feafons of the
year ; and as yet the Indians were fo far independent, that
they (hewed a like regard for all European nations ; that
is, they got from them as much iron as poffible by every
method^ fair or foul, that they could devife.
« Recneil de« Voyages qui ont fervi a VEtablilTment, et aux
Progrez de la Compa^nie des Indes, torn. iii. p, 84. Sir William
Monfon'i Naval Tr afts, in Chutcluirj Colleftion.
It
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. 209
It was near a century and a half, from tlie time of Honv long
Magellan's difcovery, before the Spaniards thought in the Span.-
earneft of taking poflelTion, or making any kind of efta- ^gjjjl°g^
blifhment in thefe illands. Their veflels touched there ^^.^ ^/^g.
indeed annually in their voyages between the Indies; they ther they
had taught the inhabitants to fow rice and other grain, /houldmake
they gave them pulfe, roots, and the feeds of different ^[.^i^"^^.
kinds of vegetables ; they left fowls, hogs, and black cattle g„ ^^^-^
to breed; and it fometimes happened that fome Spaniards ifands.
were left either to recover their health, or to collect pro-
vifions againft the arrival of their fliips; but ftill the In-
dians retained their liberty, and their morals were not at
all mended by their intercourfe with the Europeans. On
the contrary, they grew rather worfe ; for they imitated
very readily the vices that they faw, and paid very little
regard to the exhortations, that were but half underflood,
and which came from fuch of the miihonarles as were
paffing from New Mexico to the Philippines, and who
faw with regret a nation no way deficient in natural capa-
city, immerfed in brutal pleafures, and wholly deftitute of
the light of religion *.
It was upon the application of fome of thefc zealous The mij/io-
miffionaries that his catholic Majefty, Philip IV. had nanesapplj
formed a d.^^i'^ of fending over fome fathers to preach 'f ^^^\^.
the Gofpel to thefe Indians. This projecl-, which he did ^^^.^^^^^^ ^^
not live to complete, was executed by his dowager, Mary conven the
Anne of Auilria, who governed the monarchy of Spain inhabitants
during the minority of Charles II. This pious defign of ^'^^ ^*"
her's was accomplifhed about the year 1668, notwithftand- ^*''^'*
ing fome obftacles it met with from both the viceroys gf
Mexico and the Philippines, who, forefeeing that they
Ihould be made refponfible for the fuccefs of thefe mif-
lions, and apprehending from thence an increafe of trou-
ble, were not very forward in executing the orders they
received from court, to fecond the zeal of thefe ecclefi-
aftics^. At length however, they were fent 6ver, and
left to take their fate amongft thefe favagei?, many of ,
whom they converted after their manner, and tranfmitted
very florid accounts of the progrefs of the gofpel amongft
the inhabitans of thefe, now ityled from their patronefs,
the Marianne Iflands. Thefe accounts produced what
a Antonio de Herera Defcripcion de las Indias Occidentales,
cap. 27. Giro del Mondo del Dottor, Giovnn, Francefco, Gemelli
Carreri. Eere le Gob.ien Hiftoire des Kles Marianes, p. 5. ^ Dii
Bois Geograpliie Moderae, p. 701.
Mod. Vol. Vm. V they
2IO DifioverieSy Wars, and Settlements of
they expected, ftridl orders to tKe Spanlfh viceroys in the
Eaft and Weft Indies to give what affiftance was in their
power to fo pious and falucary a work j which however, as
one of the beil and honefteft of their own writers has ob-
ferved, flourifhed mnch more while the miflionaries de-
pended upon their fpiritual w^eapons, than when their
preaching was afterwards fupported by a military force ^
tuccejfionof -t)on Juan de Vagas Hurtado, going over in 1678, vice-
Spanijb go* roy of the Philippines, touched at Guam, and at his de-
verxin. parture appointed Don Juan Antonio de Solas governor of
the Marianne Illands, with about thirty foldiers, and from
this time we may date the Spanifh dominion here ; which
however was but very feeble, their whole pofleffion con-
lifting only of a forry village or two, and in each of thefe,
the mifhonaries built a church. In i58i, Don Antonio
de Seravia, was apppinted by the royal-authority governor
of thefe iflands, independent either of the viceroy of the .
Philippines or Mexico. He began fpeedily to exert his
authority, and perfuaded many of the Indians to acknow-
lege themfelves fubjefts to the crown of Spain **. He was
fucceeded, in 1683, by Don Damian de Efplana, who w^as
afTifted by Don Jofeph de Quiroga, and now it was
thought neceflary to conftru^l: a fort for the fecurity of the
fettlement. During this fpace the miffionaries vilited fe-
veral other iilands with which the Spaniards were little, if
at all, acquainted before ; and where, though they made
many converts, yet they met with much oppofition. Some
of the nobles whom they had converted, apoftatizing, ex-
cited the people to ftick to their old cuftoms, and employ-
ed that natural eloquence, for which they were fo famous,
' to ridicule the new doctrines, and the new cuiloms which
thefe ftrangers had introduced. The miflionaries fay,
and very probably with truth, that thofe diiiblute people,
who affected a community of women, were the chief
authors of thofe difputes. But however that matter may
be, thefe diforders went on increafing, till at length they
ended in a general revolt*, by which the Spanlfti fettle-
ment, though grown miuch more confiderable than it was,
ran no fmall rifque of being totally fubverted : for, not-
withftanding the great Inequality of their arms, the ad-
vantages which the natives derive from their cunning as/
well as from their numbers, enabled them to carry on the
c D. F. Navarette Tratados Hiftoricos de h Monarchia de
China, liv. vi. chap. 32. '^ Pere le Gobien Hilioire des Ifles
Marianes, p. zga*
war
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 2 1 i
"war with vigour, at the fame time that many of the fa-
thers were aliaffinated, and put to the mod cruel deaths.
By which a£ls of violence on both fides, fuch an animofity
was kindled between the two nations (for as yet the Indi-
ans might be ftyled a nation) as could not afterwards be
extinguifhed ^.
It was about the middle of March, in this year, that Cnptaitt
captain Eaton, in an Englifii fhip of force, vifited this '^^'^.?' ^^
ifland, and found all things in the utmoft diforder. The ^"^''^
' P 111 n- • buccaneer^
governor lent to know who he was, a queition captani arrives at
Eaton did not care to anfwer ; he pretended therefore, Guam.
that his was a French fhip fitted out for difcovery, and in
that light he was very well received, fupplied with every
thing he wanted on moderate terms, and many afts of
friendihip and reciprocal prefents pafied between him
and the governor. The accounts we have in this voyage
agree in all refpe^ts with thofe we have from the milfio^
naries. The natives treated his people fometimes ill,
fometimes well, according as they were ftrpnger of
weaker ; and, upon captain Eaton's making fome excufes
to the governor, on account of three or four that were
killed in a fray, in which he affirmed that they were al- ^
together in the v/rong, the governor told him he did not
doubt it, and that he could not do him a greater pleafure
that to kill as many as he pleafed; for that they were a
fubtle, mifdiievous, cruel people, who kept no terms with
any body, and with whom no terms ought to be kept*
At his requeil captain Eaton f}:>ared him four barrels of ^
gunpowder ; which, in all probability, prevented the Spa-*
niards from being driven out of the iiland. Their whoje
intercourfe, from firil to laft, was managed with the Ut-
moft civility and candour on both fides ; and they parted
good friends, without the leaft coolnefs or fufpicion on
either fide.
The wild natives, on the other hand, aiSled as If they T'henath'es
had intended to make good the character the Spaniards ^ff^'^.^^^
had given them. Sometimes they afix)ciated with, and '
were extremely kind to the Englifii, whom they alfifted in
hunting and fifhing; but whenever they had, or thought
they had, a favourable opportunity, they fell upon them, and
endeavoured to deftroy them, fo that feveral bloody frays
enfued. However, in a very little time, they came to
," Captain Cowley's Voyage round the World, p. 17. Dam-
pier's Voyage, vol. i. p. 300, 301. Pere le Gobien Hiftoire des
Iflfs Marianes, p. 30S, 309.
P2 ' trafHck '"
212
Pretences
of the na-
ti'ves.
The Ma^
rinmie
ijlands
11010 in a
poor condi'
t-ion.
Difcoverles, M'^'m's, and Settlements of
traffick with them again, as if nothing had happened, and
broke their faith again, as loon as they were trufted.
Before captain Eaton went away, they fent fome of their
principal perfons to aquaint him that the belt part of
their countrymen had quitted the ifland, and were gone
to another, which was true ; that they were refolved to
throw ofF the yoke of the Spaniards, and if he would af-
fift; them in this enterprize, they were content to receive
him and his people for their mafters ; which proportion
the captain reje£led with indignation ^.
We learn from the raiihonaries, that this and other in-
furre£lions were entirely owing to the natural eloquence of
fome of their chamorris, who were continually declam-
ing againft the Spaniards, and the mifchiefs they had
brought upon them. This war fubfifted for feveral years,
and was not thoroughly extinguifhed till Don Jofeph de
Quiroga came to tiie government, who not only put an
end to it, but reduced all the Marianne iflands, north as
well as fouth, about the year 1695 s.
In the courfe of the prefent century things have gra-
dually taken but an ill turn for the Spanifh government
here, infOmnch, that we are affured fome of the largeft
iflands are no longer inhabited. On Tinian there is not
a foul, except as they are fent occafionally to bring away
provifions j and but three or four hundred upon Rota,
where they cultivate fruit, rice, and garden-ftuft, for the
ufc of the Spanlfti garrifon in Guam. We have no fort
of certainty as to tlie ftate of the reft ; and more efpecl-
ally of the northern iflands, which poflibly may be toler-
ably well peopled itiil, as lying at a greater diftance from
the Spanifli fettlenient, and more out of tlie way of their
annual Ihip*^. AVe muft obferve, that moft writers of
voyages are to "be read with great circumfpeiSlion, and
more cfpecially many of the French, who, rather than
appear ignorant of any thing, fupply the defect of know-
lege by a lively imagination, and give their own notions
and ccnjc<SUires as matters of fa£t. In this rcipe61:, our
own and the Dutch authors are more to be depended
upon; and though their accounts are fomewhat drier, and
their defcriprions lefs entertaining, yet experience ihews
f Captain Cowley's Voyage round the World, p. t7, & feq. Dam-
yi'\cv's Voyaire, vol. i. p. ^01. *" Fere le Gohien HiHoire des Kles
IVlarianes, p. 376. h Giro del Mondo del Dottor Giovan, Fr.-^p-
cefto, Gemeili Carreri. De la Barbinais le Gentil Tour du Monde,
torn. i. p. 24.1. Lord Anfon's Voyage, p. 450^ 452,
that
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 213
that they are lefs exaggerated, and come much nearer
the truth.
In refpe(£t to the prefent ftate of things, there are, ac- Prefent
cording to the lateft Spaniih accounts, about four ^o^X'fiateofGu^
fand inhabitants in the whole iiland of Guam, of whom ^^» andcf
about a fourth part are faid to live in the city of San Ig- ff^f^^J'Jf'
natio d' Agand, where the governor generally refides, and ol thlt"'
where the houfes are reprefented as confiderable, being >JlanU*
built with {\.onQ and timber, and covered with tiles ; a ve-
ry uncommon fabric for thefe warm climates and favage
countries. Belides this city, there are' upon the iiland
thirteen or fourteen villages. As this is a poft of fome
confequence, on account of the refrefhment it yields to
the Manilla (hip, there are two caftles on the fea-fhore ;
one is the caftle of St. Angelo, which lies near the road
where the Manilla Ihip ufually anchors, and is but an in-
iignificant fortrefs, mounting only live guns, eight pound-
ers. The other is the caftle of St. Lewis, Vvhich is north-
eaft from St. Angelo, and four leagues diftant, and is in-
tended to protect a road where a fmall veflel anchors,
which arrives here every other year from Manilla '. This
fort mounts the fame number of guns as the former; and,^
belides thefe forts, there is a battery of live pieces of
cannon, on an eminence near the fea-lliore. The Spaniih
troops employed on this iiland confill of three companies
of foot, from forty to fifty men each, and this is the prin-
cipal ftrength the governor has to depend on ; for he can-
not relj en any afiiftance from the Indian inhabitants, be-
ing generally upon ill terms with them ; and fo apprehen-
five of them, that he has debarred them the ufe of fire-
arms or lances, that he might be the lefs in danger of
feeling the effects of their refentment.
Some writers attribute the gaining of thefe illands to the Keeping the
crown of Spain, to the miffionaries, rather than to the civil 'i^ii'ves
power, and perhaps with reafon ; but then they may, with J '^^ ,
equal juftice, attribute likewife to them the lofs of thek j^^j^^f^'
iflands, by calling in the fword continually to their allill- t/ie ^an'tfi
ance ; for, from the beginning of their millions here, as g^rnfon,
well as in the Philippines, the bulk of the people conceiv^-
ed an averfion, or a contempt for the religion which they
taught, and multitudes of thofe whom they converted at
firil revolted afterwards, and, like all apoftates, became
i Giro del Mondo del Dottor Giovan, Francefco, Gemelli Ca; eri.
Captain Cowley's Voyage round the World, p- i6, Dampier's
Vcyages, vol. i. p. 300, 30T.
P 3 tlie
214
*rhe Ma-
rianne
ijlands ihs
natural
barrier of »
theSpani/h
empire in
both Indies t
and ivith
■due cure
nxwuld
ha.ve been
in'vincible.
Dtfcoveries, Wars^ and Settlements of
the bittereft enemies to that faith which they had pro-
fefled ^ It feems to be now generally underftood, that
the Spaniards have given over all thoughts of rendering
the Marianne iflands a province of confequence to their
empire, and feem to circumfcribe their views within the
narrow plan of keeping Guam, as a poft of communica-
tion between their pofleihons in the Eaft and Weft Indies ^
We apprehend the Spaniards have entirely mifcaken their
obje£l:, aiid that it would have been far more advantageous
for them to have ufed their endeavours to cherifh the in-
habitants of thefe iflands ; to have cultivated them with
the greateft care ; and to have rendered them as fertile
and populous as fo favourable a climate, and fo fine a foil
would certainly have enabled them to do, if they had gone
prudently and heartily about it.
In the firft place, they ought to have confidered it as
the common barrier of their empire in Afia and America,
placed there by the hand of nature, and of confequence
capable of turning highly to their advantage, or much to
their detriment. Thefe countries were fuch as offered all
the comforts, and with them all the conveniencies and
pleafures of life. If, inftead of a handful of ftarved fol-
diers, one or two hundred white families had been tran-
fported thitlier early from Mexico, and proper provifion
made for them in the ifland of Guam, which, "in compari-
fon of the benefits beftowed, might have been done at an
inconfiderable expence, they would in the fpace of half a
century have become, in comparifon of the country they
inhabited, a nation ; and if the Indians had been kindly
treated, they would willingly have fheltered themfelves
under their prote£tion, and imitated their manners. As
to thofe who might have been fo obftinate, fo flagitious,
or fo mutable in their difpofitions, as not to be won or
not to be kept by good ufage, they would have quitted
the ifland. When Guam was once thoroughly fettled, a
colony might have been fent, without hazard, from thence
to Tinian, or any other of, the larger iflands, and fettled in
fuch a manner as not to be in any danger from the natives,
who ought never to have been deprived of their liberty,
but left to difcover the difadvantages of it by the compari-
fon of their own wretched condition, with the eafy cir-
k Pere le Gobicn Hiftoire des IflesMarianes,p. 139, 140. ^ An-
tonio de Herer r^ Defcripcion de las Indias Occidenfales, cap. xxvii.
Giro del Mor.do del Dottor, Giovan, Francefco, Genielli Carreri.
Pe la Barbinais je Gentil Tour du Monde, vol, i. p. 214* ^J 5*
circumflances
the Spaniards In the Eajl Indies. 2^5
cumftances *of the Spaniards, and of their countrymen,
who had voluntarily fought their protection and adopted
iheir manners "'.
Their miffionaries might then have been of great ufe in j/^w the
carrying fuch a plan into execution j and if, inftead of m^Jfionaries
baptizincr them in a hurry, they had infifted on their liv- ^^S''^ "^^
• . • I, c ri • -T J J i^een made ^
mg a certam number oi years alter a civilized manner, and gy-iygf^eh
behaving like honeft men before they became Chriilians, ufejuiin
baptizing however all vi^ho defired it, when dangerouily the carry-
ill, or at the point of death; this conduct would have mg on fuck
gained fubjefts to the ftate, as well as members to the ^Z**^"*
church ; and if they had exa£led a fmall tribute from
thofe who lived according to their own cuftoms, without
harraffing or injuring them, and exempted them from all
tribute, when they became Chriftians, trufhed them with
arms, and advanced them to fmall honours, civil and mi-
litary, they would fooahave had many thoufands of good
fubjedls, a multitude of fincere Chriftians, and confe-
quently a great ftrength. If their nobility had been com-
plimented with titles, and a little degree of power, it
would have attached them to their benefactors ; and they
would have been fure to have employed their eloquence
on the fide of that government from which they derived
fuch a real advantage. Wherever they had erected a
ehurch, they might alfo have eftablifhed a town •, and
whether there are or are not good ports in thefe iflands,
they might, with a little management, have raifed a great
naval ftrength for that part of the world ; confidering the
natural ingenuity of the inhabitants, and their turn for na-
vigation, which, if it had only ferved to reduce thefe
iilands by degrees, and to have maintained a conftant in-
tercourfe amongft them, when reduced, would have been
productive of infinite benefit ".
Thefe iilands would have ferved for a nurfery of fol- Might have
diers and feamen, who might have been in many refpeCts ^^^J ^^'^
ufeful to the crown of Spain. For, in the firft place; they ^centrl of
lay much more conveniently for defending and fuccouring commerce
the Moluccas than even the Philippines. They would befween
eafily have prevented foreign nations from pafTing through them,
the Pacific Ocean to the Eaft Indies. They might have
been made the magazine of Indian commodities from the
Philippines, and the exchange of thefe for the wealth of
Mexico and Peru, might have been regulated according to
m Pere le Gqbien Hiftoire des Ifies Marianes, liv. viii, p. aSi.
n Lord Anion's "Voyage, p. 453.
P 4. his
2l6
I'he great
danger
that the
Spaniards
m'ght run
if other na-
tions fhould
enjer ejla
hlijh I hem
fel-J.s upon
anyoftheje
iflands.
SomefaSis
•which
fbeiu that
this ii far
from being
impr ami-
cable.
Difcoverles^ Wars, and Settlements of
his catholic majeily's orders, by the government eflablifli-
ed in thefe iflands, "which could have no interefts of its
owH, and the very u^ant of mines and other natural riches
in thefe ifles, inflead of being a defe61:, M^ould have been
a circumflance beneficial to the intereft of Spain.
But fuppofing them ever fo blind, as indeed they mufl
have been to the fingular and felf-evident advantages w^hich
might have refulted from eflablifhing a force in countries
vv^hich, from their fertility, and the number of pople al-
ready in them, might have been fo eafily, and with fo
much certainty fecured ; one may vi'ith equal reafon won-
der that they had not their eyes open to the danger of
other nations taking advantage of their fupinenefs : for if
^a fettlement had been made in one of the more diftant
iflands, and thofe who made it had conduced their af-
fairs with any tolerable degree of prudence and policy,
they might have ellablifhed themfelves fo efixftually, even
before the Spaniards were well apprized of it, as to have
been in a condition to have refilled any llrength they could
have brought againfl them ; more efpecially, if they had
drawn the natrves to their fide, and had given them arms
and encouragement to a<ft againft the common enemy.
The want of good ports would have been an advantage to
fuch a people \ for, with a fort or two to command the
roads, and a number of fmall vefl^els fit for cruifing, th^y
might maintain themfelves, and at Icaft diflurb, if not en-
tirely interrupt the communication betvv^een Manilla and
Acapulco. The natives, as ufclcfs as they are to the Spa-
niards, might be made good fubje^ls by a proper ufage ;
and if they are dnngcrcus enemies now, would be in that
cafe much more formidable.
When Sir Francis Drake antt Captain Cavendlfli were
in thefe feas, they might certainly, if they had thought fit,
have feized and fortified any one of thefe iflands ; and
though it may be true that this fchcme did not, nor could
not enter into their heads, yet accidents might have forced
them to put it in execution : for had they been wrecked
upon any of thefe iflands, they could have had no other
chance for prefcrving their lives and liberties, but by for-
tifying, aflx)ciating with the natives, and endeavouring by
their afliltance to make themfelves mailers of the firll
Spanifli veflel that came in their way. If we remember
that Philip II. fent in all hafle to build a city, and fortify
the ftreights of Magellan, as foon as he knew that Drake
had pafled them, we may jufily wonder the Spaniards en-
tertained no apprehenfions oftlicfe iflcs.
The Dutch have
pafled
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, -^ »
pafled the Marianne illands, not with fingle fhips, but
with fleets ; and if they had left a body of men in one of
them, they might have correfponded with and reHeved
them from the Moluccas : or accident might have led the
buccaneers, as daring and enterprizing men as any that
the world has feen, to have feized fome of thefe i (lands for
a retreat; and if they had, their companions, beyond
doubt, would have reforted to them, and the confequences
might have been juft as fatal to the Spaniards, as a fettle-
ment of the fame kind of people at Petit Guaves, to .
which the French owe their being maflers of the beft part
of Hifpaniola.
At all events we are very certain of three-things: firft, // is obvi-\
that other nations, as well as the Spaniards, have often vi- ous that
fited thefe iflands, of which we have given many inflances ; ^\^ ^P'^'
fecondly, that the Spaniards have been in no condition at ^'^^ ^ -r
-IT -11 1 1 t navemtj'
any time to dilpute with them, but on the contrary, have taken their
been forced to furniili them with refrefhments ; and third- point,
ly, that if, inftead of touching at Guam, they had gone to
any of the other illands, they might have been long enough
there to fortify themfelves before the Spaniards had been in
any condition to drive them out. Thefe circumftances
are more than fufhcient thoroughly to eftablilh the pofi-
tion we 'have laid down, that the Spaniards have not only
neglecSled the manifeft advantages they might have drawn
from thefe iflands, but have as little confulted their own
fecurity ; from whence one would imagine they thought
that, by being blind themfelves, they fliould be able to
clofe the eyes of all other nations ; and in this refpeft, in-
deed, they have hitherto had very good luck, which has
fometimes anfwered the end, and thereby pafled upon the
world for the moil refined policy ".
"We mean not, however, to deny, that though the Spa- q-heplan
nifh court and governors have thought fit to reje6l the on ivhich
maxims that feem to us right, they have fubfhituted in '/'^ Spa-
their Head another plan of their own. We fee plainly «'^^^f ^^*
that they have, and we can determine from fa61:s what the ^enceto'the
nature is of that plan. Their original defign was to keep Marianne
as few people, and at as fmall an expence as poffible in tjlands.
the ifland of Guam, and not to trouble themfelves with
any of the red ; and to this they lleadily adhered for a
long feries of years, till at length the miffionaries, fup-
ported by the piety of their catholic majeilies, forced
o Captain Cowley's Voyajje round the World, p. 15, Da;>pier'$
Voyage, vol. i. p. 300. Loid Anion's Voyage, p. 457, 438.
then
2 1 8 ■ Difcovertes, M'^ars^ and Settlements of
them to abandon this method, and to fuffer them to at-
tempt the converfion of the Indians : but whatever they
may be elfewhere, the Jefuits have not fhevi^n themfelves
very able men here ; and very poffibly the reafon is, that
the country being poor, the zealous and the pious, not the
ihrewd and the fenfible Jefuits, have addicted themfelves
to this miflion ; whence it has come to pafs, that their
converts have been lazy bigots, that have done little good
to the colony, and a great deal of mifchief to their own
nation ; from the confideration of this mifcarriage the old
plan has been revived, and by degrees carried into execu-
tion P. The governor relies on the little ftrength he has in
their fettlement on the fingle ifland of Guam, keeps the
natives not immediately under his obedience, as poor, as
lov/, and as defencelefs as poffible, and treats fuch as ac-
knowledge his authority, not as fubjetts, but as flaves.
His principal endeavour is to be able to command, upon
any occafion, a fufficienf (lock of provifion for the fervice
of his colony, and of the annual fhip : this, it feems, is
thought the beft ufe that can be made of the Marianne
illands, the fureft method of being fafe from the refent-
ment of the natives, and the beft fecurity that can be had
againft thefe iflands falling into the hands of any other na-
tion. This, from the fafts we have collefted from writers
of all nations, at different times, and under circumftances
that cannot deceive us, is the plan at prefent purfued, and
which, for any thing we can perceive, is like to be pur-
fued fo long as Indians enough remain to enable their
mafters to keep this fettlement *?.
But whether this manner of treating thefe ifles and their
inhabitants, be confiftent with the dictates of humanity,
the law of nature, or the moral doctrines of the Chriftian
religion, we muft leave to the equitable decifion of the
public, who are alfo the proper judges whether, even con-»
fide red in a political light, this fcheme of management
will fcrve long to anfvver their purpofe.
An Account of the Difccverics made to the Northivard of the
Ladrones,
M'van- THE great delign of colonies, confidered in a po-
tages arif' litical light, is the advantage of the mother country ;
'"l^ ['^^^r which, without doubt, is a very lawful and laudable ob-
Jion of the
Ladronts, '' Shelvock's Voyage round the World Lord Anfon's Voyage,
p. 4.19. ^ Dampier's Voyage, vol- i. p 30!.
jea-,
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies, 2 1 p
je<ft ; but all Cliriflian princes and ftates profefs at leaft a
higher and more noble view, that of contributing to the
happinefs of mankind here and hereafter. If, therefore,
colonies are flighted from politic motives, it muft be be-
caufe they lie at too great a diftance, are very difficult to
keep, and though kept, incapable of being fo improved
as to render a fufficient profit to their mother country, in
proportion to the trouble and charge flie may be at in keep-
ing them. From thefe motives, it has been faid, that the
crovi^n of Spain ought and would long ago have flighted
the Ladrones, or Marianne iflands, if they had not been
reftrained by Chriftian charity towards the natives. Wc
have already fhewn that there are good reafons to be-
lieve, that, ftridtly fpeaking, this is not the fole motive of
their keeping them, but rather that of facilitating their
correfpondence with the Philippines, for which purpofe
they are abfolutely neceflary *, and we have likewife point-
ed out the means by which they might have been made
very ufeful and profitable in other refpefts. The defign
of this fe6lion is to profecute that fubje6l, and to prove
this inconteftibly from the great difcoveries they have
made to the northward, the IHU greater difcoveries that
might be made, and the advantages that, with a moral ^
certainty, might be expelled from thefe, which would
render this archipelago as beneficial to Spain as any
countries in her pofleffion.
In the beginning of the fixteenth century they had very T/jg spa^
difi^erent notions in Spain from thofe that prevail at pre- niaras
fent, fince, in the year 1525, Don Garcia de Loayfa was A''"? '3'
fent with a fquadron of feven fail to the Eafl Indies, by l'"^"7^
the ftreights of Magellan, with inftruftions to make the rpirit,
moft particular obfervations in his power, in order to faci-
litate that navigation, and to render himfelf acquainted
with the propereft means of carrying it on, as well from
Old Spain directly, as from the conquefts already made
in America. At his entering the South Seas from the
Itreights of Magellan, a fmall veflel, that ferved him as an
advice -boat, v/as feparated from his fleet, and after running
great hazards at fea, came at lengthinto a port of New
Spain, when the people on board were in great danger of
ftarving. By this accident'the famous Hernando Cortez,
then the emperor's viceroy, came to have notice of this
expedition, and of the purpofe it was to anfwer; upon
which he ordered a fquadron to be fitted out as foon as
poflfible, compofed of new fhips, which he had built i\\
thefe parts, under the command of his nephew Alvaro dc
Saavcura,
2 20 JDifcoverks^ Wars, and Settlements of
Saavedra, who had orders to follow Don Garcia, and to
make himfelf well acquainted with his difcoveries ; be-
caufe Cortes looked upon the Moluccas, and all the
countries between him and them, as belonging of right to
his government (I). Thus we fee, that at this time, they
were not afraid, either in Spain or in the Indies, of pufli-
ing their difcoveries with vigour, though the means of
doing that, and of fupporting them when done, were
very fmall, more efpecially in comparifon of the prefent
ftate of things. Both thefe expeditions might be faid to
prove unfortunate. Don Garcia died in his pafi'age, but
Alvaro de Saavedra, after twice putting to fea with an in-
tention to return to New Spain, died at the Moluccas ^
'' Difcourfe of Lopez Vaz concerning the Spanifii Power in the
Indies, in Hakluyfs Voyages, vol. iii. p. 778. Antonio de Herrera
Defcripcion de las Indias Occidentales,
(I) In order to underftand
clearly what is faid in the text,
as well as feveral other paf-
fages that follow, it will be
neceflary to put the reader in
iniiid of what has been already
mentioned, as to the lines of
demarcation fettled by the pa-
pal authority, in order to pre-
vent any difputcs from arifmg
on account of the difcoveries
made by the fubjedls of Callile
and Portugal. The iirll of
thefe lines was drawn parallel
to the {irfl meridian at the di-
liance of 30 d eg. weft, paffing
through Newfoundland, and
by the mouth of the river Ma-
ranon, through the midft of
Brazil. The other line was
fuppofed to pafs through the
meridian of Malacca. Thefe
lines were the eaft and weft
boundaries of the Spanifii dif-
coveries, and the weft and eall
boundaries to the Portuguefe.
Upon this principle Herreras,
though he calls all that the
Spaniards pofTeffed in virtue of
this papal grant, the Spanifh
Weft Indies, in oppofition to
the difcoveries of the Portu-
guefe, which were called the
Eaft Indies ; yet, when he
enters upon the defcription of
the former, he gives us a new
divilion which is very remark-
able, and of which the reader
will take particular notice. He
ftyles all that the Spaniards
poftefs in the north of the new
world, from Quivira to Porto
Bello, Las Indias del Norte,
or the North Indies ; all that
they poftefs from Porto Bello
to the ftreights ot Magellan,
Las Indias de Medio Dia, or
the Southern Indies, which
he fays was in his time fallly
called America; from whence
we fee that in ihofe days that
term was applied only to the
fouth part of that great conti-
nent, the whole of which now
palTes under that name. The
remainder, that is, all between
the South Seas and the latter
line of demarcation, he de-
fcribes under the name of Las
Indias del Poniente, or the
Weft Indies.
However,
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies* 221
However, both thefe commanders difcovered new illands
in the vicinity of the Ladrones, and gave their country-
men the firll hint that this archipelago was of confiderable
extent, and that it would turn to fome account if they
would examine the feveral iilands of which it was com-
pofed. Thefe advices were well received ; for in thofe
days there was a competition amongft the Spanifli gover-
nors in America, who fliould moft enlarge his province,
or make the greateft difcoveries.
But the moft important difcoveries, in reference to the ^, ,.-
iflands lying north of the Ladrones, were made near ^^riei
twenty years afterwards, when the viceroy, Don Antonio jnade to the
de Mendo9a, fent Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos into thefe riorth-wa^d
parts. He, failing from the Philippines, in order to re- ^ ^^^^^
turn to New ^pain, difcovered, almoft under the tropic '
of Cancer, fome illands, to which he gave the name of
Malabrigos, that is, the Bad Roads ; becaufe the coafts
about them were foul, and afforded them no anchorage ".
Beyond thefe, he met with two fair iflands lying almoft
clofe to each other, which, for this reafon, he called Las
dos Hermanas, or the Two Sijlers ; beyond them they
faw four more iflands, called, from the fiery mountains
in them, Los Volcanos ; in thefe it is faid there is great
plenty of fine cocbineal. Beyond them, that is ftill far- ^ ,
ther to the -eaft, they had fight of La Farfana, and be-
yond that a high pointed rock which threw out fire and
fmoke at (iye diff^erent vents. They faw likewife five or
dyi iflands more, to which they gave no names. The
wind proving contrary, they refolved to return again to
the Philippines, and, in their pafTage, met with a clufter
of iflands in about fixteen degrees north latitude ; the ifi-
habitants of which were white, the women handfome
and well-drefTed, with many ornaments of gold about
them. Thefe people had ftout vefTels, (ixty feet long,
and of a proportionable breadth, compofed of planks five
inches thick, and rowed with oars. Thefe iflands feem
to have been to the north-weft of the Ladrones ; for the
inhabitants told them, that they traded in thefe veflels to
China, and made? this voyage in a week. They likev/ife
found other barks, very handfomely made, with two
decks. On the upper deck were white people, well-
dreffed, and commodioufly accommodated j on the lower
® Galvano's DiiVoveries, tranflated by R. Hackluyt. The Voy-
age of Francifco de Gualle, in Hackluyt's Coliedion, voLii. p. 44a.
See the Map in the original edition of Herrera.
deck
2 22 Difcovenes, Wars, and Settlements of
deck were blacks, by whom thefe veflels were rowed, at
which circumftance the Spaniards were very much fur-
prifed ; for at this time they had not the leaft conception
of there being any Negroes in that part of the world '. It
is furprifing, but the fa6l is neverthelefs true, that we
meet with nothing more of this archipelago, nor are thefe
iflands laid down in any of the Spanifli maps. It is,
however, very probable from hence, and it will ap-
pear {till more fo from other circumfhances hereafter to
be mentioned, that there are many iflands to the north,
to the north-eafl, and to the north-weft of the Ladrones,
very well worth being vifjted, if the Spaniards had thought
proper. But at this period they feem to have been hin-
dered by the difcovery of the Philippines, which was a
much greater objedt, and confequently occupied their at-
tention for many years.
After that great proje£l was in fome meafure accom-
pliflied, this of profecuting thefe northern difcoveries,
might have been alfo undertaken and perfected, if only
two or three hundred children from ten to fifteen years
old, had been removed from the Ladrones to the Philip-
pines, educated there in the Chriftian religion, according
to the cuftoms of the Spaniards, in the knowlege of their
language, without fuifering them, however, to forget their
own. They might then have been brought back to Ibme
of their own iflands, and afterwards employed as feamen,
under the direction of Spanifh officers, in examining gra-
dually thefe iflands. If we fuppofe them only to have ad-
vanced as many degrees farther to the north as Guam, the
moft fouthern of thefe iflands, is from Urac, which is the
moft northern, they could not fail of meeting with iflands
better inhabited and better improved than their own.
By this method of making difcoveries, they might, in
a great meafure, have fpared their own people, and
might have performed great things with fmall trouble,
little rifque, and hardly any expence. Their other colo-
nies would not have fuftered in the leaft by this con-
du£l: ; on the contrary, whatever profits had attended
thefe difcoveries, might have been centred in the Ladrones,
and from tliem might have been carried either to the Phi-
lippines or to America, and from thence to Europe. We
(hall prefently fee, that in iflands under a higher latitude,
and yet much within the reach of this method of dif-
covery, the rlcheft and moft valuable commodities in the
t Antonio cJe llcrrera Defcripcion de ia« Indias Occidentales
cap. xxvii. GalvanosDifcoverits, iianflated by R. Hackluyt.
world
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 223
world are to be had in plenty ^^ ; and by making the La-
drones the magazine of thefe, through the labour and in-
duftry of its natives, they might eafily have removed that
reproach of poverty with which the/ have iligmatized
thefe iflands. As if a race of ftrcng, active, ingenious
people, naturally addicted to navigation, and capable, if
properly inftru(9:ed, of other arts, might not -have proved
the inftrum.ents of riches in the hands of a wife and well-
judging nation ; more efpecially, conlidering the happi-
nefs of their fituation, with fo many inviting profpe£ls on
every fide.
The rich countries of Sapan are not more out of their Some of
reach than the Philippines ; and though it be true that '^^ ric/iej!
they would be now very unwelcome gueils there, yet the f^"^'^^^-?
cafe was not fo always , and it may be, they miglit have .^^/^./^/,'^ -^
afforded, the Chriftians, their friends in thofe iflands, fome the 'vicinity
afliftance, if they had ufed any diligence in their difcoveries of the La-
on this fide ; for they knew very well from the intelligence '^''^»^^*
given them by the miffionaries there, as by other channels,
that there were many, and fome very large iflands, be-
tween the Ladrones and the iflands of Japan; and if they
had either made fettlements, or fo much as entertained
any correfpondence with their inhabitants, they mip^ht
perhaps have enjoyed as much, or more, of the commerce
of that empire, than by having an imimediate correfpon-
dence with it *. Neither were the Spaniards at all times
infenfible or inattentive to this object ; and from whatever
motives they were led to defilt from their endeavours,
moll certainly it did not arife from any apprehenfion of
their being impradlicable. It is more likely to have arifen
from their contempt of all advantages but what proceeded
from abfolute conqueft. The Portuguefe, indeed, grew
quickly in love with trade, and began to be foftened by
the manners of the Eaft ; but the fame cannot be faid of
the Spaniards y. They maintain their national character
in all climates, and afFe6l to live no where unlefs they are
acknowleged for mailers. However, even this difpofition
need not have difcouraged therrf ; they might have found
iflands in which a fettlement made by their fubje£ls, un-
der the prote6lion of a good fort with a Spanifli garrifon,
might have anfwered all their purpofes efFe£lually, and
■w Diflionaire Univerfelle de Commerce, torn. ii. col. 892. Dii
Eois Geographic Moderne. x Antonio de Heriera Defciip-
cion de laslndias Occidentales. Hackluyt's CoUedtion of Voyages.
Hiftoire de la Chine, parle P, Martin Martini, p. 163, y Gal-
vano's Difcoveries tranflated from the Portuguele, by R, Hacklnyt.
fixed
2 24 D/fiovenes, IVars^ and Settlements of
fixed them in the poffeffion of a commerce that might
have been connected with the Philippines as eafily as with
the Ladrones^
An account ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ certainty as well as the probability of what
of the has been advanced, let us obferve, that thofe iflands,fo
tjlandi li^ fam.ous amongft the firfl difcoverers, and with the Very
qutos^ Le- names of which we are fcarce acquainted, lie dire£lly
ywrn/, or ^j|.}-jjj^ |.j^gjr reach. Thefe are the Liquios, the Lequeios,
or, as fome call them, the iflands of Riuku, fituated from
tlie 26th to the 30'th deg. of north latitude, and confe-
quently but five degrees higher than the moll northern of
the Ladrones. The Liquios have the iflands of Japan on
the north, the continent of China on the weft, the ifland
of Formofa on the fouth-weft, the Ladrones a little to the
fouth-eaft, and the ocean, without any continent, for any
thing we know, on <the Eaft ^ They are an archipelago,
confifting of many fm.all iflands, with two pretty large
ones to the north, ftyled from thence the Great Liquios ;
and alfo two more confiderable than the reft at the fouth-
ern extremity, which are called the lefTer Liquios. It is
an eftabliflbed maxim with the Japanefe, that thefe are the
moft fertile countries in the world ; and if they are to be
credited, the inhabitants reap annually two harvefts from
the fame land. Their produce confifts chiefly of rice,
though, befides this, they have alfo other grain, with a
great variety of excellent fruits, abundance of cattle, with
fome gold and rich perfumes. The inhabitants are
efteemed the gayeft, happieft, and eafieft people on the
globe •, and this, notwithftanding they are fubje£l at leaft
to four, if not five mafters. They have a fovereign of
their own, ftyled the fpiritual emperor of Japan, their
Dairo ; but whether he has a temporal lieutenant or not,
is uncertain. They are likewife tributaries to the king of
Saxhuma, one of the princes of Japan, to whom they pay
a confiderable fum annually, befides occafional prefents to
the emperor. They alfo colle6l an acknowlegement of
confiderable value every year as a teftimony of their re-
fpe£l for the emperor of China ''. It is indeed faid, that
many thoufand Chinefe took flielter here at the time of
the laft revolution, and are at prefent incorporated amongft
the natives, whom, it is not unlikely, they have improved
^ The Voyages of Francifco de Gualle, in HackUiyt's Collection,
vol- ii p. 44Z. a G. Battifta Ramufio Racolto delle Navi-
gatioui et Viaggi, torn. i. fol. 369. Antonio de Herrera Defcrip-
cionde las Indias Occidentales. ^ Du Bois, Geographic
Modernc.
in
the Spaniards in the Edjl Indies » 21^
in agriculture, manufactures, and commerce ; but, with
refpe£i: to navigation, thofe people, at the time that the
Europeans entered the Indies, were thought fuperior to
the Chinefe, and were alfo the moffc candid and the moft
refpefted traders in the Eaft, where the profeiHon of a
merchant was always honourable, and where there are
ftill many who live with a degree of magnificeiice fcarce
inferior to princes.
The great charafteriflic of thefe people is their love of Tke gemut
tranquility, and their application to the arts o^ peace, by j/^"^-^ ^^^
which, in the midft of thofe revolutions, that have not *'
only dillurbed, but deftroyed, in a greater or lefs degree,
the nations round them, they have kept themfelves in
pretty much the fame fituation, in the enjoyment of their
own laws and cuftoms, and in the exercife of navigation
and commerce, which has fupplied them with the means
of defending themfelves from thofe diftrefles which their
more puiflant, though pore haughty neighbours, have
feverely felt. The richnefs of their foil, and the mildnefs
of their climate, inftead of rendering them idle, has
prompted them to improve to the utmoil the bleffings
which nature has bellowed *=. Their fields are cultivated
with the utmoil care, and, according to their diiFerent na-
tures, appropriated to diiFerent kinds of grain. When
the harveft is once over, they diftinguiih every fort into
fine, coarfe, and refufe. Out of the lirft they fupply
themfelves for domeftic ufes, and for exportation ; the
fecond they moiften and malt, of which they make a very,
pleafant beer, called facki, which, however, is very apt
to give the colic if drank cold. Of the third, or fpoiled "
grain, they make what is ftyled in their language awa-
muri, which is, in plain Englifh, malt fpirits ; they are
likewife very felicitous in cultivating their gardens, in
which they have roots of all kinds, a great variety of pulfe,
medicinal herbs, and very fine flowers. Their principal
manufacture is that of filk, with different kinds of which
they are all well clothed, and yet referve a confiderable
flock for exportation-, mother of pearl and cowries, for
which there is a great demand in Japan, where they grind
down thofe that are perfedlly white into an impalpable
powder, which is afterwards converted into a paint, and
ufed by perfons of both fexes. They have, befides, an-
other kind of (hells, either naturally flat, or made fo by
<^ P. Charlevoix Hiftoire da Japon, vol. i. p. 6. 171.
Mod. Vol. Vlil. / Q^ art.
226 Difcoveries, ^''ars, and Settlements of
artj which are ufed in Japan for glazing the windows o£
their houfes K
Other As the true chare£leriftic of this nation is induftry, they
ijlands may have probably found a way to pay their tributes to Japan
be difco' ^^^ China out of the balance of their refpedlive trades *, for,
InhabitJiu ^^^^^^ the produce of their own iliands, they carry the fe-
oj nvhich veral commodities and manufactures reciprocally of Japan
tnay equal into China, and of China into Japan, by which they are
ihefe in in- great gainers 5 and perhaps much of the gold that is feen
fuZ """"^ amongft them is the refult of this traffick. If therefore the
Spaniards could have fixed themfelves here, as without
queftion they might eafily have done, European and Ameri-
can commodities would undoubtedly have been very wel-
come to thefe judicious traders, and, it may be, the Japa-
nefe would have taken them this way, notwithftanding all
their prohibitions ^. It is not at all improbable that other
iflands might be found between 'the Ladrones and the
Liquios, not deficient in rich and valuable goods ; and it
is very well known that there are feverai clufters of fmall
iflands to the weftward, between thefe and the continent
cf fChina, particularly thofe to which our buccaneers
gave the name of the Bafhee iflands ; in which there are
gold, and fome kind of fpices, not to mention gums, and
drugs for dying ; fo that we have advanced nothing chi-
merical, or without good grounds on this head of important
difcoveries in the vicinity of this archipelago, which has
been fo frequently treated, for want of due confideration,
in a defpicable light. Let us take the liberty to add, that if
the miffionaries had fuggefted fomething of this kind to
the Spaniih government, and had offered their fervice for
the education of the Indian youth, in a manner that might
have rendered them fit inllruments for the execution of
proje6ls of this nature, they might have done a double
fervice to the natives, and to their mailers ; and, by in-
troducing a principle of induftry and the love of arts, have
awakened thofe latent feeds of civility and focial qualities
which thofe people mud have retained, if there be any
truth in the mifTionaries conjeClure, that they are defcend-
ed partly from the Japanefe, and partly from the Tagali-
ans ; both nations endowed with great qualities, which
however might be eafily obfcured, and in a manner loft,
in the gradual barbarifm that fucceeded their baniftiment
* Antonio de Hcrrera Defcripcion de las Indias Ocdden-
tales, cap. xxvi, P. Cliarievoix Hilloire de J;<pon, vol, ii. p. 470.
e Harris's Collection pf Voyagts, vol. 2. p. 666,
from
the Spaniards in the Eafi Indies. ' ^^j
from their native feats, and their being entirely exckided
from all converfe with their countrymen.
There is another advantage which might be reafonably '^^^ people
expeded from their entering into a ftrift intercourfe with ¥^ '^jA
the inhabitants of the Liquios, and that is gaining fome tn^^ht be
knowlege of the concealed commerce of the Eaft ; for it is inftruSled
well enough known, though we are not able to enter into and ren-
particulars, that as the Chinefe, the Japanefe, and the ^y^dufeful
inhabitants of thefe iflands, carried on a very cxtenfive trade '^ -i,
through the greateit part of the Indies, before the arrival the mif-
of the Europeans, though the two laft nations have relin- fionaries*
quifhed it fince, yet they either preferve other branches of
trade, or have opened new ones to the north and weft,
efpecially with the iHands that lie between Corea and
Japan. There could therefore be no infurmountabJe dif-
ficulty in drawing from thefe people lights on this head,
which we are not like to obtain any other way. If the
Spaniards, or their mifuonaries, flill retain the fame zeal
for propagating the Chriftian faith, this might prove a
fufficient fpur to their endeavours, as no method could be
devifed more likely than this to procure an entry into fome
of the dominions of Japan. In return alfo for any infor-
mation they might receive, the raifhonaries themfelves
might impart to the inhabitants better notions than they
can pofFibly have at prefent, in refpe61: to aftronomy,
cofmography, and navigation ; and, as they have natu-*
rally a turn to thefe fciences, they might be quickly put
upon exercifing any improvements they made, according
to the diredlions, and in fome degree for the benefit of
their inftruftors.
If by thefe, or by any other means, that fuch a corrcf- Tkegredi
pondence is moft likely to difcover, they could find any ^<^'van-
ifland in a high latitude, capable of receiving, and afford- ^^^/i
ing refrefhments, to the Manilla galleon, it would be an fultfrom
inexpreflible advantage to that commerce, and fave in the their hav
courfe of a few years, a number of lives equivalent to the '^/,'^« hc"
people that might be neceflary to the making fuch an ^^^ ^".^ .
eftablifhment ; from which many other advantages alfo, {^^ ^ yj^/,
at which we are not fo much as able to guefs, might be northern
derived. We may, however, take the liberty to add, that latitude*
this would alfo facilitate a direct commerce between
Mexico and China, which, however ftrange and chimeri-
cal it may appear to modern readers, was a thing not un-
attempted almoft two hundred years ago j when, in virtue
of their pofleflion of the kingdom of Portugal, the Spaniards
were mailers of Macao j fo that in refpedt to this we pro-
0^2 ceed
225
DlfcoverieSy ^^ars, and Settlements of
cecd upon the uncontroverted maxim, that what has been
may be •, and what this nation could do fo many years paft,
they might dill, with the help of greater advantages than
they then had, be able to perform. We likewife know-
that in thofe, and in later voyages, iflands that promifed
very fair, have been feen, particularly a very large one,
in the latitude of fomewhat more than thirty-feven degrees,
which however no fliip, in fo long and hazardous a paflage,.
will ever flay to examine ; and, indeed, if the command-
ers were inclined to Clo it, they are fo ftriftly tied down
by their inftruftions, that it is entirely out of their power.
But if, by fuch a method of gradual difcoveries, any ifland
fit for the purpofe could be found, there is fcarce any
doubt that it would be a very welcome addition to their
dominions, independent of the hopes they might receive
of its refembling thofe iflands abounding with filver, of
^ which they have fo many traditionary accounts ^
They would then have it in their power, if upon ma-
ture deliberation they fhould think it for their advantage,
to refolve with certainty what has beenfo long a problem,
whether there is, or is not any north-weft paffage into the
South Seas. It may pofTibly be doubted, and not altogether
n'jrth.*weji without foundation, whether fuch a difcovery, fuppofing
fajjage, -^ pra6ticable, would be acceptable or not to the Spaniards s.
This muft be left to them to determine; but thus much is
certain, that they are better acquainted witli it too, if we
could depend upon a fa6t, advanced in fome memoirs,
that in ibCQ a fhip bound from Acapulco to the Philip-
pines, was driven by a ftorin through that paffage, and,
after touching at fome port in Ireland, arrived fafe at
Lifbon-, where, by order of his Catholic Miijefty, all the
pilots journals were burnt, to prevent the difcovery of that;
paffage by other nations ; which, if fuch a thing ever hap-
pened, might very probably be true **. At all events,
however, it could not" be detrimental to the crown of
Spain to arrive at a certainty in this point •, more efpe-
ciaiiy as things are now fo much changed, that poinbly a
new route might be ccnfidered in another light than it
then was '.
Jt tuould
enable
i'lem to
k^oiv the
ceriainty,
af to a
^ Antonio de Herrera Defcripcion de las Indias Occidentales,
cnp. xxviii. 'Sir William Monfon's Nav.-»l Tracts; in Chvirchiirs
Colledlion.. g Sir Hun.pliiy Gilbert's Difcourfe to prove a
rorth-weft pnJTage, cb.ip. vii. Purcha's's Pilsrriwis, vol. lii.
p. 849. J» ^iA\'. Menry Kawke's delation, arfdrefled to K. Hak-
Juyt. * Sir Wiiliam Monfon's Naval Traits, in ChurcbiU's
Colieftion, vol, iii. p. 428, 419, 4^5.
The
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies* 229
The Spaniards fettled in America muii alfo know whe- T/ie Spam
ther the old reports of a correfpondence between the In- niards da^
dians in the north-weil part of America, behind California, ^'' ^' ^^^^fl*
with the inhabitants of Afia, or of the continents or ^^''l/''-^^
iflands between Afia or America, has any real foundation r-jjiiether
or not. This was once iirongly believed, from arguments an^ corref-
partly, and partly from authority, by the Spaniards, as pondence
well as other nations; and by the Spaniards in this part f^^M^ J^^'
of the world as ivell as in Europe. It is indeed true, that ^rthem ^
this notion has been alfo contradi£led as pofitively j and Indians
that of late years very little has been faid about it. But and any
uncertainty or (ilence conclude nothing as to the nature o£ oriental
the fa61:, or its importance ^. The Spaniards, at leaft the '^^ ^°"^*
Jefuits under their protection, had confiderable miffions in
California and Quivira, who might eafily have refolved this
doubt ; the refolution of which, when their concerns in
the Indies are thoroughly underftood, and attentively con-
lidered, mud appear of great confnquence to the court of
Spain, for reafons that will be feen in their proper place.
After being in poflefTion of thefe countries for upwards of
two centuries and a half, it is certainly high time to be
thoroughly acquainted with every circumftance that relates
to, and every advantage that can be drawn from them ;
for otherwife, fuch countries are rather difcovered than
poffefled j if that poiTeffion confifts only in holding them
to little purpofe ; or rather with-holding them from others
who might poffefs them to better purpofe '. But this will
appear flill more prepofterous, if we conlider, that almoft
two centuries ago this humour of keeping without ufmg,
was condemned by the beft judges of the Spanifh intereffs
in thefe parts ; fo that thefe are not notions either foreign
to the fubjecft, or incompatible with the genius of the
Spanifli nation ; but, on the contrary, fchemes advanced
by their own writers, treated by them in a very mafterly
way, and infifted upon as^ abfolutely requifite to connedi
the feveral parts of the Spanifh Indies, and thereby com-
plete that plan of empird opened by difcovery, purfued by
k Hiftorva natural y moral de )as Indias en que fe tratan las
Caufas notabiles del Cielo, y Elen^enitos, Metales, Plaiitas, y Ani-
males dellas, por el P. Jofeph Acofta de la Compania de Jefus, 4tr,
en Sevilla, i 590, lib. li. Fran. Lopez de Gomara Hiltoria general
de las Indias, cap, ccxiv. Hakiuyt's Voyages, the original editior,
p. 5^z. 1 Antonio de Herrera Dafcripcion de las Indias Occi-
dentales, cap. xxvi. Voyage of Francifco de Gualle, in Hakiuyt's
Colkaion.
Q 3 conqueft.
230
No lefs
than four
different
fchemes of-
fered for
opening a
communi-
cation be'
tiveen tht
North and
South Seast
Joon after
thetv' dif-
Schemes of
this kind
more for
the intereji
of Spa in f
than an in-
dolent cx-
cluftue
poffegion-
Tktfcoveries^ PFars, and Settlements of
conquefl, and to be maintained, eftabliflied, and com-
pleted by a wife and well conduced policy.
We find that no lefs than four different fchemes had
been offered for opening a paffage from the North to the
South Seas, exclufive of that by the ftreights of Magellan,
or of the north -weft paffage, if fuch a paffage there be«
The great objedl of all thefe fchemes, was the rendering
the navigation practicable from Spain to the Philippines,
without being expofed to anyof thofe inconveniencies that
had been experienced in paffing the ftreights of Magellan,
and were fuppofed to incumber that by the north-weft.
AH thefe fchemes went clearly upon a fuppofition, that
the true intereft of the Spanifli crown confifted in keeping
up a clofe and conftant correfpondence between all her
colonies, however fituated ; and alfo between thefe colo--
nies and their mother-country. Thofe who propofed,
and thofe who fupported thefe fchemes, were convinced
that this regular intercourfe was not only requifite to the
reciprocal welfare of the colonies, by enabling them to
afiift and enrich one another, and the moft effeftual means
of keeping them well ftocked with people ; and thofe peo-
ple properly employed in expofing their perfons, and ex-
erting their faculties for their own emolument and the
pubhc fervice j but likewife that this would turn moft to
the benefit of Spain, as by adopting any one of thefe
fchemes, the colonies would have been effe£i:ually fecured
from receiving the commodities or manufactures of Europe,
ptherwife than from, or by the permiffion of, their mother-
country -, and, at the fame time, all the rich produ61:s of
the Eaft as well as the Weft Indies, muft have been tranf-
ported to Spain.
They conceived, and it is not eafy to affign any compe-^
tent motives why we ftiould fo much as fufpecfl they con-
ceived amifs, that the eafier and the fafer thefe voyages be-
tween their diftant colonies could be made, the clofer and
the more extenfive their correfpondence ; the more a fpirit
of induftry would be cheriftied among the inhabitants, the
greater wealth they would acquire, the more their com-
merce, and of courfe their naval pov^^er would flourlfti ;
and, of confequence, the more lucrative that exclufive
trade to which they were tied with Spain. Such was the
original fcheme of Spanifli power in the Indies, calculated
to fecure, maintain, and extend itfelf ; fuch were the
ipeans contrived to keep alive that fpirit by which thefe
dominions had been acquired ; and fuch the method cal-?
ciliated for raifing a force adequate to the prefervatlon and
protecr
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, i^t
prote£lion of thefe increafing conquefts, out of the con-
quefts themfelves, and of obviating all the inconveniences
that flov^r from a ftagnation of vi^ealth and power, by a con-
tinual and brifk circulation of both j finding fuch employ-
ment for the people and their rulers as might prevent their
finking into indolence and luxury, and drawing from their
labours a fuitable tribute to their mother-country, for the
force originally imparted and all her occafionai fupplies '".
This was certainly a pra£licable method of maintaining
things in a flourifliing condition, of anfwering all the pur-
poses of prince and people, and maintaining, without de-
cay, that vigour which had given rife to this amazing em-
pire.
Of all thefe fchemes that feemed to be the moft eligible, Prop^rai
which propofed bringing the fhips from the Eail Indies to for fixing
Panama, in the South Seas ; from whence their lading this com-
might, without much trouble, be carried by a plain eafy ^^^^^ ^^-
road of not more than four leagues, or twelve Englifh namaand
miles to the river Chagre ; and from thence on board large Porto Bello^
lighters to Nombre di Dios, or Porto Bello ; whence, with in confe-
the produds of America, they might have been tranfported 9«^^^^ ^/
on board the galleons to Europe. By this fcheme he fup- T ^j ^ ^
pofed that many good purpofes might be anfwered ; the cujouldbe'
voyage between the two Indies performed in the fhorteft come th^
manner pofhble, by failing almoft all the way under the magazintt
fame degree of latitude, parallel to, and at a fmall diflance
from the equinoctial, through the Pacific Ocean, properly
fo called, in a fhort time, and with little haza^'d ", Be-
fides, this would have created fcarce any alteration in the
eftabliihed method ; which, as we have more than once
remarked, is a thing of great confequence, fince the Spa-
niards have naturally an attachment to the routes once
fixed, and are not eafily drawn to venture upon any altera-
tions, though the advantages derived from them fhould be
ever fo probable. If this fcherrie, which was both natu-
ral and practicable,, had taken place, the improvement of
tlie Ladrones, fo as to have rendered them fit to have been
made the magazines of the commodities of boih the Indies,
for the fake of fliortening the pafTage, rendering the cor-
m Alonzode Ovalle Relacion Hiftorica del Reyne de Chile, lib.
ii. cap. 4. Antonio de Herrera Defcripcioii de las Indias Occiden-
tales, cap. xiii. Galvano's Difcoveries. " Antonio de Her-
rera Defcripci on de las Indias Occidentales, cap. xiv. La Hiftoria
General y Natural de las Indias, por el Capitan Gon^alo Hernan-
dez de Oviedo, lib. ii. Fran. Lopez de Goraera Hiltoria General
,dc las Jndlas, p. ii. cap. 32,
0^4 refpondence
t^Z DlfcoverieSy Wars, and Settlements of
rcfpondence more certain and uniform, and preventing, as
might have been eafily done, any clandeftine commerce,
•would have followed of courfe; and confequently muft ilill
follow, if, upon due reflexion, any thing of this kind
fhould ever be carried into execution ; for it is impoffible
that the circumftances favourable to fuch a conveyance,
{hould ever fall under mature confideration without pro-
ducing this effect r, and of courfe, there are very ftrong
grounds to expeft, that fooner or later this will happen;
and this archipelago, at prefent fo little attended to, be-
come very fuddenly the centre of as valuable a trade as
any in the univerfe, merely from their commodious fitua^
tion ; which, however long neglected, is a benefit never
to be loft, as there is no prefcribing againft the grants of
nature °.
But, after all, perhaps ftill greater advantages might arlfe,
from pufhing their difcoveries to the north, to the north-
weft, and to the north-eaft ; fince there is a very high pro-
bability, indeed almoft a certainty, that this would be at-
tended with very beneficial confequencesj and if the accu-
mulated commerce from thefe places could be fixed to fome
.; convenient port on the continent to the north-weft of New
Mexico, it could not fail of drawing fuch a refort of people
into that province, by the inviting profpe61: of growing very
rich in a fhort time, as would enable them to cover efFecr
tually that frontier which is moft expofed ; as the French
have long had their view^s on this fide, and have taken
fome pains to make themfelves well acquainted with this
very fubjecl *, though hitherto not at all in a condition to
embrace fuch an undertaking p. It is therefore of the higheft
importance to the Spaniards to provide for their own fecu^
rity in the proper feafon, by profecuting their difcoveries
and fettlements to the north and north-weft ; which,
though otherwife very diflicult, the profpe£l of fuch a trade
would extremely facilitate.
o Antonio de Herrera Defcripcion de las Indias Occidentales,
' cap. xxvii. Alonfode OvalleRelacion Hiftoiicadel Reyne de Chile,
lib. ii. cap. 4. »" Galvano's Difcoveries. Fran. Lopez de
Gomara Hiftoria General 4e las Indias.
The
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies, 233
The Dtfcoveries that have been^ or prohahly may he^ made to the
fouth-eajl or fouth-iveji of the Mariannes ; the gradual
Difcovery of the Caroline IJIands, or New Philippines ; their
Situation, Soil, Climate, Produce, and InhabitaJits ', the ,Ap^
pearance there is of many rich and valuable Commodities in
theje IJles ; the Certainty of raifmg Spices of all Sorts in them;
and the Advantages which would refultfrotn thence,
WE have aflerted, and we hope we have alfo Ihewn, Difco'verles
that great advantages might have arifen to the crown of ^° '^^ ^°^}^
Spain, from the pofleflion of the Ladrones or Marianne ^^ ^[ ^
iflands, by the conveniency of their fituation for making the North
rery important difcoveries. It falls out notwithftanding, and yet ra*
tiat though nothing could be well more obvious or appa- '^^'" ^^^'
rent, yet almoll all the difcoveries that have been made ^^i^^^^^*
firce they were in pofleffion of thefe iflands, either to the
north or to the fouth, have not been the effects fo much
of choice as of chance ^, That their number has been
greater on the north than towards the fouth, is very plainly
cwing to the routes the annual {hip is forced to take in go-
ir.g to Acapulco, which, notwithftanding all the care they
Ccn ufe, varies very confiderably almoft every voyage ;
wliereas, in going from Acapulco to Manilla, they bear
down as near as may be to the latitude of Guam ; and,
meeting commonly a fair wind, continue their courfe in
IS dire6l a line as is poffible. Indeed this has not been al-
vays the cafe; becaufe, before this tranfit was eftablilhed,
tkey failed from different ports of America for the Philip-
pines; otherwife they would fcarce have made any difco-
Teries at all, as in fa£t, they have made but very few.
The very difcoveries thus in a manner forced upon
them, were attended with informations that ought to have
excited curiofity ; and certainly would have done it, if
they had afted from thofe principles on which they firft
eftabliftied their dominion in the Eaft Indies : for the fight
of iflands, pleafantly fituated, well inhabited, and in a
good climate, might have deferved examination ; fince the
richeft countries are not always the moft promifing at firft
fight ; and the fmalleft iflands are fometimes found to be
countries of great value. Befides, in thefe untraced parts
of the globe, the knowlege of one country leads to the
q Galvano's Difcoveries, tranflated by Hakluyt, lib. iii. Sir
William Monfon's Naval Tra<5ts, Ub. iy. Pere le Gobien Hlftoiie
cjes Ifles Mariancs, liv. x.
. knowlege
234 DifcoDerieSy PFarSy and Settlements of
knowlege of another, and the reward of difcoveries, though
it comes late, comes at laft ^ The fmall iflands that were
firft f^en and pofleffed by Columbus, were foon after flight-
ed for the fake of better, to which he was led from the
knowlege of thefe ; but if he had given himfelf no farther
trouble, or if he had meafured the profits of the new
f world by the acquifitions made by his firft voyage, where
had been the Spanifh empire in thefe parts at this day ?
Or why, fince this principle of examining and enquiring,
from as little encouragement, proved fo fortunate and fc
glorious to him and the princes who employed him, ought
J fo oppofite a conduft to be purfued here, where poflibly
the like pains and diligence might be ftill more amply re-
warded ?
Theijlands Immediately to the fouth of the'ifland of Guam, and be-
lyin^ di- tween the degrees of i o and 1 3 of north latitude, lie
reaiyfouih ^^ iflands of Ban, Bota, Saint Baravel, and the fhoalsof
thrones "^^"^^ Rofa. We have no defcription of any of thefe
undiuhen pl^ces ; but it is highly probable, that the three firll iflands
^Jco'vered. were thofe feen by Magellan, and confequently the firft
difcovered, fince they agree better with the circumftance>
of Pigafetta's defcription than the ifland of Guam, ard
thofe in its neighbourhood. What feems to confirm this
opinion is, that the names of thefe iflands occur in all the old
lifts of the Ladrones, in which we do not find Guam ; and
alfo in fome catalogues we find the names of the northern
iflands likewife inferted ; which fliews that things have
not always ftood, even in the fentiments of the Spaniards,
in the manner they do at prefent. If thefe were tie
iflands firft feen by Magellan, they were even in thofe days
well peopled, and thofe people were not ignorant of the
arts of navigation, or naval architeclure ; fo that in procefs
ef time, and when things were fettled and reduced into
better order, there might have been grounds for profecut-
ing thefe difcoveries farther, or, at leaft, for enquiring
into the condition, manners, cuftoms, and commerce of
their inhabitants (K), . n
r See Ramufio, Hakluyt, Thevenot.
(K) We have intimated more faw, he continued his voyage
than once, that there are fome to the little ifland of Zamal.
points not clearly underftood in This ifland from its nearnefs
the accountsvvehaveof Magel- could be none of the Philip-
lan*s voyage. It is exprefsly pines. The next day he went
faid, that from the Ladrones, on fliore upon an uninhabited
which ever of them it was he ifland, upon which he beAowcd
\ tjtwi
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies.
Amongft the iflands to the fouth-eaft, we find laid down
in the old maps Abreofo, which in the new charts are
ftyled lilas de Abrofas; Mira Como Vas, which is as much
as to fay, take care how you move -, thefe are laid down as
three pretty confiderable iflands, with Ihoals about them.
Quita Sueno, that is, leave your Jleep ; La Poblado, or, the
well-peopled ijland, Moft of thefe are left out in the new
charts, in fome of which we find others inferted 5 fuch
the name of Buenos Senales,
which we find placed by Her-
rera near to Mindanao (i).
While he remained here, he
was vifited by a canoe with
nine people on board from the
ifland of Zulvan, who arc very
highly commended for their
humanity and civility. Thefe
men afterwards brought other
boats ; and it is very remark-
able, that the cargos of thefe
boats did not fpeak a barren in-
digent country, any more than
the behaviour ofthofe on board
fhewed them a brutal or bar-
barous people. Amongft their
merchandize, an eye-witnefs
affures us, that there were
cloves, cinnamon, ginger, pep-
per, nutmegs, mace, and gold
wrought into many antic
forms. The people who
brought them were naked,
with large pieces of gold in
their ears, and having jewels
fet in gold for bracelets; about
their waifts they wore a coarfe
cloth, made of the rind of a
certain tree. Their ifland was
fituated in the latitude of 10
deg. north, and taking all cir-
cumftances togetherof country,
boats, and people, was proba-
bly one of the New Philip-
pines. In thofe days the inha-
bitants of all thefe ifles enjoyed
a free and extenfive commerce;
and, in confequence of that,
were far more humane, civi-
lized, and polite, than they are
at prefent. They coUefted
thefe rich commodities for the
fake of trade, and exchanged
them for others that they liked
better. But when the Spa-
niards and Portuguefe had fet-
tled fome of the iflands, thofe
that lay at a diftance lofl all
communication with them, the
inhabitants preferring poverty
with freedom to all the advan-
tages that arofe from com-
merce ; and thus, by degrees,
they degenerated from what
they were, and became lefs
knowing and more favage than
they had been, retaining how-
ever the knowlege of fome me-
chanic arts, and fome fmall
remains of fcience, which fl:ill
fpeaks plainly enough, that
their anceflors were another
kind of people, as having lived
in better times ; and, by the
help of this key, the reader
will underfl:and very clearly
many things that would be un-
intelligible, if not incretllble,
in the relations he will meet
with in the courfeof this nar-
ration.
T:he ijlands
lying on the
fouth-eaft
of the La-
dronesy and
the proba"
bility of
more
ijlands, or ]
perhapSj
jome conti-
nent on
this fide.
(1) Herrera Defcripcion de las Indias Occidentales, cap. xxvL
Eden's Hiftory of Travayl. Recueil des Voyages, qui ont fervi a
PEtablifiement de la Compagnie des Inde!> Orientaies, tom. vii.
as
23^ BifcoverieSy PVars, and Settlements of
as St. Stephen, Ifia de Arrefites, Cafbobas, Lafurgancs,
and Pefcadores, or, the Fi/her's IJlandK The ifland of
St. Bartholomew lies in the latitude of 14 deg. north, and
near 20 deg. to the eaft of Guam, and appears both in
the old and thefe new charts to be larger than any of the
Marianne illands. We have no defcription of any of
the iflands, probably becaufe they were only feen by (hips
in their paflage ; but they might be eafily examined, and
perhaps many more found in or near the fame track, if
any vefTels were employed from New Spain to that pur-
pofe ; and, though they might not happen to produce
any valuable commodities, yet certainly they would faci-
litate the correfpondence with the Marianne iflands, in
cafe they were thoroughly fettled and improved ; and, in
that refpedt, might be rendered equally beneficial and
convenient. To fay nothing of the probability there is,
that fome larger and more valuable countries might be
riifcovered, fince it is not eafy to conceive that there
ftiould be fo many fmall iflands with fhoals about them in
fo vait an ocean, without fome great and more confider-
able continent, as is common in the like cafes, and of
which inftances will fhortly occur, as well as within the
bounds of this Pacific Sea.
the ijlands , -As to the iflands of the fouth-weft, we find three lying
that lie to in a triangle in the old charts, which are called los Co-
W " W ^^^^^' ^^ ^^^^^ '^^^ ^^^^^' ^^^""^ ''^^' *^' ^^''^^ Iflands: The
the danger archipelago, flyled de los Reynes, becaufe discovered on
cf their the feaft of the Epiphany, confifts of five iflands. The
Jinking ifland of Saavedra is a pretty large one. The Matalotes,
figai" tnto or Companions, are fmaller. The los Jardines, or the Gar^
dens, were fo called from their having a very beautiful
and pleafant appearance. Ifla de Aracifes, or, the Ifland
of Recks, is alfo pretty large, but in a manner inacceffi-
ble. Pulo Vilan, or the ifland of St. Filan, is as large
as any of the Ladrones ; and the ifland of St. Juan, or
de Palmas, is the moil to the weft of them all, and neareft
the Moluccas ^ We know that when thefe iflands were
firft difcovered by the Spaniards, they were very full of
people, the inhabitants had prows of difl^erent fizes, were
not at all fhy of ftrangers, but readily came on board
the fhips j but, though we have thefe and other particu-
» G. Battifla Ramufio, Racolto delle Navlgationi et Viaggi,
torn. i. fol. 371, a. Galvano's Difcoveries, tranflated by Hakluyt.
Eden's Hiftory of Travayle. t Herrera, Defcripcion de las In-
dias Occidentales, cap. xxviii. Galvano's Difcoveries, tranflated
by Hakluyt, Eden's Hiftory of Travayle.
lars
oblivion.
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies, 237
lars in our old colleftions, yet we find no mention of
them in modern books ; as if it was defigned they fhould
retire again from the knowlege of men, and relapfe into
their original obfcui;ity.
We have before mentioned fome of the difcoveries of ^^'varo tfe
Alvaro de Saavedra, whom his coufin, the famous Fer- ^^^^'^^^^i
dinand Cortes, fent to the Moluccas. He, endeavouring confiderahU
to return from thence in the month of May, 1529, had country to
fight of a large country to the fouth, along the eaft coaft ^^^^ /»«//; af
of which he failed till the month of Auguft, running in ^^^ ^^"'*
that time the fpace of five hundred leagues. Having run
as low as feven degrees fouth, he judged it expedient to
return, and in his paflage fav/ feveral confiderable illands,
about which there were fands and flioals, though the
coaft of the larger country feemed to be clean and good
anchorage. After pafTmg the line he difcovered an illand
lying fome degrees towards the north, which he called
Ifla de los Pintados, or of the painted People \ becaufe the
inhabitants were white, but had their bodies painted very
curioully of different colours ; he judged them, by their
complexion and features, to be defcended from the Chi-
nefe. They did not feem to have any government amongft
them, were very timid ; and, more efpecially, afraid of
fire, which they had never feen. They buried their fruits
and fmall fifh in the fand, in places moft expofed to the
fun, for a certain time, and then took them up, eating
them, as it were, baked. In the latitude of 10 deg.
north he difcovered an archipelago of illands abounding
with palm-trees and very fine grafs. Thefe people he alfo
judged to have been originally from China, though they
now lived like the former, without any kind of rule".
They were clothed in long white habits, made of a fort
of grafs, but were very lazy, living in the like indolent
manner with the former ; and had prows made of a fort
of white pine> which at certain feafons came floating
upon their coafts, they knew not how, or from whence ;
which, however, they wrought very neatly and ingeni-
oiifly with tools made of fhells ".
The inhabitants of the larger country, which, in ref- 2^^^ inha-
Eeft to the iflands, was a kind of continent, and the in- ^^^f^*^'^ ^/
abitants alfo of moft of the iflarids, were abfolutely black, J"^f^ '°^J^
with curled hair like the Negroes, and from thence called adjacent
Papuas, which in the language of the people of the ijlandsy
black peo-
'u MafFei, Hiftoria Iiidica. Purchases Pilgrims, p, 603. Eden's P^^* ']^!^^.
Viftory of Travayle, p. 906. curUdhair,
Mo-
238 DifcoverieSy Wars^ and Settlement of
Moluccas, fignifies a dark coloured-people, Cortes after-
wards fent other fhips along this coaft to perfe£l: thefe dif-
coverles, as the Portuguefe had done before from their
fettlements, the refult of which expeditions was the dif-
covering many other iflands, moft of them peopled ; and
that the inhabitants of the larger country were divided
into feveral kingdoms, fome of which were tributaries to
the monarchs of the Moluccas. The people in thefe
iflands and on the continent, had confiderable quantities of
gold, fome fine fpices, and other rich commodities, and
carried on at this time fome degree of commerce ^ ; but
as yet they were not very well known, and the natives
of the Moluccas afFe£l:ed to keep their intercourfe with
them, and the profits that accrued to them from it, very
private.
Tits coun- About the year 1 545, Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos coming
try comes jj^^^ thefe parts with the title of eeneral, and a fquadron of
from hence r r ■\ c in- . r -i r ^
to be called "^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ inips, gave new names to feveral of the
Nueva places which Saavedra had difcovered ; and, amongft the
Guinea, reft, beftowed that of Nueva Guinea, or New Guinea^
cr New upon the country of the Papuas. From this time till
uinea. ^^^ ^^^ ^£ ^^^^ century the Spanifti pilots examined the
whole of the coaft very carefully, beftowed names on
feveral bays, promontories, and harbours, and gave it as
their opinion, that either this continent was continued,
or, that a multitude of large iflands lay fouth-eaft from
thence, as far as the ftreights. of Magellan. They like-
wife agreed, that the country was fruitful, well-peopled,
and that the inhabitants had ornaments of gold. Amongft
others they reported this fingular circumftance, that there
were intermixed with thefe blacks a race of white people
not like the Europeans, but of a chalky tallowilh white,
with very weak eyes fcarce able to bear the light of the
fun, and a weak, languid, and helplefs people withal;
though there were alfo fome, but very few, that were
briik, a6live, and had tolerably good eyes ^, Thefe fort
of people the Spaniards dillinguiflied by the name of
Albinas, and they feem to be precifely the fame kind of
men with the Moon-eyed Indians, on the Ifthmus of
Darien y.
w Fran. Lopez de Goinara, Hiftoria general de las Indias, lib,
X). Herrera, Defcripcion de las Indias Occidentales, cap. xxvii. '
Giilvano's Difcoveries, tranflated by Hakluyt. ^ Galvano's
Difcoveries, tranHated by Hackluyt. Herrera, Defcripcion de las
Indias Occidentales, cap. xxvii. Eden's Hiftory of Travayie, p.
<>95. Y Argenliola Conquiita de las Iflas Malucas, lib. i.
Don
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies.
Don Jofeph Quirogoa, who was governor of the Ma-
rianne iilands, and who completed the conqueft of that
whole archipelago, having intelligence that a large illand
had been feen 19 the fouth-weft, fent, in the year 1686,
Don Alonfo Poon, a chamorris, or one of the native no-
bility, to difcover it, but without efFeft. He was fent
four years after to as little purpofe. This mifcarriage
did not hinder the bellowing the name of Carolina on this
half-known ifland, in honour of Charles II. then king of
Spain. In i6g6, it was again feen by a veflel bound from
the Philippines to the Marianne iilands, and was then
ftyled the ifle of St. Barnabas, as having been feen on the
feaft of that apoftle ^. The year following an accident
difclofed, what, whoever confiders their fituation in a
map," will conceive it almofl impolhble that the Spaniards
Ihould not have known before> that there was a large archi-
pelago of fine iflands between them and the Mariannes (L).
This
z p. le Gobien, Hiftoire des Ifles Mariannes, Hv. x.
239
Don Jofeph
de ^iro-
goa caufes
fearcfi to be
made for
the tjland oj
Carolina,
(L) That the Spaniards hav-
ing before them the voyage of
Magellan, and thole who were
employed to perfeft his difco-
v.eries, lliould never gain any
.knowlege of this archipelago,
or that they (liould conceal it;
if they did, is not eafily to be
underllood : but be that as it
will, we have before hinted,
and we will now prove, that
thefe iflands have not been al-
ways hid from the eyes of the
Europeans. Sir Francis Drake
undoubtedly palfed through
them, and the account he gave
of them very well deferves the
reader's notice, who, from the
foregoing fedlons, will clearly
difcern that the iflands he men-
tions were not, as hath hither-
to been fuppofed,theLadrones,
but the iflands of which we
are now fpeaking. He qi^tted
the country of New Albion,
which is a part of California,
in the year 1578, and the next
land he favv was this chain of
iflands. We will deliver this
account in the words of the
original voyage ; for though
the language be old, yet the
obfervation, that Sir Francis
Drake firfl difcovered thefc
iilands, is wholly new : " After
we had fet i'ayle from hence we
continued without fight of land
till the 13th day of Oftober
following, which day in the
morning we fell in with cer-
tain iflands, 8 deg. to the
northward of the line ; from
which came a great number of
canoes, havingin fome of them
four, in fome fix, and in fome
alfo fourteen men, bringing
with them cocoas and other
fruits. Their canoes were hol-
low within, and cut with great
art and cunning, being very
fmooth within and withour,
and bearing a glofs as if it were
of horn daintily burniflied, hav-
ing a prow and a fterne of one
fort, yielding inward circle-
wife, being of a great height,
and
2^0 DifcoverieSy Wars^ and Settlements of
This event fell out by two prows, on board of which
were thirty of the inhabitants, being driven on the 28th
of September, 1696, on the ifland ofSamal by the eaflern
monfoon, which reigns in thofe feas from Oftober to
May, Thefe people are in their own language called Pa-
laos ; and fome of them had been before blown by the
like accident, into other of the Philippine^ without any
great notice being taken of them ; but the coming of thefe
into an ifland, where there were upwards of forty mif-
fionaries, occafioned a ftridler and more efFeftual enquiry,
as they drew from them competent accounts of their
country ^ (M).
They
a Philofophical Tranfaflions, No. 317, p. 189.
and full of certain uhite fhells,
for a bravery ; and on each fide
of them lye out two pieces of
timber, about a yard and a half
long, more or lefs, according
to the fmallnefs or bignefs of
the boat. This people have
the nether part oF their ears
cut into a round circle, hang-
ing down very low upon their
cheeks, whereon they hang
things of reafonable weight.
The nails of their hands are
an inch long, their teeth
are as black as pitch, and they
renew them often by eating of
an herb, with a kind of pow-
der, which they always carry
about them in a cane for the
fame purpofe. Leaving this
ifland the night after we fell in
with it, the i8th of October,
we lighted upon divers others ;
fome whereof made a great
£hew of inhabitants. We con-
tinued our courfe by the iHands
ot Tagulada, Zelon, and Ze-
warra, being friends to the
Portugals, the firft whereof
hath growing in it great ftore
of cinnamon " It is plain,
from the furniture of thele vef-
fels, rom their having two out-
layers inllead of one, but more
efpecially from the number of
perfons on board them, that
they did not come from any of
the Ladrone iflands ; though
there is no need of adding any
additional arguments to this, if
we confider the latitude affign-
ed, and the iflands that our
great feamen report t6 have
'been in their neighbourhood.
By comparing this with the
former notes, and carrying
their contents along in his
mind, the reader will be tho-
roughly convinced, that, ex-
clufive of the entertainment he
receives from the drawing to-
gether fo many curious and ne-
gle6led paflages relating to
thefe diftant countries, we af-
ford him inconteftible evidence
of the truth of our fuggeRion,
that the Spaniards always had,
and flill hnve, fpice iflands in
their pofleffion, whenever they
fliall efieem it confiftent with
their policy to bring the pro-
duce of them into Europe.
(M) We may with fome co-
lour of juftice fufpeft, that,
notwithftanding what moft of
the Spanifli writers aflirm, the
governors of the Philippines,
and other fenfible people in
that
tie Spaniards in the Eaft Indies. 24 j
They had run before the wind for feventy days together, shipwreck
according to their own relation, without being able to of thirty
make any land till they came in fight of the town of ^'^^°^^'
Guivam,
that part of the world, were
not fo long or fo utterly igno-
rant of fome fuch archipelago
as this, before the accident
happened that is mentioned in
the text : for we know that
fome years before this, the
king's brother of thefe new
Philippines, in a fea voyage,
was driven on the coaft of Ca-
ragan, in the great ifland of
Mindanao (1). The Spanifh
fathers, who have a very fine
million there, received this
pHnce with a great deal of ho-
nour and friendfhip, and in-
ftru£led him in the Chriilian
religion ; which he was fowell
}5leafed with, that he never
thought again of returning to
his own country. In the mean
time the king, diffatisfiedat the
lofs of his brother, fitted out a
fleet of one hundred fmall vef-
fels, which he fent to every
ifland under his dominion, to
fee if they could learn any
news of him. One of thefe
little veffels was forced by a
florm on the coaft of Caragan,
at the fame place as the king's
brother was before : where
landing, they immediately
knew him, and with tears told
him the occafion of their voy-
age, the difcontent of theking
his brother, and defired him to
return back with them. The
prince thanked them for the
trouble they had been at, and
defired them to fatisfy the king
hat he was well and contented.
but could not by aiiy means be
perfuadedto return home again.
One would have imagined, that
this fingle fa6t might have oc-
cafioned an enquiry, if nothing
of the like kind had ever hap-
pened before. But even in
iiamal, the ifland to whicH
thefe people came, there had
fmall veflTels run afhore, fome-
times with, and fometimes
without people onboard them.
From the reports of fome per-
fons thus call away, a ftory
was very current amongft the
Spaniards, of an ifland of Ama-
zons, who were vifited at a
certain feafon of the year by
men from an oppofite ifland,
who, after flaying with theni
a fliort time, retired with all
the male children of a certain
age. They believed, upon the
credit of the fame perfons, that
in fome ifland, at no great di-
ftance, there was fuch plenty
of ambergrife, that the igno-
rant inhabitants caulked their
boats with it. Padre Feijoo, a
very grave judicious writer,
who feems to make no diffi-
culty of admitting the ftory of
the Amazons, which, however,
might pollibly be founded only
in a miftake, becaufe thefe
people breed up their boys and
girls at a diflanee from each
other, and in feparate houfes,
looks upon what is faid of the
ambergrife as the moft ridi-
culous of all fidions : yet, how
abfurd foever it might appear
(i) Phiiofophical Tranfaftions, No. 517. p. 198, 199.
MoD.VoL. Vlil. R
m
242 Difcoverles, Wars^ and Settlements of
Guivam, an inhabitant of which being on the fhore, per-
ceived them, and judging, from the make and fize of their
vefl'els, they were ftrangers, and out of their courfe, took
a piece of cloth, and made them a fignal of entering the
road as he dire£led, to avoid the ihoals and banks of fand.
Thefe poor people were fo frighted at the fight of this
ftranger, that they began to put to fea again ; but the
wind forced them back towards the fhore : when they
came near, the Guivamefe made the fame fignal as be-
fore ; but feeing they would unavoidably be loft, he threw
himfelf into the fea^ and fwam to one of the litde veflels
to bring them fafe into the harbour. He no fooner reached
them than the women, with their children on their backs,
and all that were in that veflel, threw themfelves over-
board, and fwam to the other. He feeing himfelf alone
in the veflel, refolved to follow them j and getting aboard
the fecond, fhewed them how to ayoi'd the fhoals, and
brought them in fafe. In the mean time they fbood im-
moveable, and refigned themfelves up entirely to the
conduct of this ftranger, as if they had been fo m.any pri-
foners. The inhabitants of Guivam received them very
^ kindly, and brought them "wine and other provifions.
They eat cocoas very freely, which are the fruit 'of the
palm-trees of this country. Their pulp is fomething like
ihat of chefnuts, only that it is more oily, and it fupplies
them with a fort of fweet water, very pleafant to drink.
They gave them rice boiled in water, which is eaten'
there, and all over Afia, as bread is in Europe \ they
looked on it with farprize, and taking up fome grains of
it, threw them on the ground, fuppofing them to be
worms. Upon bringing them large roots, called palavan^
they eat them haftily and heartily. They brought them
in Spain, the people of Samal good price to thofe who knew
did not in the lealt hefitate at where to bring it to a dill bet-
believing it ; and for this plain ter market. It appears evi-
reafon, -'that the very fame dcntly enough, trom hence^
thing had happened more than and we could prove it from
once upon their own .ifland. many other inrtanccs, that it is
But before much of this pre- a fafliionable doctrine at pre-
cious drug had been thus abuf- fent in Spain, that thefe un-
ed, the father Jefuits fmelt it . difcovered countries are all bar-
out, bought it for a trifle of ren, and have aothing^in thenv
the Indians, and fold it for a worth fceking (i).
(i) Giovan. Francefco Gcnielli Carreri, Giro del Mondo, p. v,
liv. i. chap. 9.
fooa
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies. 243
foon after two women that had formerly been driven on
fliore on the coail of Guivam, and who underftood a little
of the language of this country •, one of the women found
amongft thefe ftrangers one of her relations, and as foon as
they knew each other, they fell a weeping. The inhabit-
ants of Guivam ftrove with each other who fhould enter-
tain thefe ftrangers at their houfes, and furnifh them with
provifions, cloaths, and other necelTaries. Of thirty-five
perfons that embarked, there remained but thirty, five
dying through want of provifions, and other hardfhips, in
fo long a voyage 5 and fome time after their arrival another
died \
They related, that their country confifted of thirty-two Account
inlands, which could not be far diftant from the Mariannes, i^^^^ *r
as wasjudgedbythe fmallnefs of their vefiels and the form \,^^^/^
of their fails, which are very like thofe of the Marianefe. jji^nds.
It is fuppofed that thefe iflands were in 11 or 12 deg.
of north latitude, more foutherly than the Mariannes,
and under the fame degree of longitude as Guivam ; for
failing diredly from eaft to weft, they came aihore at this
town. Thefe ftrangers added, that of the thirty-two
iflands, three of them were uninhabited, but abounded
with wild-fovv'l, and all the reft were well peopled. Upon
aflving them the number of inhabitants, they pointed to a
heap of fand, to fiiew that their number was very great.
The nam.es of thefe iflands are Pals, Lamululutup, Saraon,
Yaoropie, Valayyay, Satavan, Cutac, Yfaluc, Piraulop,
Ytai, Pic, Piga, Lamurrec, Puc, Falait, Caruvaruvong,
Ylatu, Lamuliur, Tavas, Saypen, Tacaulep, Rapiyang,
Tavon, Mutacufau, Piylu, Olatan, Palu, Cucumyat, and'
Piyalucunung. The three iflands that have nothing on
them but wild-fowl, are Piculet, Hulatan, and Pagian*
The moft confiderable of all thefe iflands is Lamurrec,
where the king of the country keeps his court, and to him
the governors of all the other iflands arc fubje£l (N).
Among
'> Philofopbical Tranfa^lions, No. 317. p. 189. Pere le Gobien,
Hiltoire des Ifles Marianes, p. 401. Lettres edifiantes& curieuf«s.
(N) As a proof that thefe to do this was very Angular,
people were intelligent to a and we may likewife fay, in
certain degree, it is fufficient fome meafure, corre6l. They
to obferve, that they exhibited laid down upon a table as manjr
a map of the whole archipela- fmall Hones as there were iflands,
go, confifling of eighty-feven placed them in their proper
iflands, I'he method they took pofition, and, as thefe were
R z copied
244 DtfcoverleSy Wars^ and Settlements of
Among thofe ftrangers there was one of the governors,
and his wife, who was the king's daughter ; though they
Went half naked, yet their deportment, and a peculiar air
of greatnefs, fufficiently diftinguifhed them from the reft.
The huiband had his body painted all over with certain
lines, in fuch a manner that they formed feveral figures.
The reft of the people were alfo painted more or lefs.
The women and children were not painted at all 5 there
copied upon paper, they gave
the name of each, and diredled
a figure to beinfcribed in it, to
(hew how many days fail it
would take to pafs round it ;
and a figure to be placed be-
tween every two iflands, (hew-
ing how many days fail was
between them. The whole
very clear and intelligible ;
nor have we any thing better
of the kind fince. The illand
from whence thefe people
came vvas Amorfot, in the la-
titude of 10 deg. 30 min. north;
and the ifland to which they
were bound was Paiz, lying to
the fouth-weft, at the dillance
of about twelve days fail, and
in the latitude of 10 degrees
north. The ifland in which
they lived was three days fail
in circumference; that to
which they were bound, four.
The largeft of thefe iflands,
which the Spaniards write Pan-
loco, the French Panloque, and
in our Englifli mjjp it is Pan-
log, lies but three days fail ealt
fro!n the point of Guivam ;
and not above two days fail
north -eafl: of the ifland of Min-
danao, between the latitudes of
8 deg. 20 min. and 1 1 deg. 30
min. north. According to this
defcriptionof their's, the whole
five provinces of thefe iflands
lie from i deg. 30 min. fouth,
to 16 deg. north, having the
iflands of Samal, that of Min-
danao, the Moluccas, and Gi-
lolo, to the weft ; the Marianne
iflands to the north -eaft, and
the Pacific Ocean on all fides (i).
The reader will perceive, that
this differs in fome refpe6ts
from what is advanced in the
text ; but we cannot help that,
the former flands upon the cre-
dit of the firft narrative, writ-
ten upon the fpot, and at the
time ; the latter, upon a fubfe-
quent epiftle to father le Go-
bien, at the time that he tranf-
mitted the former to his bre-
thren the Jefuits in France ;
and as he affirms that his re-
marks were written from later
informations, and with a view
to fupply the deficiencies of
the firft account, '•• was thought
they could not appear more
properly here than in a note.
It may not be amifs to add,
that this reverend father not
being initiated into themaxims
of Spanifli policy, aflTures us,
that there is great probability
from their fituation, and many
other circumftances, that thefe
iflands may abound with gold,
amber, fpicc, and other valu-
able commodities (2).
(0 See the map in the Philofophical Tranfaflions, No. 317.
(4) This letter is not in his Hiftory of the Marianne Iflands.
were
the Spaniards in the Eafl Indiesl . 245
were nineteen men and ten women of different ages ; tlie
make and colour of their faces were much like the Phi-
lippinefe. The men had a fafh wrapped feveral times
round their bodies, covering their reins and thighs ;
they wore on their fhoulders about ^n ell and an half of
coarfe linen-cloth, like a cowl, tied before, and hanging
loofe behind. Both men and women drefled much alike, -
only that the women had a piece of cloth fomewhat longer,
that hung from their waift down to their knees ^,
Their language differs from that of the Philippinefe and 'Their Ian-
Mariannefe ; their manner of pronouncing comes nearefl i"^Z^'
that of the Arabs j and fome who underllood the lan-
guage, obferved the women that feemed the moft confider-
able amongft them, had feveral rings and necklaces of
tortoife-fhells (called here carey) and others made of a fub-
flance much like amber, but not tranfparent. The man-
ner of their living at fea for feventy days together, con-
tinually driven by the wind, was thus ; they cafl: out a
fort of net, made of a great many twigs of trees tied to- -.
gether, with a large mouth for the fifh to enter, and ter-
minating in a point to prevent their getting out. The filh
they took after this manner was all the nourifliment they
had ; and rain-water faved in cocoa-fhells, which is the
fruit of the palm-trees, and of the figure and fize of a
man s head.
They have no cows in their iflands, and at the fight of Ad'van-
them they run away, as they did likewife at the barking of tagesand
a dog ; neither have they cats, flags, horfes, or. in ge- ^^f^^'^^^'
neral, any quadrupede ; or any fowl but fea-fowl, ex- f^jl^ couH'
cepting thofe which they breed up ; but never eat their try and
eggs. Neverthelefs, they are very chearful and well-con- manner of
tented with their condition. Their fongs and dances are ^^'2//»^,
exa£l and regular ; they fing in concert, every one obferv-
ing the fame geflures, which uniformity renders the mu-
fic agreeable. They were furprifed at the government,
politenefs, and manners of the Europeans. They admired
not only the folemnities and ceremonies of the church, in
celebrating the divine fervice, but alfo the mufic, inflru-
ments, dances, and arms of the Spaniards : and gun-
powder was what furprifed them mofl. They wondered at
the whitenefs of the Europeans, in refped't of whom they
were perfectly tawney. It did not appear that they had
Jtny knowledge either of a Deity, or that they v/orihipped
c Philofophical Tranra6lions, No. 317. p. i?9« Pere le Gobien,
.Hiftoire des liles Marianes, p. 403. Lcttres edifiantes & curieufes.
JR. 3 idols.
24^ DifcoverleSy Wars^ and Settlements of
idols. Their cuftoms were perfectly favage, they minded
nothing but eating and drinking, when' hungry or dry,
and when they could find any thing to fatisfy nature \
yet they ate but iittle at a time, and never enough to fuf-
fice for a whole day '^.
Great re- They fhewed much refpe6t and deference for their king,
jmhlance ^.n^ the governors of towns, and obey them verypun£lually.
manners to ^^^^^^ civiHty and refpeft confifts in taking hold of the
thofe of the band or foOt of the perfon they would honour, and gently
Marianefe. rubbing their faces. Amongfl their utenfils they had fome
faws, not made of iron, but of a large fhell, called here
tacbobo, which they rub and whet upon a certain kind of
ftone. They were furprifed to fee the number of carpen-
ters tools ufed in building a merchant-man at Guivam.
» They have no metals in their country. The father mif-
fionary made each of them a prefent of a large piece of
iron, which they received with as much joy as if it had
been gold j and for fear it fhould be dole from them, they
laid it under their heads when they went to fleep. They
have no other arms than lances or darts, armed with hu-
man bones, very fharp, and well fixed. They are natur-
ally very peaceable •, but if any quarrel happens amongft
them, it is decided with fome fifty cuffs, which yet very
rarely happens, for when they are come to a clofer fight,
they are Separated, and foon reconciled. They are not
dull and heavy ; but, on the contrary, have a great deal
of livelinefs and fpirit. They are not fo luPcy as the in-
habitants of the Mariannes, yet are they well-proportioned,
and fhaped much like the Philippinefe. Both the men
and women let their hair grow long, and hang loofe on
their fhoulders. When they underftood that they were to
be conduced to the prefence of the father miffionary, they
painted their bodies all over with a yellow colour, which
is looked upon by them as a great ornament. The oldeil
of thefe ftrangers was once before caft on the coaft of Ca-
ragan. They are very expert at diving ; and they faid,
that in fifhing they took two large pearls in their fhells,
but threw them into the fea again, not knowing their
value *.
Jre mejl When they were brought into the prefence of the father
^*"^iy miffionary, and faw the profound refpeft that was pai4
Honarvand ' Ph'lo^opl^'cal Tranfaaions, No. 317- p. 189. Du Bois Gco-
teotleof'^ graphic Moderne, p. 701. Lettres edifiantes & curieufes. e Pcre
Cuivam ^^ Gobien, Hiftoire des Ifles Marianes, p, 408. Philofophical
^ ^' Tranlaftions, No. 317. p. 196. Lettres edifiantes & curieufes.
, ih 'Spaniards in the Eaft ^mTies. 247
lam, t"hey immediately conceived that he muft be the mo-
narch of this country, and as abfolute as their own, and of
courie that upon the breath of his lip^: their future fate
mult depend. They approached him therefore with all
poliibie tellimonies of awe and reverence, and he, on the
other hand, laboured as much as in him lay to confolc
them, and to make them fenfible that they had nothing to
fear. He was particularly careful to carefs their children,
of whom three were ftill at the breall, and five were but
jufl weaned, and able to go alone. He likewife took care
to diftribute them properly, fo that the married people
ihould not be feparated, and that at leafl two of them
might always remain together, and that they might not
pine for want of fociety. This care had proper efFe6ts.;
the people were extremely fenfible of the kindnefs ihewn
them, conformed themfelves gradually to the cuitoms of
thofe amonglt whom they lived, and offered very readily
to go with any that fhould be fent, to convert their coun-
trymen to the Chriftian religion, and bring about a cor-
refpondence between their illands^ and thofe under the
dominion of his CathoHc majefty.
This alacrity was well received hy the governor of the Several
Philippines, who talked of the expedition to the illands oi yt^^^^
the Palaos, as a thing worthy of being undertaken ; but H^f'^J^^^
never undertook it, nor his fucceffor after him. Father attempt is
Andrev/ Serrano, a mifllonary of great piety and probity, made to
who had fpent thirty years in preaching to and prote6ling perfeSi this
the Indians in the Philippines, took the matter fmcerely to '^(A^'^^iy*
heart, went in the year 1 706 to Rome, and obtained re-
commendations to the court of Madrid ♦, 4n confequence
of which, orders were fent for difpatching thither two
mifTionaries immediately, Thefe orders were executed
in the month of November, 1710, when a (hip was fent
on the difcovery with two milTionaries on board, and one
of the converts that had remained at SamaL After faiHng
fourteen days, they obferved two illands bearing from
them north-eall, which the fathers called the illands of
St. Andrew. A boat came from one of thefe illands, and,
upon their countryman's fliewinghimCelf, the people came
on board, crying out Mapia ! Mapia ! which, in their
language, fignifies gct,d folks.
They were very kindly received, and extremely well '^he af-
^leafed. They faid that the name of their ifland was tempts thn
Sanfarol ; and that the principal ifle of their archipelago, ^gf^!^'/^^j
was called Panlok, lying north- north-eall. They men- and the*
tioned alfo two other idands to the fouth-weil and the ^le-vLi at
fouth-cafi, wliich they called Merieres and Paulo. The length
K 4 captain ^l^^^^^omd.
24? DifcoverieSy Wars^ and Settlements of
captain could find no port or road -, however the two mif-^
ponaries would land, and were accordingly put on fliore
with the Palaos they brought with them, his wife and
children. Thefe iflands were in the latitude of five de-
grees and twenty-eight minutes north ; they afterwards
fleered for Panlok, which was fifty leagues diflant ; but
that alfo proved deftitute of a port \ nor was it poflible, in
their return, fo much as to fend the boat on fhore at
Sanfarol ; fo that they returned without any news of their
miflionaries. Upon his coming back to the Philippines,
father Serrano embarked on a like expedition, and many
years elapfed before any news was heard of any of thefe
- lathers. At length came advice from China, that the
fathers Duberon and Courtil, who were firft fent, had
been murdered by the natives, who were not fuch innocents
in their own country as they appeared to be at Samal ^
As for father Serrano, he prevailed on the captain^ of his
fhip to attempt running into a creek ; but his zeal proved
fatal alike to himfelf and the crew, one Indian only except-
ed, who, afterwards by fome means or other, was carried
to China, and gave this account to the fathers Jefuits there,
by whom it was tranfmitted to their brethren at the
Philippines ^. , .
^n account At length, however, this whole archipelago to the
pf the number of eighty or eighty-feven iflands was difcovered in
'whole ar- the fame manner as parts of it had hitherto been, that is,
chipelago ^^ accident. In 1722 a flirange bark run on fhore pn the
of the na- ^^^ ^^^ of the ifland Guam, having on board eleven men,
tinjesy cajl feven women, and fix children ; one of the natives who
ffjhore upon ^35 fifhing near the place, having given notice to the chief
^^^I^f h "^^" ^^ ^^ village, he perfuaded the people to come on
%andof ^ore, which they did, and were very kindly entertained.
Cuam, Their veflel appeared very curious, even in the eyes of the
Mariannefe, whofe prows all the reft of the world fo much
admire. In many refpe<^s it refembled thefe ; but in fome
was very different. The head and flern were exaftly ahke,
reprefenting the tail of a dolphin ; upon the deck were
four little cabins wonderfully neat, and very artificially
covered with palm-leaves ''. Of thefe there was one at
each end of the boat, and one on each fide of the maft up-
on the outlayers ; for they had two \ whereas the Marianne
*■ Faftes clironologiques de la Decouverte du Noveau Monde,
par Perc Charlevoix, p. 44. Fr. B. G. Feijo, Theatro critico
univerfal, toin. ix. p. 138. Lettres edifiantes et curieufes.
f Idem ibid. h Faftes Chronologiques de la Decouverte
(iuNouveau Monde, par Pere Charlevoix, p. 44.
prows
the Spaniards in the Eaft Indies, ?49
prows have but one The hold was in like manner divide
ed into feveral apartments, fome for containing their cargo,
and others to hold their provifions. This velVel had failed
in conjunction with four others from the ifland of Fariolep
for that of Ulcea, and had been driven out of their courfe
by a florm. According to the account they gave, thefe
illands lie from the line to eleven degrees of north latitude,
having New Guinea on the fouth, the Philippines on the
weft, the Marianne iflands to the north, and the Pacific
Ocean to the eaft. This archipelago is divided into five
provinces, each of which has its peculiar language ; but
all have fuch an affinity, that, though with fome difficulty,
the inhabitants of one province can make themfelves un-
derftood by thofe of the other ; and fome think that thefe
five languages are only different dialedls of a corrupt
Arabic \
Thefe iflands enjoy as fine a climate, except in the time cf^g /^^^.
of hurricanes, as can be wiftied ; the foil is very fruitful, bitaats an
producing excellent grafs, fome delicious fruits, and abun- aStl^ve,
dance of very beautiful and fhady trees. It is true they '"'f^' made^
have not rice, or wheat, or barley, or Indian corn ; but '^Jnd7nduf-
they have fruits, roots, and fifli in great plenty, and fome trious peo-
fowl *, but no quadrupeds of any kind : the people are tall pie*
and well made ; their hair is a little inclined to the crifp-
nefs of the negroes ; their nofes larger, their eyes full and
very piercing, and their beards thick, which no other
Indian nation have. What is moft fingular, their com-
plexions differ through all the ftiades from a light olive to
a dark copper colour. They have a very grave and decent
deportment, but are very far from being melancholy ; on
the contrary, they fing and dance much, and even in the
fentiment of Europeans, not ungracefully ; they are very
affisftionate and good-humoured to each other ; and we
may eafily form a judgment of their difpofition from a
faying that is common amongft them, though not heard
any-where elfe : one man, fay they, never kills another.
They fometimes quarrel and fight, but as foon as there is
any bloodftied the difpute is over, and the conquerors
ere6t arches of triumph ^.
As to religion, they have no diftln£l: idea of a Suprem.e Without
Being, or of a Providence *, but they believe that there are ^"y ^^-
good and evil fpirits, and that both of them marry and beeet ^^°^^^ f-
^ ^ ' J t> tionsofre-
i Lettres edifiantes et curieufes. ^ Pere le Gobien Hiftoire cflTas^to'
des Ifles Marianes. Pbilofophical Tranfai^ions, No. 317. p. 199. a future
]Lettrts edifiantes et curieufes. n^.'^^
children ;
250 DlfcoverieSi Wars^ and Settlements of
children ; concerning whom they have a multitude of idle
fables and ftories, with which we ihall not tire the rea-
der's patience. They have a tolerable notion of a future
ftate, in which they iDelieve that the good are happy, and
the wicked miferab'le. They have priefts and prieftefles,
who pretend to converfe with the fpirits of the deceafed,
and pronounce very peremptorily who are and who are
not happy. When the common people die their bodies
are carried out to fea, and abandoned to the fifli ; but their
nobility are buried with great pomp and ceremony, and
have tombs creeled to their memories. They confider
thefe as guardian fpirits, diftinguifh them- by the name of
Tahaputs, invoke their afhftance upon every occafion, and
make offerings to them, an honour which they never pay
to the celeftial or infernal fpirits. As tct their notions
about the latter, they do not perplex themfelves much ;
render them no divine honours of any fort ; feem not
follicitous to pleafe, or afraid of offending them ^ There
could not therefore be any great, and, much lefs, any in-
furmountable difficulties in bringing thefe people to em-
brace Chriitianity, by {hewing them how little tendency
thefe fiiflions have to render men wifer or better, and, on
the contrary, how well the do6lrines of the gofpel are
adapted to promote both.
Ute ^9- Their government is well eftablifhed in a regular arlflo-
'vernment cracy. There aie in every ifland feveral families of nobles,
%aifsa ^"^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^ *^^^^ ^^ ^y^^^ ^ Tamol. There
regular, ^^> befides, a chief tamol in every illand, who adminifters
andt at the juftice with the advice of the other tamols. Thefe nobles
jame time, always appear in very decent robes with long beards, and
a gentle affect a ftately majeftic gravity. When they give audi-
^rtjiocrary, ^^^^^ t|jgy {^^ in their own houfes upon tables ; fuch as
approach them bend their bodies, and never look up while
they are fpeaking, and are very careful in retiring, not to
turn their backs on them. But, with all this gravity, and
all this refpcift, there is nothing of tyranny on the one
fide, or of flavery on the other. Their authority is ex-
erted only in giving good advice, and fupported by giving
a good example "". They have but one revenue, and that
of a ftrange kind. All the iron that, by wrecks or any
other accidents, comes into the hands of thefe people, be-
longs of right to the tamol, to whom it is carried, who
makes of it ufeful tools, and lets them out at a pretty high
1 Faftes chronologiques de la Deconverte du Nouveau Monde,
par Pere Charlevoix, p. 44. *" Ideui'Ibid,
price,
the Spaniards In the Eali Indies. 551
price, wl;iich is what principally enables him to fupport
his dignity. Every tamol is fung to fleep in the evening
by the youth of the village, whom he rewards in their
turn with fome little prefent. It is, after all, but a pain-
ful preheminence ; for the tamol's whole lludy is to main-
tain, by a corre«51: and irreproachable behaviour, the dig-
nity of his character, which procures him a fubmiffion
the mod arbitrary princes are ftrangers to, and a venera-
tion and refpe£l fcarce mingled with fear 5 for the tamol
never puniihes but by reproof •, and, if men are incorrigi-
bly wicked, they are baniflied by the council of tamols to
fome diflant illands ".
In every village there are two houfes deflined for the Education
education of youth. In one, the boys are lodged, and in of children
the other the girls. In this point perhaps they exceed the ^^ 'ujell
moil civilized nations ; for there every boy is brought up y^^**" ^ •
in all the knowlege that the nation poflefles, by old men, the moR
who have attained to perfedion the feveral things they civilized
teach; fuch as the art of cultivating fruits and roots, countrj,
odoriferous herbs and flowers, of which they are paflion-
ately fond: the m.ethod of making domeftic utenfils,
weaving nets, and heading fpears, is the fucceeding part
of their inftitution. They next inftrudl them in every
kind of filhing ; and, when they are ftrong enough, ini-
tiate them in boat-building: laft of all, they are taught a
little aftronomy, by lliewing them the few ftars they know
upon a fphere, and directed how to apply this fmall por-
tion of fcience to navigation, and the art of fleering their
vefTels. On the other hand, the girls are taught to drefs
filh, fruits, and roots in different manners ; to fow the
feed of a certain kind of grafs j to drefs that in fuch a
manner as to make thread j to fpin and weave it into cloth ;
and to draw out the fibres from the bark of a tree called
Balibago, of which they make mats and fails °,
They have feveral diverfions amongft them, andof thefe <j%fir di-
finging and dancing are the chief. But they have no njerfions,
conception of any fuch thing as inftrumental mufic. On amufe-
fuch occafions both men and women pique themfelves *nents^ and
upon being extremely well dreffed ; neat and clean they ^^IJf'J^^l
always are, for they wafh thrice a day. They wear plumes triced,
of feathers, and garlands of flowers upon their heads*, and pro'
they have large holes in their ears which they fill with P^/b>
fvveet-fmelling herbs j on their wrifts they wear a kind of ^""^^*
" Lettres edifiantes et curieufes. <> F?.ftes Chronologiques
(de I3 Decouverte du Nov^^u Monde, par Fere Charlevoix, p 44*
braceletS|
252 Difcoverks^ PTars, and Settlements of
bracelets, as alfo on their ankles and arms. The men
alfo have exercifes fuited to their fex ; they wreflle, throw
the lance, fling flones at a mark, tofs balls in the air,
matching and throwing them up continually p. Thefe
paftimes are varied according to the feafons, and are all
calculated to render them aftive and agile in the feveral
kinds of labour upon which their fubfiftence depends. In
the month of February all their tomals have a meeting in
the chief ifland, and pretend to predict whether the fiftiing
will be good, and whether the enfuing year will be fortu-
nate or not ; which kind of fuperfliition it is likely they
have found very conducive, if not abfolutely neceflary, to
fupport their authority j for all barbarous nations have a
wonderful defire to look into futurity, and naturally re-
verence thofe who aflume to themfelves the knowlege of
events that are to come ; and are eafily perfuaded to ber
lieve that fuch things as are artfully foretold, fhall actually
come to pafs *, and thus ignorance is every where the mo-
ther of fuperftition ^.
77ie dtp' This new archipelago palTes under very different
rent names names. At firfl thefe ifles were ftyled the Palaos, which
gi^jen to feeiYis to have been the name given them by the natives;
telazo and ^^^^ ^^ iflands of St. Barnabas and St. Andrew; from
the reafom circumftances that have been already mentioned. Some-
of its being times we find them called the Caroline iflands- ; but their
fo little nioft common denomination is that of the New Philip-
"* pines "■. We find them, however, in very few maps ; our
modern geographers fcarce mention them, differ as to
their fituation, and preferve but very few particulars that
regard them. This omiffion might, perhaps, havejufli-
fied us in the fame negleft ; for hiftory feldom takes any
great notice of countries that geogyraphy has not fully de-
fcribed ; but we are fo far from thinking this a motive to
pafs them over haflily, that we thought it incumbent on
us to treat of them largely, to draw together all the par-
ticulars we could meet with, in refpecl to thefe iflands
and their inhabitants, in order to excite the curiofity of
the public *, and thereby, as far as lies in our power, pro-
mote their farther difcovery ; for as yet, after all we have
faid, they are but very darkly difcovered.
p Lettres edifiantes et curieufes. <J P. le Gobien, Hiftoire
des Ifles Marianes, lib. i. Du Bois Geographic Moderne.
r Fere le Gobien Hilloire des Ifles Marianes, p. 401, 40a. Giovan.
Francefco Genrtelli Carreri, Giro del Mondo, p. V. liv. i. chap, 9.
Lettres edifiantes et curieules.
It
the Spaniards In the Eaft Indies. 253
It is indeed very fingular, that, coufidering their fitua- ;r^^ uttu
tion, the nnmber of them, and their lying as it were, noticed
within feveral circles one within another, in the very midft b' Hfl°-
of countries poflefTed by the Spaniards, they fhould remain ^''^"^ ^'*
for two centuries m a manner unknown, or, at leait, un- ^^^ conji'
noticed. It is yet more ftrange that, after the firft intelli- deredby
gence of them, and that too by accident, they fliould philojo^
remain upwards of fifty years in a manner half discovered. P^^^^^*
It is certainly very furprifJng, that in an age fo enlighten-
ed as this, an event of this fort fhould be fo little confi-
dered or attended to ; and, that the finding of thefe
iflands (hould be regillered only amongft the relations of
miflionaries, the colleclions of focieties deftined to the
promotion of fcience, and be in a manner wholly flighted
by the great world, by geographers, hiftorians, and flatef-
men ; from all of whom, from the nature of things, dif-
coveries of this kind claim more im.mediate regard ^
But the mofl extraordinary circumflance of all is, that Leajt
not only the benefits that might refult from this difcovery kno-wn.and
have been overlooked, but the very circumflances that '^^P .?^f^
attended it, have been fo little known, that the very cer- gj^ia ^^ ^^^
tainty of there being fuch iflands, has been lately difputed more Uarn-
by one of the moft learned men in Spain. It is not above ^^ "^7"^-
thirty years ago that in a difcourfe, relating to dubious "^^'''^•^*
and fabulous countries, too haflily credited upon indiftind^
relations and ill-founded reports, thefe iflands of Palaos
were mentioned by this inquifitive and judicious writer, !
who was then acquainted with only the firft accounts of
them, as publiflied by father Andrew Serrano during his
flay at Madrid '. However, four year afterwards, upon
the review of his work, which is juftly in high efteem, he
very fairly and honeftly confefTed his miftake, and ac-r
knowleged that the reality of this archipelago had been
proved by inconteftible evidence, and that there was no
more reafon to doubt the exiftence of the New than the Old
Philippines " : but even, after all this, he attemps to exte-
nuate and lefTen the merit of the difcovery, by obferving,
that though it had been furmifed from their fituation,
that thefe iflands muft abound in gold, filver, and fpices,
yet there appeared no grounds from their difcovery, to
adopt thefe notions as facls ; becaufc, from the exceffive
fondnefs the natives difcovered for iron, it was evident
they were unacquainted with other metals. ThisYeems
« L'Efprit des Loix, 11 v. xx. cap. iS. « Fr. B. G. Feijo,
Theatro ciitico univerfal, torn, ix. p, 138, " Ibid.
to .
254. DtfcoverteSy Wars, and Settlements of
to be a very ftrange deduftion by fo wife and pene-
trating a writer ; for the value thefe people fet upon iron
moft certainly arofe from their knowing the ufe of that
metal j and, without having commerce with other na-
tions, it was impoffible they fliould be acquainted with the
ufes of filver and gold, which arife chiefly from their being
common meafures ; and confequently, the great inflru-
ments of trade, which however does by no means fhew
that they have not thefe metals in their countries, or that
they have not fpices, concerning which they made no
declarations one way or other.
GoUand This rivetted opinion, that the importance of colonies
Jitye^ wo/ ^^j^ ^j.j^g ^j^j^ from treafures dug out of the earth, has
feffaryto ^^^" ^^'^ fource of fo many miftakes, that, without hav-
rend.rcoh* ing recourfe to that invincible fteadinefs, which their
nies 'valu- enemies ftyle obillnacy, it is impoffible to conceive, that
able to £q prudent and fo penetrating a nation could perfill in fuch
tiitrcom- ^ niiilake. The mother-country of fuch colonies is the
tritj, miftrefs only of mines and miners ; and they are in all
countries a very poor defpicabie people, who work not for
themfelves, but for thofe who employ them, and fuch as
fupply their wants. It Is indeed true, that a certain
proportion of mines, more efpecially of the bafer" and
more ufeful metals, may conduce to the welfare of a
country, and make its inhabitants rich, which more va-
luable mines rarely, if ever, do ^. Yet if the fame pro-
pofition be ftated in other words, in the acceptation of
many equivalent to the former, the Spanifh deducftion is
perfe(f^ly right. For there can be nothing more true than
this, that colonies are beneficial in proportion to the gold
and filver they produce to their mother-country : but the
fallacy lies here, this mull not be the work of nature,
but of art. Gold and filver are precifely the fame thing
in poiTeffion, however produced, but the gold and filver
which enriches a country is not that obtained by digging,
but that which is the effe£l of induftry. The former is
a kind of volatile gold, which not either law or force can
retain ; but the latter is fo fixed and permanent, as not
to be withdrawn but by fuperior induftry ". Thefe prin-
ciples once underftood, the reader will not be amazed,
when we afnrm, that thefe iflands may be extremely rich
^ Giovan, Francefco Gemelli Careri, Giro del Mondo, p. vi.
liv- i. cap. 10. LE^prit d«is Loix, lib xxi. ch. 18. ^ D'lf-
courfc en Navigation and Dircweries. Sir William Monfon's
Naval TraiU. Wood's> Survey of Trade, p. iii,
and
the Spaniards in the Eajl Indies* 255
and valuable, though we fliould allow the fuppofition,
and it is no more than a fuppofition, that there is not fo
much as a fingle grain of either of thefe precious metals
in any of them.
Thefe iflands are unqueftionably rich and valuable, be- 2'/5// arcftu
caufe they poflefs almoil all the bleffmgs that the indul- P'^^^° °f
srence of nature can beftow. They have a foft and ferene ^hffflf'rJ''
,. r 1 rr ^ i i • i '^'^ COnJe-
chmate, not expoiecl to exceilive neat, though in the quence,
Hiidft of the torrid zone ; and never vifited by a blaft of even if
cold. Their foil is wonderfully fruitful, and from the defiitute af
conjunftion of thefe they produce all the neceflaries of ^^"^^'
life. Their lituation again is fo fortunate that, if they
wanted the greater part of thefe bieffings, this alone
would compenfate all their wants -, for they lie at an
equal dirtance from all the rich countries in the world,
furrounded by the wideft and the mildeft of all feas, and
capable, from thence, of the fafeft, the moft commodi-
ous, and moft extenfive navigation >". Are thefe then
countries to be defired ? yet neither are thefe all their ad-
vantages ; for mark but the number and the nature of
their inhabitants. The latter (hews us that the former
muil be very great ; we know but very Httle of them, but
w^e know enough to be fure of this ; becaufe we know
that they are peaceable and prolific. In thefe eighty-feven
iflands there cannot well be fewer than a hundred thou-
fand inhabitants. Suppofe we v/ere miftaken one half,
yet fifty thoufand fuch people, fo fettled, would be a
prodigious acquifition. They might be eafily converted
to Chriftianity, if taught them as a fyftem of rational
happinefs. There would be no difficulty in introducing
improvements in their condu£l of civil life, which would
lead them to the difcovery of more wants, but, at the
fame time, would inftru£l them how they might be fup-
plied. They have already a great fund of induilry, which
is the genuine fource of wealth; they have fuch a turn
for mechanic arts as will foon bring them to perfe£lion,
and fuch an inclination to, and fuch principles of ufeful
fcience amongft them, as, with a very little help, would
render them a civil, polite, commercial nation in coun-
tries the beft adapted to, and probably as well furnifhed
as any with materials, for an enlarged commerce.
For in fpite of fuppofitions, which are very far from
being arguments, and ftill much farther from being faiSts,
y Galvano's Dircoveries tranflated by Hakluyt. £den*s Hift. of
Trevayle, Du Bois, Geographic Moderne, 701,
thefe
25^ Difcoverles^ PFars^ and Settlements of
But no fuck tliefe people, for any thing we know, may have gold or
fuppofition filver, or both ; and, which is fomewhat ftronger than
ought to be any fuppofition, fome relations aftually fay that they have
^aTla un- ^^^"^* '^^^^ ^^^^y ^^^^ ^P^^^ ^°°' ^^ "^°^^ ^^^^ probable,
pro'ved by ^^^e almoft all the countries to the weft of them certainly
either pro- have fpices, though the inhabitants, from prudential mo-
hable aygU' tives, chufe to conceal them ^ : but, whether they have or
ments or j^^^^ ^^^ precious metals or rich fpices, they may have
thority. ' ^^^^^7 Other valuable commodities, of which we, and per-
haps they, have not the leaft knowlege, but which a fpirit
of commerce would quickly bring to light. In order to
excite this, the people are not to be conquered, much lefs
opprefTed^; for this would be to hatch chickens by crufh-
ing the eggs ; but they are to be inftrudted and informed,
and after that proteded in the full enjoyment of their
trade and freedom. This condu£t would make them
valuable in the llri£l:eft fenfe, and we fhall fhew very
fuccindlly, but to a demonftration, how all this might be
fo conduced as to become infinitely beneficial to Spain,
without trefpaffing in the leaft on the natural rights of a
good-natured and a61:ive nation.
Cloves, cm- "We (liall fliew in a fubfequent chapter, what prodigi-
namott and qus pains the Dutch take to prevent cloves from growing
nutmegsy if -^^ thofe iflands, to which they were given by nature; and-
they do not • i , . ,i -^ ,. i i -^ r 11
gro'w in ^^^ what pams, as well as policy, they have fecured the
thefe monopoly of mace and nutmegs, as well as with what
ifiandr, anxiety they prevent cinnamon from being brought into
^^^^^M Europe by any but themfelves. We have already fhewn
ed thither ^^ ^^^ chapter, that, notwithftanding all this care and
and 'would concern, there are both cinnamon and cloves in Mindanao \
certainly and it is Very certain that there is ftill greater plenty in
thrive m the fmall iflands of Meangis, which either make a part
-^^' of this archipelago, or are within a few hours fail of it.
We farther know, that the fineft nutmegs in the world
lie at no great diftance from thefe iflands, and yet where
they are out of the power of the Dutch*. What then fhould
hinder the tranplanting all thefe rich fpices into fome or
other of thefe iilands ; or what fhould hinder them from
growing when tranfplanted out of iflands, nearly in the
fame latitude where they grow by nature ; more efpecially
when it is remembered that the very ftep we propofe,
z Funnel's Voyage round the Worli^ p, 157, 158, 159. Dam-
p'^er's Vovage, vol. i. p. 350. Lettres edifiantes et curieufes,
* Galvano's Dircoveries, tranfl.ited by Hackluyr. Dampier's Conti-
nuation of the Voynge to New Holland, chap, iii, Hiltoire d§
rpxpedition dp Irais Vaiiieaux, chap, xviii. § 3.
the
the Spaniards In the Eajl Indies. 257
the Dutch have a6lually taken already, and with the
greateft fuccefs ^. For managing fuch a defign, and carry-
ing all the arts of cultivation to the higheft perfeftion^
what nation could be wifhed for more fit, than, without
the leaft thought of an attempt of this nature, thefe peo-
ple are defcribed to be ? what, with lefs injury or cor-
ruption of their old manners, could fupply the wants
that a higher degree of civility would introduce, better
than this proje61:, if carried into execution ?
There is no need of arms, of expence, or much trouble ThU ivoulJ
to accomplifli this purpofe ; fo that, if the fources of im-^'!''??
menfe wealth are not in thefe iflands, they may be fetched ^^n/a^g^'us
from next door. In return for the prote6lion afforded /^ the^colo-
them by the Spaniards, the natives of this archipelago' r/>j, rf«i
might be permitted to trade to the Philippines arid the ^^ ^/^
Marianne iflands -, and the Spanifh court might reftrain '*^"^'
its fubje£ls from all commerce with them. In corife-
quence of thefe regulations the people of the Philippines
might revive their old trade to China with fpices, and
fave that balance which they pay at prefent in filver.
Returns might be made to this archipelago f6r fpices, in ,
piece-goods and China filks. Magazines of European
commodities might be creeled in the Marianne iflands^
and the fpices that purchafe them be depofited there alfo ^
To bring all this to pafs, there wants only an ailive fpirit,
a tolerable degree of contrivance, and a Heady perfeverance
in thofe who (hall attempt it.
In reference to the European commerce. It might, with T^^e Euro-
the greateft profit, and without any confiderable difficulty, P^^" ^"f'-
be carried on direaiy between the Marianne iflands and Te71r7td^
Old Spain. The voyage might very well be performed in o„ ^i^e^h
fix, or at moft in feven months, round Cape Horn, without from Spain
touching any-where ; or till the terrors of this navigation ^otheMa*\
are totally banifhed. The velTels thus employed might ''^^»»^^*
touch at Buenos Ayres, and after refrefliing there, pro-
ceed round the cape ; and, having delivered their cargo
from Europe, at the Mariannes, receive their cargo of
fpices on board, and bring them into Europe much
frefher, and in a far better condition, than we now re«
ceive them, and yet afford to fell them at a more mode-
b Funnel's Voyage round the World, chap. ix. Memoiresfur le
Commerce des Hollamlois dans toutes les Etats Empires du
Monde, p. 145, 147. c Alonzo de Ovalle Relacion hiflorica del
Reyno de Chile, lib. ii. cap. 4.. Di^tionnaire de Commerce, torn,
ii. col, 891, S92,
Mod. Vol. VIII. S rate
258 D'lfcoverieSy IFars, and Settlements of
rate price to thofe Interefled in the commerce by tlie
galleons j which would abate the annual balance againft
8pain, and confequently preferve immenfe fums of lilver
in that country, which now go out of it. Whence it
plainly appears that the Spanifli fubje6ls in America em-
ploy their labour in the mines for the benefit of ftrangers j
who, on the other hand, by fupplying their wants, ac-
quire a juft title to their commodities, gold and filver.
Or the If it be objected, that fo long a run as from Cadiz
trade ?nay ^q ^^ Ladrones, or from the Ladrones to Cadiz, though
latelVe- P^^^^ormed in the wholefomeii climate, and with more
t^een the certainty, in refpeift to wind and weather, than almoft
Mariannes any navigation,'will prove an infurmountable bar to almoft
andVal- every thing of this kind, even that difficulty may be re-
dt'vta tn lYioved. For the kingdom of Chili is exceedingly fertile,
be Cent abounds with almofl every thing that the carrying on this
from Chili commerce would require, and have always had the obtain-
into Spain, ing a fhare of it in their view ; for which, if we allow
them to be the proper judges, they think their country
extremely well fituated, and apprcliend no difhcultles at
all, as in truth there are none, in the navigation, as it
would be performed from Baldivia to Guam. If there-
fore the returns were made to the lalt-rnentloned city,
and a few flnps were annually fent thither from Spain,
it might anfwer the purpofe very well, and would cer-
tainly haye very beneficial confequences, as well in refpe£l
to the commerce of the colonies as the mother-country,
which will either thrive, or mull dwindle and decay to-
gether ; fo that there can be nothing more prepofterous
than the apprehenfions that are fometimes formed, from
the flourlihing ftate of colonies, as if the mother-country
was exhaufted thereby, vshich neither is nor can be the
cafe : for if the latter really declines while the former
thrives, this can only arife from errors in government at
home, which do not affect the. admlnlRratlon in the
colonies; and, therefore, lefTening the affluence of the
fubj,c£l:, thefe would only increafe, inflead of alleviating
the diflrefs here. A truth that can never be too well
known, or too much confidered ''.
Even a(^cording to this fci>eme, the navigation round
Cape f-Iorn, or through the flreights of Magellan, is flill
in the way. However, even that bar might be removed.
d Ilerr^.r.i, Defcripcion de las Iruliaa Occi('enr.iles, cap. xx'x.
Arpenfoia, Q. liattiita Raimifjo, cap. xvi. Wood's Purvey of
Trade, j>, • I ir
Fcr,
ibe Spaniards in the Eaft Indies. 259
For, fuppofing the commerce between Chili and the La- Or the Eajl
drones to be fettled in the manner before mentioned, the ^'^'^^^n^om-
European commodities and manufa6lures might be tranf- ^^^^/^^ ig
ported from, and the fpices carried to, Buenos Ayres *^. tranjfortei
Without affirming this to be the bell, or the mod eligible o'ver land
method of fixing fuch a commerce, one may fafely and 'jj ^"^^"^
truly fay, that it is liable to the feweft exceptions, and Jom'thmci
might be carried into execution with the fmalleft altera- ^^ y>^ jq
tions ; which will be always a point of great confequence tuiiiz..
in Spanifh councils. R.egifler fhips are fent annually to
Buenos Ayres, which is one of the moft commodious
ports in America ^ The inhabitants of this city have a
regular correfpondence crofs the continent with the inha-
bitants of Chili; and though it mud be admitted that it is
none of the molt convenient, yet even that cannot be
fwelled into an infurmountable obje6\ion, when it is con-
fidered that the diftance is not above a third of that be-
tween Vera Cruz and Acapuico, by which the commerce
with the Philippines is at prefent carried on §.
By this lall method a new and great branch of trade will Adnjan-
be added to the Spanifh monarchy, without the leaft di- tages from
minution of any that at prefent fubfift, and without the f^'t^ com- J
fmallefl alteration in the manner by which they are car- ^,^^^ J^ ^^
ried on; the maintaining of which is another fundamental colonies a's'
maxim of Spanifh policy -, for othcrwife the galleons had /o OU
long ago changed their route, and gone to Buenos Ayres ^P^'"-
inflead of the Havanna and Vera Cruz ; more unfortunate
accidents having happened between thofe two ports, than
in the navigation between Cadiz and Buenos Ayres: and
befides, one fleet then would ferve inflead of two. By
this fcheme, of tranfporting European commodities from.
Buenos Ayres to Baldivia, and from thence to the La-
drones, the exportation from Spain would be greatly en-
creafed ; her colonies on the North and South Seas would
be exceedingly improved; the connection between her do-
minions fbrengthened ; her navigation increafed ; and,
of confequence, the number of her fubje6ts, and,
more efpecially, the number of thofe ufefully employed ;
all of them obje6ls, which, if there are any that can, may
be truly faid to demand their utmofl attention.
e Alonzo de Ovalle, lib. ii. cap. 4. Frezier, Voyage, p. 79.
Hift. Span. America, book ii. chap. 15. f Relation of a Voyage
to Buenos Ayres, p. af. g Gemelii Carreri, p vi, hv. iii. chap. 3.
S 2 CHAP.
26g Hijlory of the
CHAP. XXXII.
HiJIory of the Englijh Eaji India Company*
SECT. L
Of the Charter^ jirjl Expeditions^ Settlements, Rife,
Frogrefs, and Ejlablifiment of the Englijh Eajl India
Company ; together with a complete View of their Co-
lonies, Commerce^ &c. &c.
w
ITHOUT engaging m a long difputed political
point, whether the Eaft India trade in general,
and particularly the method of carrying it on by an ex-
clufne company, is not in itfelf prejudicial to the com-
munity, as well as injurious to the individual, it may not
be improper to adduce, previous to our hiftory, the alle-
gations of both parties.
Arguments Thofe who favour this trade, and a monopoly, aflert,
in fanjour the advantages which all nations engaged in this com-
tj'an Eafl rnerce, have drawn from it. They inftance the Hebrews,
nT ^^^ ^ Tyrians, Egyptians, Greeks, whofe paths have been pur-
panj, ^'-^^^ with CQiial avidity by the Venetians, Genoefe, Portu-
guefe, Spaniards, Dutch, Danes, and French. Ihus, by the
univerfal confent and pra£lice of the wifeft ftates, do they
prove the importance of this trad^; than which fcarce an-
other argum.ent is needful. But to wave authority and ex-
ample ; what, fay they, caa niore contribute to the in-
creafe of our naval power, the bulwark of our flate, than
this ccmimerce, in which fuch a number of fliips and fea-
men-'arc- employed ? What' can better improve !he art
of navigation, than voyages dlofig fo many ihores, inta
fo many Teas, through fo niany climates, and round the
greatell part of the globe ? Bcfides, what a flux of riches
does it bring ; and what ufeful fubjeds does it ccnpLnntly
' employ, both at home and abroad ? How niany thoufands,
after amafiing large fortunes ill India, have returned to
fettle in their native country, and enlarge the common
ilock of wealth? V/hat part of commerce carried on by
the merchants of this illand, is not in fome meafure de-
pendant on or connected with that to the Eaft Indies ?
How unjult is it to overlook the great quantities of home
manufadiures they ifre obliged by the terms of their char-
^- K ter
EnglifJ) Eqft India Company, [z'^i
ter to expert ; and the prodigious importation of un-
wrought commodities, by means of this company ! yet
are thefe important particulars omitted in every eiliraate
made by the enemies to this traiijck ! But it is Hkewife ^
faidj that the method of condutling the Ea(l India trade,
by an exckifive charter, is both injurious to the indivi-
dual, and hurtful to the community. Doe-s the condud:
of other nations countenance this aiTertion ? It feems to
be the univerfai opinion of all dates engaged in this traf^
fick, that it can only fucceed by a monopoly. The real
itate and condition of the trade can be known ; the ne-
celiary regulations and inftru£lions given or executed, by
no other means ; precautions without which, this com-
merce mull inevitably fall to ruin. Experience fuily de-
clares the inconveniences which attend the fettlements of
any trading companies being in poffeiTion of the crown.
The miniltry, aware of thefe, has not only granted St.
Helena, but Bombay, the dowry of king Charles II. with
the infanta of Portugal, to the company, for the public
good. Laftly, if two companies only, fay they, could not
poflibly fubfill, which we have feen was a^lually the cafe,
how is it reconcileable to reafon, that a multiplicity of
traders, whole intereils mull eternally difagree, fliould
flourilli, or indeed produce any thing but repeated lolTes,
and the entire ruin of the trade ? For thefe reafons they
conclude, there is no alternative, but either the traffick
carried on to the Eaft Indies muft be abandoned, or it
muft be purfued under the conduct of a company, and
the method we now enjoy in common with all other na-
tions ^.
Thefe arguments would feem to carry weight, and tRe Argument4
appearance of truth and reafon •, but they are anfwered ^R^^J'A '**
by others no lefs fpecious. The ei^emies to this mono- „^^^^^/.
poly, and the trade in general, urge, that.as it caufes a pro-
digious exportation of filver, the common treafurc of
commerce, and the finews of the ftate, it has therefore a
natural tendency to impoverifti and exhault the nation ^
That the returns from India are, for the moft part, arti-
cles of luxury, of which we have no need-; and that it
manifeftly contributes towards depriving Our own poor of
employment ; thus compelling them to leave their country
for bread ; than which a greater evil cannot befai a itate.
h See An Addrefs to Parliament, anno 1748. Aifo Dodfley's
Hiftory of the Eait ladies, voi. ii. i Hume's Political
Ji;fiay«,
S> 3 They
262 Hiflory of the
They urge, in dire£l contradiclion to tlic others, that this
trade, inflead of a nurfery, is really a grave for feamen j
fcarce one third of the cre^ws returning, or efcaping
death, from the unwhofefomenefs of the climate, and
length and fatigue of the voyage. Beiides, this com-
meice, fay they, differing from other branches of trade,
requires no great number of fhipping, employing few
feamen, and is therefore of little confequence to the
maritime power of the ftate. Even the exportation of
India goods^ they aflert to be a pernicious circumftance,
fmce hereby, the confumption of our own manufa6lures
in thofe countries, fupplied by Indian ftufFs, is leffened,
nay deftroyed ^. Hence the nation lofes the advantages
ariiing from the employment of its own poor, 'in the
improvement of its manufactures, the m.oll folid fource
of wealth and power. But granting the neceffity of the
trade, is there no method of continuing it, but by giv-
ing away the natural privilege of every free-born Briton,
to a fet of men who fatten on the fpoils of their country,
and have no other pretences to the Angular proteftion
they enjoy, than being ferviceable to the views of an am-
bitious and defigning miniftry ? cannot^ thofe free mer-
chants, who conduct the other parts of this vail machine
of commerce in the nation, likewife fupport the charge,
and fuperintend the management of this one branch,
■which a few direftors condu£l at their eafe, and with
very little notion of trade ? cannot the illuftrious body
of free merchants fit out feventeen fliips, and fupport
the charge of a few factories, with penfions for the few
necelTary fervants *, or furniih a llock fufficient for a
traffic carried on by fome of the poorcft ftates in Chriften-
dom ? where is the advantage or neceffity of buying at
the warehoufes and fales of one company, all the goods
of thofe remote countries, which the free merchants of
Great Britain, the only exporters of fuch goods, may have
occafion for ' "i
Thefe are the arguments of thofe who pretend, that
the trade in general is pernicious ; or, at leaft, that the
only method of rendering it beneficial, is to make it
free, and lay the traffick open. We fiiall not pretend to
decide upon the merits of either afiertion.
But not to wafte the reader's time upon a fubje£l ra-
ther political than hiftorical, we will obferve, that next
^ Child uj>on Trade, p. 52. ^ The Pampldet and Hift.
(pittd.
to
.ng-ii I)
Raft India Company.
to the Dutch the Englilh nation is julily reputed to pof-
fefs the hrgell {hare of the commerce to the Eiift Indies.
Some hiftorians allege, that thofe countries were not un-
known to the Britons in very ancient times. The great The Indies
Alfred, the ornament of the annais of this country, mull, not un-
to his other virtues, have this elory fuperadded, of reliev- ^ff "^'^ {'^
r^x 'iX' ■ ^1 T 1- c- 1 1 ^'>i^ nation
mg poor Chriitians m the Inaies. higheinius, we are -^ the time
told, executed this commiiHon of the king, and diftributed ofAlJreJ
his charity ; leaving at his death, in the treafury of the theG'tat*
church of Sherburne, a valuable quantity of fpices and
jewels, an unqueilionable proof of the ct?rtainty of his
having performed his commiffion, though we are not told
in what manner he carried on this traflick "' (L). It can-
not here be deduced, indeed, that there was any kind of
diredf commerce between this ifland and thofe remote
kingdoms, nor has the allertion the appearance of truth :
on the contrary, it is probable that our knowlege of the
produce of the Eaft was conveyed by the Venetians,, who,
with Genoa, Pifa, and other free dates, had poileffed
themfelves of this rich commerce, from the time that the
Northern Barbarians had overthrown the Roman empire,
and with it all the traffick of the Eaft, which had changed
its channel from Alexandria to Damafcus, Aleppo, and
Trebizond. From Venice this country was fupplied with
Indian commodities, by an annual fhip of great burden,
which, as the Venetians had it in their power to fell at
their own price, colt the nation an infinite deal of trea-
fure. In this condition did the Indian commerce con-
tinue till the reign of queen Elizabeth, when a Venetian
carack of immenfe value was cafl away on the Ifle of
Wight ; the fight of which whetted the ardor of the mer-
chants to attempt a trade by Turkey, the only route by
which the Eaft India commodities were brought to Eu-
^ Vit. Alfred Magni, fol, p 45, V, A Traft upon Trade, ad-
drefled to Lord Halifax, A. D, 1751.
(L) Alfred, the glory of of St. Thomas and St. Bartho-
whofe reign^ even the confu- lomevv, in the Indies. The
lion of fucceedin,^ times, and fad is, indeed, pretty extraor-
the obfcurity of that period of dinary ; to which we fliould
our hiftory, has not buried in hardly give our aiTent, had it
oblivion, fent this favourite ec- not as clear and diftin6t evi-
clefiaftic. A. D. 8S3, to carry dence to fupport it as any one
alms to the diftrefled Chrillians point of record (i).
(i) Guth. vol i. Rapin, vol. i. Smollett, vol, i.
S 4 rope
Turkey
trade.
^64 Hiftory of the
rope in thofe clays ". This accident gave birth to the Le-
vant trade, and laid the foundation of our commerce with
the Eaftj vv^hich was foon after improved into a direct
traffick, by means of the lights and informations commu-
nicated by fir Francis Drake, after his return from his
voyage round the world, A. D. 15^0.
Previous to this tranfa6ticn, very extraordinary privi-
leges were granted by the Grand Seignior for the eftab-
liihment of a Turkey, trade, in confequence of a treaty be-
tween the queen of England and the Porte. The Turkey
merchants were at this time looked upon as the true Eait
India traders, by means of their fa6tories at Alexandria,
Aleppo, Damafcus, and the different ports of Egypt, and
the Turkifli dominions. However, the queen, though
fhe had procured her fubjects the liberty of trading to
Turkey for the produce of the Eaft, was fenfible that
fomething greater was ftill wanting to bring this commerce
to a flcurifl^ang pitch ** (M). Thorne, a' London mer-
chant, vv4io had long refided at Seville, and there acquired
fome knowlege of the Eaft India trade, had reprefcnted to
Henry VIIT. the advantages this kingdom might derive
from the Eaftern commerce 5 but the fcheme he formed
Thome's ^^^^ found more fpecious than folid. Thome's pr.opofal
propofal, was to open a paffage by the north-v/eft. paiTage to Tar-
tary, China, or Cathay, the difficulties of which have never
yet been furmounted. A. D. 1576, fome merchants of
London, in expectation of reaping the benefit of this dif-
covery, as it v/ould greatly fhorten the voyage, fitted out
two fliips under captain Frobifher; but this gentleman, as
all his fucceflbrs have been, was unfaccefsful in three feve-
ral attempts. In fliort, the h^nt communicated by Thorne,
n SeeRapin under this reign. Dodfley's Hift. vol. ii,
diard's Naval. Hift. reign q. Eiiz.
Le-
(M) It appears that our trade
to the Levant on Englifh bot-
toms was very confiderable in
the year 1^12, Hackluyt fays,
that in the years 1 5 1 1 , 1 ^ 1 2 »
Sec. till the year 1534, feve-
ral flout fhlps from London,
Southp.Tipton, and Briflol, had
a conflant trade to Candia,
Chios, Cyprus, Tripoli, and
Baruth in Syria. Thence they
imported filks, camblets, rhu-
barb, malmefies, mufcadels,
and other wines ; fweet oil,
cotton, carpets, galls, pepper,
cinnamon, and other fpices.
Their exports confifted in home
manufactures, fuch as line and
coarfe kerfies, of various co-
lours; white weflern dozans ;
cloths called ftatutes, and others
called cardinal whites, calves
Ikins, and leather.
was*
EngliJJo Eajl India Company » 265
was, after repeated fruitlefs trials, rejected as hazarrlous,
if net imprafticable. Sir Francis Drake, upon his return
from his curious circuit, had the additional honour of
communicati?ig to the public the moft rational intelligence
as yet received, and information, which have given birth
to this trade by a dire^i: courfe p. A. D. 1582, captain
Stephens went to the Eaft Indies by the Cape of Good
Hope, and fent a full account from Goa of what occurred
in his voyage ; but the route was flill precarious, till the
famous Cavendifli, in the year 1587J opened a certain
pafTage into the Eall, in his voyage round the world.
This gentleman, after confuming a pretty fortune in a Expedition
life of gallantry and diflblutenefs, refolved to recover it by ofCaven-
a voyage to the South Sea. He failing with three fmall "'-^ •
fhips, equipped at his own expence, arrived on the 25th
of Auguft, 1586, at Sierra Leona ; from thence he made
the Caps de Verd illands, and entered the llreights of Ma-
gellan by the 7th of January, 15187. Coafting diredlly
north, he made Conception Ifland in March: thence he
fleered to Moco Nureno *, thence to Paita, and at lafl to
Puna, in 3 <^iQ^. fouth latitude. Getting fight foon after
of New Spain, he came to an anchor in the river Gopa-
litu, in 6dcg. north latitude. By the 3d of January, 1588, jjjj qjoyafre
he got fight of the Ladrones ; and by the 6th of March, and Sir f.
pafied the (Ireights of Java Major and Minor. In May he Drake's.
came to the Cape of Good Hope ; and in June arrived at
St. Helena, and from thence arrived at Plymouth, in Sep-
tember 1.
As this voyage was highly inftrumental in forwarding
the defign of her majefty to open a dire£l: trade to the Eait
Indies, we thought that tracing Cavendifli in a few lilies
would not be difagreeable to the reader. In confequence
of the lights afforded by Drake, Cavendifli, and others,
who had been in the Eaft Indies, application was made to
the queen by many rich merchants for a charter, empower-
ing them to undertake this trade. In December, 1600,
their requell was granted, and an Eafl: India Company
erected, under the title of *' The Governor and Com-
pany of Merchants of London trading to the Eafl: Indies."
A charter was granted, and they were formed into a body j charter
corporate, with a common feal, which they were per- grafited to
mitted to alter at pleafure ^ The firft governor (Thomas ^"^ ^^^' ^
^ ° ^ chants of
P Colle61ion of Voyages from the Oxford Library, vol. viii.
fl Led. Nav. Hid. ibid. ^ Vide Caind. Brit. p. loi 4:0- Harris's
Cpl. p. 56.
S my the.
266
Hi/lory of the
Smythe, Efq. alderman of London) and twenty-four di-
rectors, were nominated in the charter ; a power was veiled
in the company to ere6l a deputy-governor ; and alfo to
e]e£l for the future a governor, an4 all other members.
The freedom was granted to them and th&ir fucceflbrs ;
their fons, when arrived at the age of twenty-one \ ta
their apprentices, factors, and fervants, employed by them
for the fpace. of fifteen years, in the following terms :
^he terms namely, " Freely to trafBck and ufe the trade of merchan-
^'^» dize by fea, in, and by fuch ways and paiTages already dif-
covered, or hereafter to be found out or difcovered, as
they fhould efleem iind take to be fitteft into, and from
the Eaft Indies, into the countries and ports of Afia and
Africa, and into and from all the iflands, ports, havens,
cities, creeks, rivers, and places of Afia, Africa, and
America, or any of them beyond the Cape of Good Hope
to the ftreight of Magellan, where any trade or trafhck
may be ufed to and from every of them, in fuch order,
manner, form, libe]ity, and condition, as they themfelves
fhould from time to time agree upon." They were alfo
impowered to make by-laws •, to infli6t punifhments,
either corporal or pecuniary, provided fuch punifliments
accorded with the laws of England ; to export goods free
of duty for four years ; and afterwards the duty of all ex-
ports which fliould mifcarry, to be deduced from future
Privileges, goods when flnpped. For the culloms of imported goods
they Vvci^c allowed fix months credit for half, and twelve
months for the payment, of the remainder, with a free
exportation for thirteen months. They were alfo permit-
ted to export to the amount of thirty thoufand pounds in
foreign coin or bullion, provided that fix thoufand pounds
were re-coined in her majefty's mint. All other her ma-
jefty's fubje£ls were by this charter excluded, under fevere
penalties, from this traffick, without the aflent and leave
of the Company. The charter was not to extend to any
place in the a6lual poffeflion of any of her majefty's allies.
The Company were obliged to return, fix months after the
completion of a voyage, the fam.e quantity of filvcr, .gold,
or foreign coin, as they had exported, the firfl voyage ex-
«^..«. cepted : this provifo was likewifc added, that ir within
the fpace limited by the charter, this monopoly fhould ap-
pear in any refpeCl detrimental to the pubhc, it fliould
then, upon two years warning under the privy-feal, be-
come null and void ; but if experience proved this new
corporation was for the weal and benefit of the nation, in
this cafe her majefty pafled her royal word, not only to
renew
EnglfJJj Eaft India Company. 26]
renew their charter, but to add fuch other claufes and
graces as ihould appear moft conducive to the intereft of
the commerce, the undertakers, and the kingdom in ge-
neral, the true end of all public enterprizes ' (N).
In confequence of this charter, the merchants of Lon- ^ n^^j^
don began to raife a joint flock for the execution of the raijed.
defign, which became fo popular, that in a Ihort time
feventy-two thoufarid pounds were paid into the treafurer^s
hands. A fleet of five flout fliips, confifting of the Dra-
gon, fix hundred tons ; the Hedor, three hundred tons ;
the Afcenfion, two hundred; the Swan, of two hundred;
and the Gueft, a flore-fhip, of one hundred and thirty
tons ; was equipped and manned at the expence of forty-
five thoufand pounds, the remainder of the capital being
fent in money and goods as a trading flock. This fqua-
dron, manned with four hundred and eighty flout fea-
men, under the dire£lion and condu£l of captain James a n <
Lancafter, put to fea the 13th of February, 1601 ; and '
after a fickly voyage, came to anchor in the road of Achen, a fleet
on the 5th of June, 1602 : here captain Lancafter fent the equipped.
queen's letter and prefent by an embafTy of feven of his of-
ficers and merchants to the king, which was received with
great fatisfadion and marks of favour and diftinftion. In
fiiort, fo happily did this expedition fucceed, that a treaty
was concluded with the king of Achen, and the following
privileges were granted to the Company : namely, free ^''.^^-^
entry and trade, duty-free, without regard to the goods );i„o of
imported or exported -, the power of making wills, and Achen.
difpofing of their eftates, when, and to whom they thought
fit ; ample fecurity as to all contrails and bargains ; in
' Rapin, ubi fvip. Harris's Col. p. 57, vol. i. Lediard, N. H. 377.
(N) The fubfcriptions, or hundred and ninety-one pounds
{hares, in this company were five flilllings, amounted to fe-
only fifty pounds originally, ven hundred and thirty-nine
The dIre6lors having a confi- thoufand feven hundred and
derablc dividend to make in the eighty-two pounds ten fliil-
year 1676, it was judged eli- lings; to which, if the profits
gible to add to the profits of of the Company to the year
the Hock, inilead of withdraw- 1685, that is, nine hundred
ing them. By this the fliares and fixty-three thouHind fix
were doubled, and became ad- hundred and thirty-nine pounds
vanced from fifty to a hun- be added, the whole flock will
dred pounds. Thus the ori- be one million feven hundred
ginal capital of three hundred and three thoufand four hun-
^nd fixty-nine thoufand eight red and twenty-two pounds.
which
263 HiJJory of the
"which. refpe£t the natives were bound to a punflual ob-
fervation of the meafures of juftice and fair dealing ; au-
thority to infli6l punifhments on their own delinquents,
without appealing to the civil magiftrates of the country j
an affiirance of fteady juflice in all cafes of injuries receiv-
ed from the fiatives, upon complaint made ; an exemp-
tion from arrefts upon goods or prizes; and laftiy, liberty
of confcience was granted, and the undifturbed exercife
of their own religion \ Having thus happily fettled this
important point, captain Lancafler finding the price of
pepper high, on account of the barrennefs of the preced-
ing year, he difpatched one of his (hips to the Moluccas,
and ere£led a factory in the ifland of Java. His reception
at Bantam was no lefs gracious than it had been at Achen ;
and fo fuccefsful in every refpe6t was this fleet, that it ex-
cited the jealoufy of the Portuguefe, who foon began to
Sueeefs and do the Englifh all the ill offices in their power. After
^I'"/?" ^^ completing his bufinefs, Lancafler fet fliil for England,
^-^^^ ' and arrived, after a profperous voyage, in the Downs, in
September, 1603, to the great joy and emolument of the
company "•
James I. fuccceding in the following year to the crown,
his majedy gave this nev/ eftablifhment all the counte-
nance fliewn it by his predeceflbr. This, and the profits
of their late adventure, determined the company to make
a freih attempt {O). Sir Henry Mi-ddleton was appointed
to
* Harris, uhi {up. Lediard, N. H p. 378. u Led. ibid.
(O) Pnrchas takes notice St, Domingo, and judge of
of an unfortunate voyage, be- Porto Rico, written to the
gun in 1596, by captain, king of Spain, and his coun-
Wood. Three ihips were cil of the Indies. It import-
fitted out at the charge of fir cd, that Wood had taken
Robert Dudley, previous to three Portuguefe fnips, fub-
the company's charter. They je<fts to his majelly (for the
failed from England, and crowns of Spain and Portugal
were defigned for China, were at this time united upon
having queen Elizabeth's let- one head, and at war with
ter to that emperor; but not England,) That foon after
one of the company ever re- a contagious diforder prevail-
turned to give an account of ed in the Englifh fleet, which
the fate of the reft. Some in- fwept off the whole crews, ex-
telligence of them was after- cept four men, who took to
wards received, from an in- the long-boat, and arrived,
tercepted letter of the audi- with fome rich efFefts, at aa
tor of the ro^al audience of ifland three leagues from St.
Dominiio,
Engl'ijh Eiift India Company. 269
to C0Tidu£l this expedition, at the head of three fhlps, A. D. 1604..
with all necefl'aries and aflbrtments. Arriving at Bantam .
in December, he deUvered his letters and prefents to the A fecond
king, which being well received, he left two of his (hips ^^'P^^^tton
to take in a cargo of pepper, and failed with the third ro ^ Middle-
the Moluccas, the natives fhewing him all manner of re- ton.
fpecl: and civility both here and at Bantam. The Dutch T/iecondu^
already began to view with jealoufy the fuccefs of a na- oftff^
tion, whofe advantages and talents for trade were at leaft "'^ *
equal to their own. They therefore put in practice every
bafe and mean art to prejudice them with the natives, re-
prefenting them as cruel, perfidious, and ambitious ; of
having intentions very different from the views of fair com-
merce. However, in defiance of all their calumnies and
afperfions, Sir H. Middleton found means of making him-
felf acceptable to the kings of Bantam, Ternate, and Ty-
dore ^. The Dutch and Portuguefe were at this time at
war, not indeed in their ov/n names, but as allies to the
kings of Ternate and Tydore, the former fiding with the
king of Ternate, and the latter taking part with the fove-
reign of Tydore. The Dutch writers accufe Middleton The poor
of partiality againft the Hollanders on this occafion, though <^efence of
indeed they acknowlcs:e, that it arofe from his ignorance ^ ^^ ^"^<="'
c ^ • r • y ] ' 1 ' n ° 1 1 'writers
01 certam lorms witn which an entire itranger could net ,^,/,^ ^^^.
be fuppofed to be acqtiaiilted ; therefore their own coun- tend to
trymen cannot be acquitted" dif 'the mean jealoufy and infir 'vindicate
dious arts laid to their charge, as their only |}lea is a tref- '^^^*
pafs arifing from ignorance in the EngHfh admiral ^ This
conduct of the Dutch to^A^rds'oui' countrymen in the very
infancy of the Indian commerce, gave occafion to thofe
difputcs which enfued between both nations, and ended
in the fatal cataftrophe at Amboyna.
^ Led. N. H. vol. ii. x Voyage Generale des Voyages par
Prevoft, tora.ii. p. i6».
Domingo. ^ Three of thefe Englifhmen, was feized, and
were furprifed and murdered the treafure taken from
by the Spaniards, the fourth him. During the profecution
efcaping on a piece of timber againft him, Don Rodrigo
to St. Domingo. Hedifcover- procured the furviving Eng-
ing himfelf to the governor, lilhman, the only evidence
revealed... the v/liole affair; againft him, to be poifoned ;
upon which Don Rodrigo de and thus perillied the attempt
Fuentes, who commanded to open a paiTagc into India
the party that affailed the (i).
(») Harris's ColL vol. i. p. 57,
It
270 Hiftory of the
It would be unneceflary to purfue Middleton in his voy-
age to the Moluccas, and through every ftep of his con-
du(^ there and at Bantam ; fufficient it is to obferve, that
two of his fliips having completed their cargoes, fet fail
for Europe before his return. One of thefe v/as loft in
her paflage, and the other he overtook in a diftreffed con-
Hii return '^'-tion at the Cape of Good Hope. Returning from thence
andjuccefs. to England he arrived in the Downs, on the 6th of May,
1606, with letters and prefents from the kings of Bantam
and Tydore to king James, and a rich and valuable cargo,
fuch as had never been feen from India in Enghfli bottoms y.
During fir Henry Middleton's abfence, another fleet was
fent under John Davis, an expert pilot, to the Indies. Be-
fore his arrival at Bantam, Middleton had failed about
^ir Ed' three weeks for England. Sir Edward Michelbourn, who
•ward Mi' commanded in chief, but in fome refpeiSts under the di-
chelbourn's redtion of Davis, coming into the roads of Bantam, was in-
Ithfndies f^^^^^ H ^^^ Englifli fadors of the arts the Dutch had ufed
to prejudice them, and the danger which they ftood in of
being opprelled by force, if fraud could not prevail. Upon
this notice fir Edward weighed anchor, and fteered directly
to the Dutch fleet, fending their admiral a meflage, that
Wsfpirited i^ either dire£l or indiredl methods were taken to difturb
£ondu£land the Englifh fadtories, he would immediately ufe his power
jtrri'val in to avenge them, and fink the Dutch fleet. In confequence
$.ngland» of this declaration the Dutch remained quiet during the
ftay of the Englifh admiral, which was but fhort ; for he
returned with his fleet to Portfmouth in June 1606 % foon
after the arrival of fir H. Middleton.
S E C T. II.
Containing an Account of Keeling s Voyage ; the ConduEl
of the Dufchy Turkst and Portuguefe to hiniy ■ and
other Officers of the Company y with the Succefs of fe-
deral different Expeditions.
KeeUnp's T^ ^ -^ former voyages had been fo profperous, that the.
txpediuon% company, . refolving to purfue their good fortune^
iQ Bandat equipped a fourth fleet, under the conducSl of captain Wil-
liam, iveeling. In this expedition three fhips were em-
ployetl, and about three hundred and ten feamen, befides
the fcrvants of the company. Upon his arrival at Banda,
y I.ui. N. l\. p. 39c, " Prevoft, 3. V. *. 174,
Keeling
EngllfJo Eaft India Company. 271
Keeling found he had to combat not only the diiTicukles
which naturally occur in a new eftablifhed commerce, but
likewife to furmount numberlefs obftruftions laid in his
way by the Dutch. Among other practices of the Hol-
landers one deferves particular mention (P). The Englifli
had contracted with the natives of Pooloway, for the
fettHng a factory in that ifland, which was oppofed by all
the intrigue, chicane, and tricks of the Dutch. The l/ttrigues of
Englifh, in the mean time, having intelligence that the the Dutch-
Hollanders propofed ere£ling a fort at Banda, and know-
ing the confequences of it to their trade, propofed to
fome of the chief natives, that a forrqal delivery of it fliould
be made to them, in the name, and for the ufe of the
king of England, for a valuable confideration, before the
Dutch had entered upon the execution of their proje6t.
This propofal was reliflied in appearance, though in fadl
it was a fecret connivance between the Dutch and the na-
tives to deceive the Englifh. Purchas foys^ that the na- A.D. i5o7.
tives actually figned a furrender, in the flrongeft terms,
to the Englifh ; but, be that as it may, it is certain that
they defigned nothing lefs than performing it. In fact,
both the Englifh and Bandanefe were deceived by the cun-
ning of the Hollanders, who treated them_ both with the
utmofl contem.pt and infolence after their fort was com-
pleted, and they could bid them defiance. The refent- Refentmsnt
ment of the Bandanefe foon after confirmed the fufpicion of the Ban-
of the artful conduct of the Dutch ; for they put the refi- ^"^'^'
dent and feveral of the Dutch council to death ; having
firft, with great addrefs, drawn them out of the fort. A
general mallacre would have followed, had not the Englifh
interpofed, and taken the Dutch into their pretention ;
though they were requited by unreafonable reflraints upon
their commerce ; and at laft, by a peremptory order,
to depart before they had fully completed their car-
goes. However, in fpite of ingratitude, intrigue, and
« V. 4. See Keeling's Voyage.
(P) On his arrival at the with the oran cayas of Pool-
ifland of Nero, he delivered ovvay, to fettle a trade with
his majefty's letter and pre- them, and eredt a faftory
fents to the cram cayas, or there, receiving of them two
Jiates of the ifland^ which were hundred and twenty-five ca-
well received. The fame he tees of mace, and thirteen
did at Lantore, or Proper hundred and feven pounds of
Banda, and with equal fuc- nutmegs.
cefs. Afterwards he agreed
unjuft
272 Hijlory of the
unjuft oppofitlon, this voyage proved remarkably fuccefs-
ful, efpecially at the Moluccas, notwithftanding all the
attempts of the infidious Hollanders ^
Keeling's Keeling returned to the Dovi^ns, with a rich lading, in
Juccejs^ May, 1 6 1 o ; and what is very extraordinary, without the
lofs of a man. Among other things, he brought home
three thoufand four hundred and eighty-one bags of pep-
per. Captain David Middleton had been fent by Keeling
to the Moluccas, where he received part of his loading ;
with which fetting fail, he entered the ftreights of Ban-
gaya, receiving great marks of civility from the king of
Botun, who came on board his fhip. After completing
his cargo from fome Java veflels, he returned to Bantam ;
but the admiral having departed, he fleered his courfe for
England, where he arrived after a profperous and very
profitable voyage. Captain William Hawkins had been
fent out with this fleet in quality of an ambaflador, to fettle
a treaty of friendfhip and comm.erce with the Great Mo-
gul 5 which commilTion he executed with addrefs, pru-
dence, and fuccefs ''.
With this fpecial privilege of exporting their goods to
the extremities of the Indies, the Englifh Eaft India com.-
pany wanted one advantage which other nations enjoyed.
The Spaniards and Portugucfe had harbours of \Vhich they
were abfolute m. afters ; forts v/hich they had built and
fecured by garrifons and regular fortifications ; whole pro-
vinces, of which they acquired poffefTion either by trea-
chery or the right of war, and over which they exerted an
abfolute and defpotic fway. The Dutch, after their ex-
ample, had begun to fortify themfelves in different places,
by which means they kept the inhabitants in fubjeftion,
and affumed a kind of exclufive property in thofe places,
preventing the natives from carrying on any fort of tralHck'
with flrangers*=. The voyages or the Englifh company'
were hitherto necefTarily precarious, depending not only^
on the uncertainty of feafons and markets, which were
frequently engrolTed or anticipated by others, but alfo on
the will of the Dutch and other powers, who, in confe-
qucnce of their forts, could cither exclude them from, or
admit them into the harbours. Thus were they fubfer-
vient both to the caprice of other Europeans fettled in In-
dia, and of the natives, v^'ho frequently had a diftafte to
Europeans of all nations. Their fuccefs depended en-
a Led. N, H. 404. Harris's Coll. P. P. 79. »^ Purcbas, ib'd.
c Rccueildes Voyagts, torn. v:)i.
tlrtly
Englijh Eajl India Company, 17^
tirely on chance, the civility of the natives, and the eflab-
lifhed Europeans, or upon the addrefs and courage of their
officers and factors j but daily experience, and the prac- •
tice of other nations, foon convinced them of the neceffity
of fupporting the fimple title of merchants by power.
Thus refledion, experience, example, honour, and in-
tereft, all coincided to make the company depart from
their firft principles, and eftablifli a different condutl,
however they might have exclaimed againft the ufurpa-
tions of Spain, Portugal, and the Dutch. The late treat- iV>r^^/y <?/
ment which Middleton met with at Banda confirmed them forts and
in their refolution to follow the maxims of other ftates, i^^rifons,
and oppofe force by force : but to fucceed effeftually in
this, the authority and power of a new-formed company
was infufficient, and the, court was too much engaged
otherways to lend the neceffary affiftance. The fuccefs A.D.1609.
of their voyages, and the money faved to the nation, ^ ^
which foreigners were v/ont to drain from it by fupplying
us with their commodities ; the great acquifition of wealth
and other profits to England, by the exportation of her
manufa6lures and produce, and of India goods and ma-
nufadures fold to other Europeah ftates, were indeed
ftrong arguments with the king and miniilry, to counte-
nance a company that appeared fo beneficial to the public.
Accordingly their charter was enlarged to what extent
they required, bu^ no national force fent out for their
affiftance. However they refolved, by perfeverance, to
overcome all difficulties, and reap the fruits of fo'many 1 he com-
advances. They now began to build their own fhips, fa^y buildt
which they had formerly purchafed of the Hanfe town^s; ^J^^oivn
a corifiderable advantage to them and to the nation in gene- "^ ^''^'
ral. Two (hips had been fent out, in the year 1607, to
the coafts of Arabia and the Red Sea, with indifferent Captain
fuccefs. In 1608 captain Middleton was a fecond time J^i^^^^^onU
difpatched, with a fingle fiiip, to the Moluccas, where the '^'2>'^^'»
Dutch formed a defign of feizing his ihip ; notv/ithftand-
ing which he had the addrefs to efcape, and failed for
England with a prodigious rich cargo, having brought
home, it it faid, one hundred and thirty-nine tons of nut-
megs, the fame quantity of mace, befides pepper, and
other valuable commodities ^,
This fuccefs infpirited the company to higher attempts |
accordingly, they built a fliip of twelve hundred tons bur-
then, their fir II effay in. naval architedlure, and the fineft
^ Dodfley's Kift. vol. ii.
Mod, Vol. Vm. T and
274 Bijlory of the
The com- ^^^ largeft {hip which had ever been built in England, ae
pany builds the fame time a proof of the company's wealth, and of
ajkip of their fpij-it foj. commerce. A pinnace of two hundred and
^lulvdred ^^^^ ^°"^ ^^^ like wife built to accompany her as a tender.
tonu This 'was then efteemed a matter of fo much moment and
utility to the public, tliat the king and prince of Wales,
with a great number of the firft nobility, were prefent at
their launching. So great was the magnificence of the
company, and the public joy on this occafion, that all the
rich utenfils ufed at the entertainment given his majefty
on board, were left 40 be taken away by the by-ftanders
and populace. The greater vefl'el was named by his ma-
jefty the Trade's Increafe, and the pinnace, called the
Pepper Corn, by the prince of Walesa
A D i6io. During thefe preparations two fhips, under the conduct
■■' "' ' " of captain Sharpey, were fent to Achen in Sumatra,
Voyage of _ from whence they returned with great fuccefs, before the
^WdMetcn ^^^^^ ^^^^ "^^'^^ ready to fail. Ivlow the Trade's Increafe and
Pepper Corn were equipped for fea, with two other fliips,
under fir Henry Middleton, in the fpring of the year. In
Purchas and Harris, efpecially in the former, we have a
minute and circumftantial detail of his voyage, and par-
ticularly of the ill ufage the admiral received frdm the
Turks at Mocha-, his imprlfcnment and efcape ; the info-
knee of the Pcrtuguefe at Surat, and the defeat of their
fleet by the Englifh ; the taking of feveral Portiiguefe and
Indian (hips, and the farther fuccefs of the voyage. Not
to pafs over all thefe circumllances in filence, at Mocha,
fir Henry, after delivering his majelly's letters and prefents
to the bafhaw and aga, was received with all poflible marks
of diltin<f!:ion and friendfhip ; a fan-fhine that was foon fol-
lowed by a tempell: of misfortunes. The civilities of the
Turks were intended to enfnare the admiral, and to al-
hn-e him and his officers on ihore, as well as to entice their
fliipg into their harbours-,- but difappointed in the latter
part of their fcheme, they feli upon the admiral, killed
eight of his attendants, wounded himfelf and fourteen
men, and, after ftripping them, threw them chained into
a dungeon. They next made an afiault upon one of the
ihips, but were repulfed with great lofs. Finding that
open force could not reduce the (hips into their power, they
threatened the admiral with death and the torture if he
did not order th:em to furrcnder y but Sir Henry, prefer-
ring the moft excruciating tortures and death to an igno-
• Lediard'iN. li. p. 417,
' . mlnious
- Englijh Eaft India Company. 275
Kimrous life, and the lofs of honour, bravely defied them,
and triumphed over their menaces and cruelty. After fix
months imprifonment he found means, with moft of his
attendants, to make his efcape, and arrive at the fhips,
which had lain in harbour on the Abyilmian fhore. He
had now an opportunity of (hewing his refentment, which
he did accordingly in a meiiage to the aga ; that if he did
not inftantly releafe the remaining prifoners, and render
ample fatisfa£lion for the damages he received, he would
fink^ all the fliips in the road, and afterwards batter the
town about his ears. This menace had its effecSt ; his
men and pinnace were fet at liberty, and eighteen
thoufand rials of eight paid him for damages **.
..From hence he fteeied his courfe to Surat, where he ConduSi of
was informed that the Portuguefe, with a fleet of twenty ^^^ Po^'^-
ihips, well provided, lay at the bar to intercept him 5 at ^/J/at^
leaft to prevent his carrying on any commerce there. Hav-
ing no alternative, but either lofing his voyage, or fight-
ing his way with a greatly inferior force, he chofe the
latter as moil honourable, and fuccefs crowned his refo-
iution. He not only, after a fiiarp engagement, broke
through the enemy, but entirely difperfed thenl, with the
lofs of their ihips, which he took. Notwithstanding this
profperity, he ftill met with infurmountabie obftrutlions
from the infinuations and influence of the Jefuits ; and
after a ferics of noble but unfuccefsful conduct, was at
lafl compelled to leave Surat, without efFe6ling any thing
material to his defign. Captains HawkinSj Sharpey, and
the whole faclory, were likewiie forced to abandon it,
without having time allowed them to call in their debts*
From Surat the fleet fleered to Dabul, where it had better SirHenrf$
fortune; and as an addition to it. Sir Henry had an op- ^""^^"g^^
portunity of being farther revenged on the Portuguefe,
Here he took two of their fhips, richly laden •, after which
he returned to the Red Sea, and procured farther fatls-
fa^lion for the damages fuilained at Mocha, by feizing fc-
-venteen Indian fhlps, from fifteen hundred to two hundred
tons burthen, all rich cargoes* As the inhabitants of Mocha
were deeply concerned in this fleet, it was ranfomed for a
large fum, after It had been pillaged by the Englifh fea-
men. From Mocha Sir Henry went to Bantam, where
he died ; but the fleet returned to England ?. jjis dtatL
f Pujchas, vol. i. Hill, of his Voyage. e Led. Nav. liift.
P 427.
, T a While
2^6
*The Hi/lory of the
liitpon
ntoyage.
A.D. 1611. While Sir Henry was abfent, the Globe, captain HIp-
pon, was fent upon a trading voyage to Bantam, in which
he met with numberlefs difficulties from the bafe condu£l
of the Dutch ; one inilance of whichit may not be amifs
to fpecify. The king of Narfinga, who had given the
Englifh an invitation to eftablifh a factory in his dominions,
dying while Hippon was there, the governor of the Dutch
fort took, the advantage of the confufion that event occa-
l:oned, to put off the payment of a juft debt to the Englifh,
though they were ready to depart. Hippon tried all in
his power to fettle the affair by fair means; but finding
this ineffe6lual, he determined upon force, and to feize
either the governor or his fon's perfon. The laft aim he
accompliflied in prefence of four thoufand fpeclators,
who made not the fmalleft refiftance ; and the gover-
nor was compelled to pay a juft debt as a ranfom for his
fon ''.
This year three more {hips were fent out, under the
command of captain John Saris; the expence of which
Captain
Sarins
Jucc^/s ^" equipment amounted to fixty thoufand pounds ; fo that in
all, the company'had a prodigious venture at fea, in the
bottoms of eight fhips. Saris intended a trading voyage
to the Red Sea, Java, the Moluccas, and Japan ;_ in the
laft cf which he was, if poflible, to eftabliOi a commerce,
which had not hitherto been attempted by the Englifh.
Saris, after vifiting the kings of Firando arid- Goto, by
whom he was favourably received, went by land to
Suranga, the emperor's refidence. Here he had the ho-
nour of an audience of his imperial majefty ; and deliver-
ing k'm^ James's letter and prefent, was not only gracioufly
received, and kindly treated, but fuccefsful in obtaining a
grant for the company of certain very important privi-
leges, together with letters and prefents from the emperor
and king of Firando, to the king of England, and affur-
ances of a conftant and warm friendftiip for hismajefty (Q_)*
This
•* Puichas's Pi'.grira, ubi fup.
( Qw) The following prlri-
leges were granted by Ogoftio-
fama, emperor of Japan, to the
Eaft India company.
I. We give free licence to the
fuhje(3s of the king of Great
Kriijin ; namely, Sir Thomas
" Sinythe, governor, &c. for
ever, fafely to come to any-
port of our empire of Japan,
with their fliips and mer-
chandizes, without any hin-
drance to them or tht'irgoods;
and to reiide, buy, fell,, and
barter after their own man-
ner, with ali nations ; to
itay
EngltJIo Eajl India Company*
This fleet returned to England in September 1614, after
having performed a very fuccefsful voyage, butHippon did
not
^^r
flay here, or go at their
pleafure.
II. We grant them freedom of
cuftom for all fuch merchan-
dize as either now they have
brought, or hereafter fliall
bring into our kingdoms, or
fliall from hence tranfport to
any foreign port. And we do
authorize thofe fliips that
hereafter fliall arrive from
England, to proceed to pre-
fent fale of their commodi-
ties, without the expence or
trouble of fending up to
court.
III. If any of their fliips fliould
happen to be in danger of
fliipwreck, we do ftraitly
enjoin our, fubjeds not only
to affift them, but to return
fuch part of the fliip and
goods as fliall be faved to the
captain, merchants, or their
affignees. And we do de-
cree, that they may build
one or more houfes for their
own ufe in any part of our
empire, and at their depar-
ture to make fale thereof.
IV. If any of the Englifli mer-
chants', or others, Ihall de-
part this life within our do-
minions, the goods of the
deceafed fliall remain at the
difpofal of the Britilh factors.
We ordain likewife, that all
delinquents be pUnifhed by
their own m«giltrates, and
according to their own laws,
without appeal to the civil
power of the nation, which
have no power over their
perfons or goods..
V. We will that our fubjec^s
trading with chem for any
of their commodities, pay
them for the fame according
to agreement, without delay,
or return of the commodity
fo bought.
VI. For fuch commodities they
now have brought, or fhall
hereafter bring, fitting for
our fervice, and proper ufe,
we will that no arreft be
made thereof, but that the
price be fettled with the
company's fa6lor, according
as they fell to others, and
immediate payment, upon
delivery of the goods.
VII. If in difcovery of other
countries for trade, and re-
turn of their Hiips, they fliall
need men or viduals, it is
our pleafure that our fubjcds
furnifhthem fortheirmoney,
as 'their occaflous fliall re-
quire. ,
VIII. And that without other
paflport, they fliall and may
fet out upon the difcovery
of Yeadzo, or any other-part
in or about our empire.——
Frona our caflile in Saranga,
&c.
A council of merchants and
officers being called, it was
determined, for the following
reafons, to fettle a faftory in
Firando, in Japan ; namely,
the encouragement which by
private intelligence there was
reafon to exped in the Mo-
luccas ; the large privileges
obtained of the emperor of
Japan ; the certain advice of
the Englifli factories at Siam '
and Patane ; the commodities
left unfold intended for thofc
parts, and the hoped-for profit
T 3 upon
^75 ^he Htftory of tie
not return till the year 1616 ; he having fpent four years
in his voyage, chiefly \owing to the intrigues of the
Dutch, who omitted no opportunity of raiiing obftacles
in his way K
But belides the obftruftions and impediments thrown
out by the Dutch, to prevent the progrefs of the Englifti
commerce in the Eaft, their late profperity was attended
with a new inconvenience. The Portuguefeufed all their
endeavours to hinder their trafficking upon the Mogul's
coafts, a circumflance which obliged the company to be
at a great expence in equipping the next fleet that put to
fea, anno 161 2. This armament confiftx^d of four ftout
fhips, well manned and mounted, under the command of
"Bep^i captain Thomas Beft, a refolute officer. Bed arriving at
moyage \ Surat in September, applied himfelf diligently to the efta-^
blifhm.ent of a fat^ory, in which he was countenanced by
the governor, and all the Mogul's officers in the city.
But intelligence of his a£livity and fuccefs coming to Goa,
the Portuguefe governor fitted out a fquadron of four large
galleons, and twenty-fix frigates, having on board five
thoufand men, with one hundred ancl thirty pieces of
great ordnance ''. The little Enghffi fquadron .was at
anchor at the bar of Surat, when they iirft difcovered a
fleet of two hundred and* forty Portuguefe merchantmen,
fleering from Cambaya. This alarmed the Englifh com-
modore ; however, he foon perceived they had no inten-
4ejeats thi tion to-moleft him. As he was comforting- himfelf with
Ptirtuguefe. ^.j^jg agreeable hope, he received advice of the armament
equipped at Gca againft him, which was in full fail to
drive him from the Mogul's ports, notwithftanding the
emperor's grant for eflabliihing fadories at Surat, Cam-
baya, Amadavar, or wherever elfe the Engiifli thought
proper. Beft determined to fland his ground, or perifh
in defence of his right. He no fooner defcried the Por-
tuguefe admiral, than weighing anchor, he went to meet,
and got in the midft of the fleet, before he fired a (hot.
J Harris's Colleft, vol. i. p. 227. k Led. Hift. p. 430.
iipon them, from what ex- of a faftory, and with orders
perience had (hewn. Eight to make all poiTible difcoveries
Englifh, three Japanjarabades, of the coalts, ports, manners
or interpreters, and two fer- of the natives, and produdions
yants, were accordingly con- of the countries (2 j*
.ftituted, and left with the name
(«) Purchas, vol. U p. 379*
Here
EngUp Eaft India Company, ^79
l^ere he poured his broadfides and fmall fliot fo thick up-
on the enemy, that they chofe not to engage him that
day ; nor till the admiral had deliberated upon the manner
of attacking the Englifh fury, as he was called/ The two
fleets lay that night at anchor, within a fmall diftance of
each other ; the Portuguefe admiral holding a council of
war, and Bell animating his men, reminding them, that
they were Engliflimen, who had often triumphed over
Spaniards ; and telling them, that their only fafety con-
fifted in an obflinate defence, and refolut-e fpirit; which,
with their fmall force, and great courage,, would be able
to refift ail the attacks of this formidable navy. Next Thi battk.
morning, weighing anchor, both fleets engaged with' great
fury ; the enemy relying upon numbers, and the Englifh
putting all their hopes in their valour. They plied the
enemy fo warmly, that three of the large galleons were
driven on the fands, where the Ofiander, one of the Eng-
lifli veffels, continued pouring her fhot upon them io
warmly, that not a man could ftand upon deck, or at the
guns. In the afternoon, the galleons being a-float again, ^
with the tide of flood, the Portuguefe renewed the aSion,
but with as little fuccefs as before ; and at lafl: were forced
to fheer oiF with the lofs of his. honour, and oi twelve
hundred men. Sardar Chaune, a great nobleman of the
Mogul's court, who happened to fee the action from ftiore,
was fo taken with the bravery of the Englifh admiral, that
he fent for him, treated him fumptuoufly, and made him
valuable prefents. The Portuguefe fleet, after refitting
and recruiting, returned again to Surat, with intention
to fight the Englifh at fea. This defign gave great uneafi-
nefs to Sardar Chaune, who did all in his power to pre- ^
vail on Bed to make his efcape by a fpeedy flight -, but
Bed's conitant reply was, that numbers would never
frighten him out ofiis duty, which he was determined to ^^
purfue, amidft every difhculty and danger. He a fecond
time attacked the Portuguefe ; and in the fpace of four
hours, drove them entirely out of fight, in prefence of
thoufands of the natives, who crowded to the fhore to fee .
this extraordinary and unequal engagement. In fhort, the The repU"
fame of the Englifh hero foon reached the Mogul's court, tatim
and raifed h^s aflonifhment no lefs than it gained his ''^^'^'^'^p ^'^
efleem ; for he always imagined, that no nation was equal f^J/^ta^^
in fkill and valour to the Portuguefe at fea. The brave courU
-captain, after making the bed ufe of his vi6^ory for the
prbfperity of the factory, fet fail for Achen, and obtained
of the king, a ratification and renewal of the former treaty
T 4 - with
^8o ne Hijlory of the
A.D.1614. with the Englifh. Thence he went to the ifland of Java,
*■ where taking on board a rich cargo, he departed for
Britain, and arrived in the river in the month of July,
' ' anno 1614'.
Sir Thomas Smythe, then governor of the company,
was employed to remonftrate to the king, that it would be
not only to the advantage of the company's affairs, but
highly to the honour of the nation, if a perfon of rank and
diilintlion were fent to the court of the Great Mogul, veil-
ed with the chai;a£ler of ambaffador to the emperor, in-
(lead of the agent the company retained at the court of that
Sir Tho, monarch. Sir Thomas Roe was accordingly fent out in
Roe fent ^j^jg j^- |^ quality, and captain Keeling, or, as fome hifto-
io the nans ararm, captam JNicnoias Uownton, was ordered to
Greaf Mo^ f^^ with four fine ihips, to convoy him to India ; where
^u(, he was fafely landed, and afterwards performed his com*
miffion with great fuccefs. He attended the court for fe-;
veral months, ingratiated himfelF with the emperor, from
whom he received valuable prefcnts ; and at iall obtained
fome very confiderable privileges., grants, and immunities
for the Britiih company. Sir Thomas's journal affords
matter of great entertainment as well as utility ; and froni
his account of the Mogul empire (R), did the Eaft.indi^
com-?
1 Purchas, vol. i. Prevoft's Hift. des Voy. torn, ii,
(R) Sir Thomas Roe went allthe Peflian dominions ; and
from the Mogul's court to that allow them a moiety of the
ofPerfia; when Shah Abbgs, cuftoms raiTed upon merchan-
a prince worthy of a crown, dize in the gulf. On the other
finding the Pcrtuguefe fettled hand, the arp.baffador agreed,
♦ at Ormuz, extremely trouble- not only to d'ive the Portu-
fome, by the perpetual incur- guefe from Ormuz, but rokeep
iions of their light frigates, en- conllantly two flr'ips in the gulf
tered into a treaty with the for the prote(^ir?n of the trade,
Englifh ambaffador. The king In confequence (jf tins treaty,
offered any reafonable indul- the company immediately fent
gence to the Englifh trading in out a fleet of five (hips, a-
Perfia^ provided they would mounting to forty guns each,
aflift his land army with a fleet, taken altogether. Shah Abbas
to expel the Portuguefe from likewife fent an army of fifty
the gulf of Perfia. The con- thoufand men, with trankies
ditions of this treaty were, that for tranfports to land them on
the fiiah fhould defray the the ifland of Ormuz. The
charges of the expedition ; Englifli foon deftroyed the Por-
grant the Englifli a free trade, tuguefe fleet ; but had one of
without duty or impofl, over their flfips funk by the fire
from
Englifh Eaft India. Company, 281
company receive very accurate and diftindi lights into the
nature of the trade *".
The Eafl India company hegan now to extend her power, Setilements
and the fovereignty of her mother country, over different of the India
parts of India. In the year 1616, they had feitlements and company,
fa£lories at Bantam, Jacatra, Surat, Amadavas, Agra,
Azmiro, Brampore (S), Calecut, MafuHpatan, FatapoH,
Patana, Siam, Bencarmaflxs, Socodonia, Macaflar, Achen,
Jambe, Tevv^o, Ferando in Japan, Japar, Banda, '^ &c.
The ifland of Banda.was, by their induflry, procured to
the crown of England j the inhabitants furrendering it by
a formal inflrument, after their quarrel with the Dutch. ^
Notwithfhanding this, the Hollanders ftill attempted to re-
duce thofe places under their own power, pretending they
founded their claim upon a more ancient furrender. The
Englifh foon after procured Lantore, by a like folemn in-
ftrument.
Previous, however, to this event, many fuccefsful
voyages had been made to various parts of the continent,
and iflands of Alia and Africa. Among others, in the A.D.i6ie.
year 1615, a fhip was fent, with Sir Robert Shirley and
Sir Thomas Pov/ell, ambafladors from the crown for the Sir T. Shir.
Eaft India company, to Perfia. Nothing memorable in 'o'/^"^ ""-
the voya<Te occurred, befides a plot formed by the Balu- '^°-y '^ ^^^'
■' ° ' ^ '' fia^ on ac-
m Purcbas,vol. i. Prevoft's Hlft. des Voy. torn. ii. ^ ^^'^^^^' company,
Harleian. Voy. torn. viii. p. 249, -^*
from the caftle. In the fpace of the contrail ; viz. keeping
of two months, the Portuguefe the gulf clear. It ought to be
were forced to capitulate, upon obferved, that the Englifb had
no other terms, than liberty to a fmall fettlementonthe coall:,
depart without bnggage. The previous to this tranfadlon,
plunder, which was equally about feven leagues from the
divided between the king's mouth of the gulf to the eaft-
forces and the Englifti, was ward, called Jafques ; but it
very great. And tradition af- was continually harrafled by
firms, that fo immenfe was the the Portuguefe fi).
quantity of bullion, that it was (S) Calecut is the capital of
meafured by long-boats. Shah Samorin, a country flretching
Abbas was punftual in the ob- along the fea-coaft from Ticori
fervance of his engagements, to Chitwa. The Engllfii had
which were facredly kept by formerly a fettlement there;
his fucceffor, till the year which was afterwards removed
1680; at which time the In- to Tellichery.
dia company failed in their part
(1) -Hamilton's Hid. of the Eall Indies, vol. i. p. 102.
chcsj
2^2 Htjlory of the
ches, a people tribuUry to the crown of Per/ia, for feizing
the perfons of the Englifh miniiters ; but their defign was
defeated, and the commiflion of the ambafiadors executed
to its full extent. Next year another fleet, befides that
with Sir Thomas Roe, confifting of four fhips, was dif-
patched to Surat, and other parts of the Eaft Indies. In
Odl:ober, they arrived at Surat, and found the natives and
Portuguefe at open war. In January, the Portuguefe ad-
miral, with a fleet of fix galleons, three men of war, and
about fixty frigates, bore down on the Englifh, faid to be
commanded by/ Downton. The Hope, a fliip of three
hundred tons burthen, bravely began the fight, by attack-
ing the Portuguefe, before the other three Englifh fhips
were come up. She fought defperately with four galleons,
and was often boarded by the frigates, but as often repulf-
ed the enemy, fkrewing her decks with the bodies of the
Fortuguefe flain. At laft, as fhe was ready to fink under numbers,
defeoudby {^q Englifh commodore came up, who foon turned the
' 'th **^nat ^^"^^t obliging the Portuguefe on bbard the Hope, to fave
tt£f, themfelves by leaping over-boar^i into the fea. The vice-
iroy of Goa, who was on board the Portuguefe admiral,
perceiving that force could not prevail againft an eiiemy,
fent numbers of fire-fhips among them, which the Englifh
had the addrefs and good fortune to efcape. Defeated in
every attempt, he retreated with equal diflionour and pre-
cipitation, leaving to Downton the glory of having tri-
umphed over a fleet of ten times hrs number and flrength.
The Englifh, having finifhed their commerce, fee fail for
Bantam \ but were fcarce clear of the bar, when they de-
fcried another Portuguefe fleet, fuperior in flrength to the
former. After offering bat.tle, Downton proceeded on his
voyage, and arrived fafe at the ifland of Java, where this
brave officer died °, Here they found it matter of the ut-
moil difljculty to complete their cargoes of mace, &e.
without involving themfelves in quarrels with the Dutch j
who, they had certain advice, had exerted the moft def-
potic tyranny and arbitrary meafures over the Englifli fet-
tlement at MacafTar. At laft, after completing their lad-
A.D. i6i^. ingSj they arrived in England, A. D. 1616, after a prof-
■ perous voyage.
We find in Purchas, a journal of a voyage performed this
year to Surat, and from thence to Jafque in Perfia, by
captain Child. At the former place he had an engagement
with the Portuguefe carracks, which lafted three days, and
• Purchas, ibid. Ledard. Nav.Hift. p. 4j».
conrluded
Englijh Eajl India Company.
283
concluded in his favour ; he having burnt one of the largefl: Portu^ueft
fhips of the enemy. Purchas, Harris, and a number of carrack
other collectors of voyages, recite feveral letters from the burnt»
Eaft Indies, in this and the enfuing year ; with particular
relations of the injuries fuftained by our faftories and trade
from the Dutch. To mention them minutely^ would be
to write a volume, they were fo many and various. It is
fufficient that we have it, upon inconceftable authority, that
no treachery which malice, envy, and jealoufy could fug-
geft, was left unpraftifed. The great ilrides the company
had made towards procuring a competent fhare in the fpice-
trade, their infmuating manner with the Indians, and their
great fuccefs, ferved only to haften the deftru£lion of their
moft valuable traffick (T). Repeated accounts arriving in
Europe
(T) Mr. Thomas Spurway,
faftor for the Englifn company
at Banda, in a letter to his
conftituents, acquaints them,
that when he was at MacaiTar
with captain Courthop, in No-
vember, 1616, a large Dutch
fnip came within five leagues
of land, aiid fenther boat with
eight men on fliore : that the
Englifh met the Dutch at their
landing, and told them, their
lives were. in danger, for that
the king and c< urt of Macaflar
were highly enraged againfl:
them, on account of fome late
outrages their countrymen had
committed. While they were
delivering this intelligence, the
natives aflembled about them ;
and the king, with a body of
two thoufand men, came down
to the fea-iide, with intention
to deflroy the Hollanders, had
not the intreaties of the Eng-
lifh prevailed and faved them.
Next day the Dutch captain
was imprudent enough to fend
another boat, with fixteen men
armed ; which fo provoked the
king, that he ordered his curra
curroes, or Jlmllops, to board
tier, which they did, and put
every foul to death, hewing
them in pieces. This Dutch
crew, upon their arrival at
Amboyna, were ungrateful
enough to report, that the
Englifti had llirred up the Ma-
caffars to commit this maflacre.
Spurway farther relates, that
on the 24th of October, the
oran cayas, or ftates of Poo-
loway and Poleroon, came on
board Courthop, to treat about
a formal furrender of their
iilands to the Englifh, in con-
lideration of their being pro-
te6ted againfl Dutch ufurpa-
tion, and annually fupplied
with rice, cloathing, and other
necelTaries by the Englifh,
Captain Courthop demanding,
whether they ever had made
any contra6l with the Hollan-
ders, or entered upon any ar-
ticles of a furrender, they
all replied, they never had,
nor would, upon any terms,
with men they efteemed their
mortal enemies. In December,
1 6 16, articles of ceflion, or
furrender of thofe iflands to the
king of England, were execut-
ed by the oran cayas of the
iilands, and delivered into the
hand^
284 Hijlory of the
Europe of the divifions between the Engllfli and the Dutch
fettlements, negociations were fet on foot for adjufting
treatttifet thefe mercantile affairs p. For this purpofe, king James
en foot be- j^^d iffued out two feveral commiffions for treaties on this
^F^Tfh nd^^^^'^ the one in 16 1 3^, when the conferences were held
j^ut'ch, ^'^ London ; the other in 161 5, when this affair was can-
which end vafTed at the Hague -, both times to no manner of effe£t.
in nothing. The Dutch even boafled, that their money could deter-
mine the Engliih court which way they pleafed ; and faid,
that every thing there was viewed through the medium of
corruption; and a certain price affixed to each of the
virtues *'.
A firong -^"^ before we enter upon the particulars of a treaty, fet
fleet fent on foot A. D- 1619, we fliall touch upon tv/o voyages per-
9ut by the formed two years immediately preceding. A. D. ibiy, the
£nglijb company fitted out five fhips, one of one thoufand tons,
€cmj>any. ^^^ ^£ ^.^^ hundred, one of eight hundred, one of four
hundred, and another of one hundred and fifty tons bur-
then, well airmed and manned, being the moil complete
fquadron they had ever equipped, all under the condudl of
commodore Pring., After the fleet had reached a certain lati-
tude, it divided, and branched itfelf into a variety of feparate
coailing voyages ; hardly a fettlement in the Indies that
was not vifited by fome or other of the fhips. The chief
occurrences there were, as ufual, a feries of fquabbles
with the Dutch, in which, however, the latter generally
p Harleian Colle6\ion of Voyages, torn. viii. ^ Prevoft,
p. 229. torn. ii.
hands -- of captain Courthop, would be tedious and unnecef-
Mr. Thomas Spurway, and fary to infert it, as the above
Mr. Sophon Cufake, to his is fufficient to evince the fal-
majefty's ufe. They alfo de- lity of a fadt which the Dutch
livered a nutmeg-tree with conftantly infifted upon. By-
fruit upon it, and a live goat, an inllrument of the fame na-
by way of feifin ; defiring to ture, the countries of Way re
have the Englifli colours plant- and Rofingen v\ re formally
ed on the iilands, and thirty- furrendered and ceded to the
fix guns fired, in memory of king of England, A. D. 1616.
this contract, cellion, and re- And the preceding year cap-
fignation of their right ; which tain CalHeton was at Banda,
were accordingly done. — We when the oran cayas of that
find the contract at large in the country gave up their rights,
eighth volume of C)fborne's by articles and inftruments
Colledion of Voyages ; but it equally full and valid (2).
(») pfljorne's Collcftion, torn. viii.
paid
En^lijh Eaft India Company. 285
paid for their infolence ; though after the departure of the
ihips, they feldom failed of taking their revenge upon the
factories. Before the return of this fleet, two fhips more
were fent out in 161 8, to Surat, Achen, Bantam, and
other parts of the Eait Indies. The Dragon, one of the The Dra-
Ihips, was fet upon by a fleet of fix Dutchmen, juil asfhe g'^^ India-
had got out of the harbour of Tecoo ; and, after an obfti- ^"'^, ^^^^^
nate defence, taken and condemned with her cargo ; th^ Dutch,
men being treated with the utmofl barbarity "■.
Thefe perpetual contentions, and the fruitlefs ifllie of
the former conferences, rendered a third negociation abfo-
lutely necelTary. This treaty was managed by commif-
fioners, appointed by the India companies of both nations,
under the direction of the plenipotentiaries of Great Bri-
tain and the States General. On the 7th of July this A. D 1619.
year, an agreement was figned, by which it was ftipu-
iated, that all former injuries iliould be forgotten on both '^'^^^>' */•
fides : that the companies of either nation* might enjoy full /r^p/yvj^-zi/
and perfect liberty to trade, but without neglecting the Dutch
refpedl due to the trading companies of two nations, join- companitu
ed in amity and alliances : that the prices of pepper and
other commodities fhould be adjuiled : that the iflands of
the Moluccas, alfo Amboyna and Banda, fliould belong
to both nations conjointly, the Englilh pofieffing one third
of the traffic of all thofe places, and the Dutch the re-
maining two thirds : that the charge of the fortifications
in- thofe iflands fhould be levied by an impofition on the
fpices of their grov/th ; and that what related to the equip-
ping (hips of war, or others, for the protection and de-
fence of their trade and fettlements, fhould be committed
to a council of defence, compofed of perlbns in the fer-
vice of the different companies : that the fortreifes, as
above, fliculd remain in the hands of thofe at prefent in
pofTeffion of them ; and that fuch forts as had been ac-
quired by the combined force and at the joint expence,
fhould remain the property of both, and be garrifoned by
the troops of both nations, in fuch manner, as the coun-
cil of defence fhould think fit to determine : that hence- Conditions
forward, and in all time to come, the entire trade to In- "/''♦
dia fhould remain free, equally to both nations ; neither
of them pretending to undermine or injure the other, by '
feparatc fortifications, or claiidefline treaties with the na-
tives : that to corroborate and confirm this contraCt, both
companies fhould refpc£lively folicit and jnove tlieir feve-
r Led. Nav. Hift, p. 427.
ral
286
Java.
The Dutch
faffly
blamed.
Treachery
cf the
Dutch.
Hijlory of the
ral governments not to ere£l any feparate companies dur-
ing the period fixed for this folemn agreement : that if,
through death, or any other accident, it fhould fo happen,
as that no perfon fhould remain to take care of the fac-
tories of either nation *, that then, and in that cafe, thofe
of the other nation, on the place, fhould take into their
protection, and account for all the efPeds fo left : and
finally, that this treaty fhould remain in force for twenty
confecutive years ; and that all difputes arifing during its
continuance, which fhould not be accommodated by the
councils of the companies, fhould be fettled and determined
by the king of Great Britain and the States General of
the United Provinces. The treaty -was ratified by king
James in July, 1619; in which inftrument his majefly pro-
mifed not to grant another charter to any other perfons
v/hatfoever, during the term mentioned in the above
agreement '.
It was now imagined, that all difputes with the Dutch
were at an end, at leail for twenty years; which was very
far from being the cafe. During this negociation, hoftili*
ties were carrying on at Jacatra, where the Dutch feized
upon, and blew up, an Englifh magazine, under pretence
of their fiding with the Javanefe, with whom the H.olIan-
ders were then at war. It mufl be acknowleged, there
feems to be truth and juftlce on cheir fide on thi.^occafion;
for even our own journalifts own, that the Englifh fired
upon the Dutch fort, and took every opportunity, under
the proteftion of Sir Thomas Deal, who commanded a
fquadron of eleven fail, of retorting former injuries re-
ceived from the Dutch.
What they tranfafted after the treaty was concluded and
proclaimed in thofe parts, is a cafe of a very different na-*
ture, wherein the Dutch fhewed themfelves equally perfi-
dious and inhuman. Their treacherous attempts to reduce
thofe perfons with M^hom they had jufl engaged in the moft
folemn alliance and obligation to defend, can admit of ncr
palliation or apology. That their general in India fhould
immediately upon the back of a treaty, which aflured the
Englifii of all manner of fecurity, aflemble a great fleet,
under fpeclous pretences, to attack Lantore, iivt undoubt-
ed property of the crown of Great Britain, and commit
the ifioll fava^e cruelties upon the inhabitants, is an un-
heard of perfidy. That he fhould next fire the town, fppil
and pillage the Englifh warehoufes, is fuch an outrage as
Dodfley's Hiftory of the Eaft Indies, vol. ii.
mufl
Engliflo Eaft: India Company, 287
mufl difgrace even a nation of Barbarians. But perhaps Cruel maf-
the moft vile and horrible action of all is, that, after having facre of the
thoroughly ranfacked, pillaged, and plundered every thing, ^^«^/J/^ «'
he fhould then proceed to the lad inftances of human bar- J o'^l ,
barity, by feizing, dripping naked, binding with cords, ^^^^^
and fcourging the Engliih fa£^ors. And that, after thefe
wanton marks of a favage cruelty, he fliould caufe them
to be hurled headlong from the walls \ and conclude the
laft fcene of the fhocking tragedy by infolently dragging.
the miferable remains in chains through the ftreets. All
thefe are fafts, proved upon the moft undeniable evidence,
not denied, and but very lamely excufed by themfelves ;
yet never punifhed with that vengeance becoming the cha-
racter of this nation, and the freedom of this conftitution.
The fa£lory at Poleroon fhared ^le fame unhappy fate ;
and thus the affairs of the company were fuddenly plung-
ed into greater confufion, diftrefs, and mifery, than they
ever had undergone, and juil at a period when they had
all the reafon in the world to expe6l the happieft effe6t5
from the late treaty. '
As it is really inconfiftent with our natural difpofition,
to recite at large fcenes which equally difgrace and fhock
humanity, we muft beg leave to refer the reader to the ori-
ginal papers, to be found in the eighth volume of a Col-
Jecftion of Travels, compiled from the manufcripts in lord
Oxford's pofTellion : there he will find ample fatisfa£tion, Dutch de-
and matter enough to fatiate the moft fanguine and bloody /^f^ of
nature, temper, and difpofition. All that the Dutch pre- ^^'^^ ^^*^'
tended to allege in vindication of thefe outrageous pro- ^"
ceedings was, that they having a more ancient right to
thefe iflands, no fubfcquent adl: of the natives, who had
before given up all their privileges, was of force to invali-
date it ; and farther, that the war being carried on againft
the natives, as principals, thofe who had thus, contrary
to their engagements, affifted them, had no manner of
right to complain of the event of a war of their own feek- ^ ^
ing. But the fallacy of this argument was irrefragably
proved by affured evidence, that the natives had never
ceded their right to the Putch ^ ; that in the former dif-
putes, the Hollanders pretended to no more than a pro-
mife from the natives, that on certain conditions they were
difpofed to furrender their rights to them. That upon the Atifwer of
quarrel between the Bandanefe and them, arifing from the Englijb.
their tricks and double dealing, a ceflion, by a formal in-
« Dodfley's Hift. vol. ii.
ftiument.
288 Hiftory of the
ftrument, was actually made to the Engllfli ; befides, all
this was farther confirmed by the exprefs terms of the late
treaty. The truth is, the fweets of profit flov/ing from
the fpiee trade, and their fignal fuccefles from the firfl in-
ftitution of the company, induced the Dutch to extend
their power and influence by every polfible method, and at'
all events. They were far from being deUcate in their
choice of means, and expedients ; a fcruple feldom found
to obftruft projects,, where gain is the motive, and re-
markably wanting in this penurious and indefatigable peo-
ple ; who make no ditTerence between fraud, force, or
perfuanon, when the fame ends were attained by either of
thefe means.
SECT. III.
Of the farther Difputes between the Englijlo and 'Dutch
Companies ; ^f the Negodations, Conferences, and
TreaHeSy to put an End to them; of the fatal Cata-
Jlrophe at Amboyna, zvlth other 'Particulars.
Ilie remrf-
nefs of the
£.noiiJh ad-
minifira-
tion.
A,D.T6ao
TChe com-
f any fits
cui a tieiv
Jieet for the
terjian
irade.
\\f E (hall fliew, in our account of the Dutch Eaft In-
dia company, how they date a fort of fovereign
power in the Indies, from the firft foundation of their
great fettlement at Batavia, and to what an tiftonifhing
power and influence they in a fliort time arrived. Certain
it is, that, from the embarraiTrnents, corruption, and ig-
norance of King's James's court, from the differences then
fubfifling between him and his parliament, from the artful
and bold conduct of the Dutch, as well as the pufillani-
mity, avarice, and timidity of certain leading men in Eng-
land, no fatisfa^lion was obtained by the government, no
remonflrances were m^ade in behalf of the ruined fubje6ts
and wounded commerce, nor indeed any other fleps taken
which the credit of the adminiflration, juflice to the pub-
lic, and the nation's honour abfolutely required.
But before we enter upon the particulars of the con-
duft of the Dutch, we fhall flop to recite briefly a
voyage in which the Englifli bravery once more triumphed
over Portuguefe force. In the. year 1620 the company
built four new (hips, from eight to three hundred tons
burthen. This fleet fet fail in February, under the com-
mand of captain Shilling, and fell in with a Portuguefe
fquadron ofl" the eaft end of Jafques Road, where it wait-
ed to intercept the Engli{)>, and ruin their Perfian trade.
The Portuguefe fleet confiiled of fcur j^alleonii of forty
guns,
k
Englijh Eaft India Company. 28^
guns, and three hundred and fifty men each, two galliotSj
and ten frigates. Thefe being engaged by Shilling, the
battle continued for nine hours without intermiilion,
night feparating the combatants. Next morning the enemy
finding the Englifh a match for them, declined renewing
the fight, and had the mortification to fee Shilling land
the company's money and goods (the very prize they
fought for), without preparing to moled him. A few days
days after, receiving a fupply of men and ammunition
from Goa, they ventured a fecond time to attack the com-
pany's fleet ; but with lefs fuccefs than before, two of their
jQiips being funk, the reft greatly damaged, and a number
of their men killed and wounded. The Englifh fuftained portiiguefe
hardly any other lofs befides that of the brave Shilling, their deftated.
commodore, who was mortally wounded by a mufket bul^
let. After this engagement the fleet took two rich Ppr-
tuguefe carracks, and then feparated upon different voy-
ages ". *
But to return to the afi'airs of the company towards
Java, Banda, and Amboyna : the remifljiefs and want of
vigour in the Englifh adminiilration, encouraged the
Dutch to execute a project they had long formed, o£
wreiting the fpice trade wholly out of the hands of the
Englifli company. They proceeded, in the year 1623, to Deftgns of
commit, if poflible, greater barbarities at Amboyna than thi Dutcf:^
two years before they had perpetrated at Lantore and Po-
leroon -, their a61:ion3 in each being jufl matter of reproach
to human nature. The iiland of Amboyna, which is
forty leagues in circuit, is fituated near Seron, giving
name to fome other little ifland in its vicinity. Its chief
produ£lion is cloves, the principal fubjeft of its traffiek ;
and in order to collect "and buy up this commodity, the
Englifh company had planted in it no lefs than five feveral
fadlories, the chief of which was at the city of Amboyna.
Here the agents of the company refided, and from hence
direfted the fubordinate factories of Hitto and Larica on
the fame Ifland, and of Lobo and Camballo, fituated on a
promontory of the adjacent ifland of Seron w. The Hoi-*
landers had four different forts, well provided with nien,
flores, and ammunition. The chief ftrength was at Am-
boyna, where the fortifications were ftrong and regular,
well mounted with a great number of brafs ordnance*
One fide of the fort was defended towar4s the land by a
u Led. Naval Hift. p. 45a. ^ Salmon's Mod. Hifl-«vol. i. p.
144, fol.
Mod. VoL.VIIL ,U broad
tgo Hiftory of the
Sta^e of the ^road and deep trench, filled by the fea, together with a
ijlandof number of batteries and redoubts at proper diftances ; the
Amboyna. other fide was wafhed by the ocean. It was garrifoned
with two hundred Dutch foldiersy a company of free
burghers, and four hundred mardykers, who had been
taught the ufe of arms, and were obedient to the Dutch
governor. The fhips, which conftantly lay in the road^
cither for trafiick or the defence of the fort, added to its
fecurity ; this being the rendezvous for the trade of Banda,
Sicur'ity of as well as that of the reft of Amboyna ^, As hoftilities
ike Euglijh had ceafed from the time of the maflacre at Lantore, the
>^ory at Engiifh lived in the town, under protection, however, of
» ojna. ^^^ citadel, in perfeft eafe and fecurity, both from the
' late treaty, and from the ancient amity between both na-
tions. The condu«5l of the Dutch at Lantore was attri-
buted to the rafhnefs of feme of the Englifh fa£l:ors, as
Well as to the brutal ferocity of the Dutch governor ; but
from hence no deduction was made to the prejudice of
the Hollanders in general, efpecially as many of the Dutch
at Amboyna exclaimed with great warmth againft that
action. \n ftiort, every thing contributed to lull the Eng-
lifh into a fecurity which foon terminated in their ruin.
* Near three years w^ere elapfed fince the conclufion of
that treaty between the two companies, when frefh caufe
Complaints of difcord arofe. The Englifh factors complained of the
oj the Eng- unreafonable and unneceflary charge which the Dutch
tyb Jaaors pretended to have incurred in repairing and maintaining
'Dutch re- ^^^ fortifications and garrifon. They alleged that the Hol-
jerred to landers anfwered their own proportion of the expence in
the council provifions-and cloth of Coromandel, at three or four times
•j dffenci, the prime coft ; whilft ready fpecie was infifted upon
from the Englifh. By fuch proceedings it was affirmed,
the 'latter wx-re made to pay two thirds of the charge,
which ought to have been equal and common to both.
Perpetual difputes refulting from this grievance, the affair
was at laft carried before the council of defence at Jacatra,.
in the ifland of Java,-, but the council not being able ta
bring it to a final determination to the fatisfad:ion of tW
parties, the ftate of the cafe was remitted to Europe, to
be laid before the companies, or, in the dernier refort, to
be adjudged by the king of England and the States General,,
in terms of agreement for that effect ^^
X Salmon, ibid.
Harris, vol. i.
"See Joarn-als of Hayes and Courthop in
During
Engll/h Eajl, India Company, 20 1
During the deliberations In Java and Europe, the breach
^ at Amboyna grew ftill wider; the Englifh more loudly
complaining of the oppreffion of the Dutch ; while they,
on the other fide, exclaimed againft the Englifh, for their
unwillingnefs to fupport the expenceof a fortrefs, of which
they equally (hared the advantages : but though thofe mu-
tual accufations were warm, no danger was apprehended
of an open rupture, nor indeed of any fecret practices
againft each -other. The following incident, however,
Ihews the deceitfulnefs of thofe appearances of tranquility.
A foldier of the Dutch troops, by nation a Japanefe,
came one night to a centinel, pofted on the wall of the ci-
tadel ; and amidft other difcourfe with him, happened to
afk fome queftions concerning the ftrength of the fortifi- .
cations, the number of cannon, and of the garrifon ;
queftions extremely natural for a ftranger, who had no
farther intention than the bare gratification of his curiofity.
This fellow had been occafionally, amongft others, intro-
duced into the citadel, to relieve the garrifon in the day ;
the Japanefe troops riot being permitted to remain in the
fort at night, as not being confided in equally with the
Dutch, An officer, who had itQW the centinel in con* A recital
verfation with the Japanefe, interrogated him concerning o/'-^^ ^cr-
the fubje£l of their difcourfe ; and being informed, he laid ''^-^^'#«-
the whole before the governor, who had the Japanefe feiz- ^^^ i^L '^^
ed, upon a fufpicion of a treafonable defign againft the Amboyna*
citadel. Being put to the torture he was compelled, by
the infupportable torments he underwent, to acknowlege
himfelf, and fome others of his countrymen, guilty of the
crime laid to his charge *, upon which the fuppofed ac*
complices were feized and put to the fame trial, together
with a Portuguefe, who fuperintended the Dutch flaves.
This examination lafted four days, during which the Eng*
lifti went, as ufual, to the citadel. As they were not con-
fcious of guilt they apprehended no danger, though they
faw the prifoners, and heard the the caufe of their tor-
ture. They were, in fa£l:, entire ftrangers to the Ja-
panefe and Poituguefe, who were then under puniftiment.
It this time Abel Price, formerly a furgeon to the Englifh
faftory, was prifoner in the citadel, for having threatened,
in a drunken frolic, to fet fire to the houfe of a Dutchman,
againft whom he had fome pique. Price being dragged
from the dungeon 'where he lay, faw the Japanefe groan- '
ing under the agonies of the torture he recently under-
went, and was peremptorily told, that the Englifh were
accufed, by ihofe two wretches, of being confederates in
U 2 the
2^2 ' Hiftory of the
the confpiracy ; and that, unlefs he confefTed the guilt, he
Ihould fuftain equal, if not more exquifite tortures than
thofe he had before his eyes. Such menaces, fuddenly
followed by execution to the utmoft rigour, foon over-
came the cpnftancy and confcience of the miferable
wretch ; who, in hopes of being relieved from the rack,
anfwered every queftion in the manner the judges requir-
ed ^ Immediately upon this confeflion captain Towerfon,
and the reft of the Englifh, were fent for ; who having
no notice of what pafled concerning Price, or fufpicion of
what was intended, immediately obeyed the fummons, all
excepting two, who remained in the fadtory upon fome
Alttht bufmefs. As foon as they arrived they were informed of
Englijb iJie charge againft them, and clofely confined in irons.
^tTftl Towerfon, with one more, was kept prifoner in the cita-
Hrture. ^^^ 5 ^"^ ^^ ^^^ "^tx^t put in irons on board the fhips in
the harbour. Thefe proceedings were followed by feizing
thofe who remained in the fa£l:ory, together with the
goods, money, chefts, boxes, books, writings, and other
effedls. On the fame day the Englifh at Hitto and Larica,
and^ a few days after, the fa£lories of Lobo and Camballo,
were treated in the fame manner, the company's fervants
being brought in irons to Amboyna.
They were no fooner in cuftody than the governor and
fifcal proceeded to their examination, when John Beau-
mont and Timothy Johnfon were firft called upon. Thofs
wretches were brought from the fliips to the citadel, and
immediately fcparated ; Johnfon being brought to the
rack, while Beaumont was placed in an adjoining apart-
ment, from whence he could hear the fcreams and difmal
groans of his companion at every application of the tor-
ture. "When he had fully experienced the torments they
could inflidt^ Price was brought in to confront him \ but
Johnfon perfifted in denying every thing lard to his charge ;
upon which Price was ordered out, and put again to the
rack. For above an houx he obftinately continued to aflert
his own innocence and igncManee of the whole affair, in
defiance of all the anguilh of the torture 5 when at laft,
drenched over with water, he was moft cruelly fcorched
and burnt all over his body, and in this condition thrown
into a corner, where a guard was fet over him". No-
thing could exceed the inhumanity, cruelty, and barbarity
of the judges, but the conftancy of fome of the accufcd,
% Colleft. Voy. from W. Hadley'sLit. torn. viii. p. 227. «Dod-
iley's Uilt. of the Ead Indies, vol. ii.
Emanuel
EngliJJo Eajl India Company, '293
Umanuel Thomfon fucceeded Johnfon, and his punlfh-
ment was equal in degree, but not in duration, to the
former, he being tortured for no more than half an hour,
and then flung afide to make room for Beaumont, who
had all this time been within hearing of his piteous fhrieks.
While they were equipping Beaumont for the torture, he
began denying, with horrid imprecations and oaths, the
whole charge ; upon which he was, for this time, dif-
mifled, the governor pretending to be moved with com-
paffion at his extreme old age. Next day nine more v/ere Method of
brought from the iliips j when Edward Collins denying quefl'tonmg
with deep execrations the whole allegation, was tied hand h the tor'
and foot to the rack, a cloth bound round his neck, whilil ^"^^*
two men, with earthen jars of a prodigious capacity, ftood
ready to pour the water into it. The fight of this torture
made him pray for a refpite, and promife of an entire
confeflion ; but no fooner was the cruel apparatus remov-
ed, than he again aflerted his innocence with redoubled
vehemence. The fifcal, enraged at his perfeverance, or-
dered the torture to be again applied, on which he re-
peated his requeft and promife ; but, faid he, as I knovi/"
the torments you can infli<3:, I am ready to confefs what-
ever you are pleafed to defire, if you will firft oblige me,
by telling me what I am to fay. Then paufing for fome
time, he proceeded to relate, that fome months before,
himfelf, together with fome others of the prifoners, had
confpired to furprlfe the citadel with the alfiftance of the
Japanefe. He was interrupted by the fifcal, who alked if
TTowerfon was not a confederate in the plot 3 to which he
anfv/ered no. The fifcal then told him he lied, and in-
fixed upon his acknowleging, that this Towerfon had called
all the Englifh together, and told them that the abufes and
infolence of the Dutch had obliged them to think of that
plot, which wanted nothing to render it fuccefsful but their
confent and fecrecy. A Dutchman, who was prefent,
interrogated him, whether they had not fworn fecrecy on
the Bible ? Collins, with vehement oaths, declared that
he was utterly ignorant of any fuch matter ', but upon
their ordering him to be tortured, he recanted, and fpoke
as they prompted. He was then alked, whether the reft
of the Englifh fa:^l:orie3 were not confenting to this plot ?
whether the Englifh prefident at Jacatra, or Welde'n, their
agent in Banda, were not privy to the confpiracy ? To ail
which interrogatories he anfwered in the negative. Being The [can-
ftill interrogated by what means the Japanefe were to have dahus cm-
executed their purpofe ? and unable to give an anfwer, ''^^,flf^
U 3 the ^^' ^J'
294 Hijlory of the
the fifcal helped him out, by alking whether two of the
Japanefe were not to have gone to each point of the cita-
del, and to the door of the governor's houfe, ready to
murder him, when he fhould come out to enquire into
the caufe of the tumult, which was to have been raifed
without ? A by-ftander, irritated by this method of pro-
ceeding, called out to the fifcal, that he fhould ceafe to
tell the criminal what he was to fay, and let him fpeak for
himfelfj upon which that equitable judge dropped the
queftion in hand, by enquiring what reward the Japanefe
were to have for their fervice ? Collins anfwered, a thou-
fand rials ; but unable to fay any thing concerning the
time of executing the plot, or any other particular that
could give it an air of credibility, he was difmifled ^.
The perfon next queftioned by this hellifli apparatus
w^as Colfon, who was fo terrified with the fight of the
rack, and the torments inflicted on his companions, that
he anfwered in the way he thought would be moll agree-
;able to his judges j though after coming out, he fell down
upon his knees, afking forgivencfs of Heaven for the un-
truths he had alleged, and deeply protefling his innocence
and entire ignorance of the fufpefted confpiracy '^. John
Clark, who fucceeded Colfon, was not fo eafily terrified
and brought to fubmifiion ; this man for two full hours
withftanding the moft excruciating tortures applied by fire
and water, to compel him, through agony of pain, to
confefs what he was ignorant of. ■ To give the reader a
faint idea of Dutch barbarity, we will briefly relate the
method in which his judges proceeded in the examination
of this miferable man : his arms were faftened at as. great
a diftance as they could extend them upon a large door,
by means of iron ftaples drove into the extremities of it ;
his legs being (Iretched out in the fame manner, a cloth
was bound round his face and neck, fo clofe as to contain
Th Engr the water poured into it: then did the executioners pour
li/h (or- j^^g filled with water into the cloth, which rifing above
tfr7« ^ ^^^ noftrils and mouth, obliged the unhappy fulFerers to
'^ater, draw it in, with every attempt to breathe, in large quaur
tities, till by repeated draughts he was fo glutted, that
(what is {hocking to imagine) his bowels feemed to burft
out at his mouth and noftrils, his body to be fwelled to
twice its dimenfions, his cheeks inflated like bladders,
while his eye-balls were ready to fiiart from their orbs.
Thus was this miferable creature handled, and then taken
^ In Colle£t. cited, jbidf ^ Salmon, ibid.
down
Englifo Eafi India Company, 2^j
down to prepare him for a fecond trial, by making him
difgorge what had coil him fo many naufeous and painful
draughts. After he had fuftained his fecond trial with
equally aftonidiing conflancy, the fifcal and his tormentors
cried out, that this muft be an enchanted perfon, a witch,
or devilj to fupport fuch infufferable torments. Imagin-
ing the incantation mi^ht refide in his hair, he ordered it
to be cut off, and a third exertion of inhumanity was
made : he was hoifled up as before, when thofe more than
favage wretches caufed burning torches to be held to the
foles of his feet, till they were extinguifhed by the fat^
that dropped from him : then frelh lights were applied ;
but this repetition failing alfo, they began to extend their
diabolical barbarity to the other parts of his body, by
fcorching the palms of his hands, his arm-pits, and el-
bows. Exhaufted at length, and overcome by torture, h&
feemed willing to yield ; but not being able to frame a re-
lation, in fuch manner as to make it at all probable, his
judges were reduced to the necelfity of leading him, by
queftions fo devifed, as to render it impoflible for him to
miflake their meaning **. However, with all their cruelty
and cunning, all they could draw from him confided in
bare negatives and affirmatives, he juft aflenting with a
yes or no, to whatever they fignified to be agreeable to
them. Thus treated, he was carried out by four blacks,
and thrown into a horrid dungeon, where he lay, without
the affiftance of a furgeon to drefs his fores, till his flefti
putrifying, he was filled with maggots, in a manner moll
loathfome and barbarous. Thus ended the Chriftian work
of Sunday, it being dark before his examination was fi-
niflied. The prifoners brought from Hitto, who ha^d all
this time waited their own turn of fufFering, were re-
manded to prifon, and thrown, loaded with irons, into
the fame dungeon with Clark and his fellow fuffcrers ''.
Next morning William Griggs, John Fardo, and fome
Japanefe, were brought to the place of torture. The
Japanefe were conftrained by numberlefs adis of barbarity
to accufe the two Engiifhmen ; and Griggs, to avoid the
fame torments, confirmed tlieir allegations. The fame
conduct was obferved with regard to the ocher Japanefe
and Fardo, though this latter continued obftinate in his
denial of the charge, till he had fu(fered the torture by
water. Upon their confeilion, they were remitted back
^ Dodfley's Hlft. of fJieEift Indie?, vol. ii. « Dodfley, ibid.
Harl. Ccilecl. Voya^g. vol. viii. p. a^6. *"
U 4 to
J ^6 , Hijlory of the
to prlfon, and • Beaumont brought a fecond time to the
torture. Griggs was produced to confront and charge
him with having been prefent when the confpiracy was
formed, an allegation which he denied with deep execra-^
tions and tremendous oaths, till plied with repeated
draughts of water, he was compelled to fubmit : yet the
moment he was brought down from the rack, he not only
declared in the moft pofitive terms, that all he had con-
fefled was falfe, but alfo impoflible, as he made appear
from a variety of circumitances. However, the terror of
a repetition of the torture made him fign his confefTion ;
which being done, an iron bolt of intolerable weight, and
two fliackles, were rivetted to his legs, and he was re-
manded to the loathfome dungeon from whence he had
come K
The next perfon brought to judgment was Mr. George
Sharrock, fome time an affiflant at Hitto. This unfor-
tunate gentleman was no fooner brought to the place of
torture, than he fent up a prayer to God, that in order to
iliun the grievous torments his countrymen had fuftained, '
he would enable him to frame fuch probable falfhoods
againil his own conviction, and the innocence of his com-
panions, as might ferve at once to perfuade his judges,
and deliver him from the torture. When he was brought
to the rack, where the tormentojs flood ready with pitchers
of water and lighted tapers, the governor and fifcal pro-
ceeded to examine him ; but Sharrock's confcience over-
, coming his fear, he fell down upon his knees, protefting
before God and man his innocence, with an earneftnefs
that would have daggered perfons who were not proof
againfl conviftion, confcience, and the feelings of hu-
manity. He was therefore queflioned by the torture, and
told, that if his confeffion was not ample and complete,
he fliould firft be tormented with all the powers of fire
and water, and then dragged by the heels to end his life
^here- on the gallows: ftill, however, perfevering in his inno-
markable cence, the fifcal ordered the horrid operation to be per-
^sh k ^^^^-^^\ upon vvhich he requefled a moment's refpite,
alleging in his vindication, that he was at Hitto on New-
year's day (the day on which the pretended confpiracy was
fuppofed to have been planned) from which time to the
prefent, he offered to prove, by witnefles of good credit
and faith, both Dutch and Englifh, he had never been at
Amboyna *, but upon a renewal of their menaces, he told
^ Salm, Mod. Hiii. vol. i fol. p. 136.
them
Englijb Eqft India Company » 297
them that he had often heard Clark fay that he would be
revenged on the Dutch, for the infufferable wrongs they
had done the Englifli ; for the execution of which re-
venge, Glark faid, he had propofed an excellent plot to
captain Towerfon. All this while the governor and fifcal
exprefled their fatisfadlion in his plaufible tale by fignifi-
cant geftures and joy in their countenances. Sharrock
added, that Clark faid he had intreated permiiTion of
Towerfon to go to Macaffar, to confult with the Spaniards
proper meafures for feizing upon the lefler faftories in the
ifland of Seran and Amboyna, when no fhips were there.
Being afked what anfwer Towerfon gave to Clark's pro-
pofal, he replied, that Towerfon was to the higheft degree
incenfed againft him for harbouring fuch a villainy, and
never afterwards could endure the fight of Clark. The
iifcal, difpleafed with this latter part of the confeflion,
told him in an enraged tone, that he lied, and threatened
him afrefh with the torture s. Sharrock then once more
begged a refpite, and began a tale quite different from the
former, importing, that upon a certain day Clark told
him of a confpiracy to feize the citadel, and alked him to
be of the plot : to this queflion he replied, by enquiring
if captain Towerfon was privy to it ; to which Clark an- -
fwering in the affirmative, he, Sharrock, confented to do
as others did. Thus he proceeded, varying in other par-
ticulars from the confefTion they wanted him to make ; fo
that defpairing to gain their ends with him, he was re-
manded back to his dungeon, whence he was brought the
day following, and compelled by menaces to fign his con-
feflion, though he told the fifcal to his face, that what he
figned to avoid torture was abfolutely falfe, and without
the leaft foundation. The fifcal reproaching him with
lying, he broke out into bitter inve£lives, accufing him of
Ihedding innocent blood, which, faid he, you muft anfwer
to your God at the day of judgment ''.
Juft in the fame manner they proceeded with the other
prifoners, forcing them by unfufferable barbarities to a
confeflion ; and when the extremity of torture deprived
them of their fenfes, di£lating to theln the confeflion they
would extort.
On the 25th of February, all the prifoners, Englifli, A.D.i6i».
Portuguefe, and Japanefe, were folemnly condemned to ' '
death, fome only excepted, who inconteftibly proved
g Dodfley, ibid. ^ Vide vol. i). of the Harl. Collea. of
yoyages, p. ?i»2.
their
298
The Eng.
hjb exe.
€uted.
Fejoiangs
eftke
Dutch.
*rhe Dutch
go'vernor
and Jijtal
proceed to
Banda,
Hijlory of the
their being at Hitto at the time of the pretended con-
fpiracy. The day following they were brought into the
great hall, to be prepared by 'the Dutch minifters for the
awful ,tranii tion ; Mr. Towerfon and Thompfon being
excepted in the number. Here the unhappy Englifh ac-
cufed the Japanefe of having brought to mifery and death
men they had hardly ever feen, nor ever converfed with ;
a charge which the others excufed, by (hewing the wounds
received by the torture ; adding, that flefh and blood could
not withlland a trial, which would even change the na-
ture of llones, and make inanimate things feel. Collins
and Beaumont were refpited and pardoned, the firft hav-
ing drawn lots with four others, and the latter owing his
life to the intreaties of two Dutch merchants. The re-
maining ten, with on6 Portuguefe, and eleven Japanefe,
.were led next day to condign punilhment, all of them
protefling their innocence with their laft breath'. Thus
fell the Englifli factors vi61:ims to the avarice, jealoufy,
refentment, and barbarity of the Dutch company, with
circumftances of cruelty which leave an indelible (tain on
the reputation of that people, and will ever be juil mat-
ter of reproach, difgrace, and infamy to human nature,
as well as of eternal refentment and animofity in the
Englifh nation.
The day following was fpent, by order of the governor,
in public rejoicings and thankfgivings, for fo llgnal an
efcape and deliverance from a pretended confpiracy, and
for the iniquitous extirpation of their rival traders. On
the fuccceding day, Beaumont, Sharrock, Collins, and
Webber, were brought before the governor, who inform-
ed Sharrock that he was to go to Jacatra, and rely upon
the general's mercy ; and the reil:, that they were pardon-
ed by his own grace and compafTion. He then entertain-
ed them with wine, and other inftances of a falfe and
treacherous regard.
Bufinefs being thus ended at Amboyna, the governor
and fifcal proceeded for Banda, where, after the fevereft
fcrutiny into the condu6l of Mr. Weldcn, the Englifli
agent, nothing was found that could in the leaft juftify a
fufpicion, or anfwer tlieir purpofe : they therefore return-
ed, happily difappointed of their cruel intention of re-
peating the late horrid tragedy. Welden perceiving the
diforder of the company's affairs at Amboyna, hired a
vefiel, and directly failed thither. Having arrived, he
1 Ibid, ctiam. Dodfl. Hift. Eaft Ind. torn. ii.
fent
Engl'Jh Eaft India Company, 299
fent for the company's fervantSj remanded by the Dutch Tf^e Eng.
governor to the upper faft cries, and minutely examining ^'Jj^^j^f^'-^
them, and comparing their report with the dying declara- ^,.^^,„
tioris of thofe who were executed, he could not doubt oi from Am-
its being a premeditated fcheme of the governor's to ruin boyna,
the Englilh trade there. Finding it neither confiftent with
the honour or intereft of the company, or ^fafety of the
fadors, longer to refide there, he withdrew the poor rem-
nant of Englifh, and embarked them along with him for
Jacatra. As for the company's efFe£ls which had been
feized, we do not find that he ever could prevail upon the
Dutch governor to reftore them"^ ; a circumflance which,
without farther proof, would condemn the Dutch, and
leave no doubt of their intentions in the mind of any un-
prejudiced or impartial judge. The fatal news no fooner TheEng.
reached the Englilh at Jacatra, than the prefident and lijh council
council, moved with horror at the barbarity of the pro- ^J Jacatra
ceedings of the governor and fifcal at Amboyna, fent to -^^
demand of the Dutch general by what authority the go-
vernor and fifcal carried their favage ufage to fuch an ex-
treme againft the Englifh, and whether he approved of
their condud; ? The general's anfwer was, that tlie go- j^^f^er of
vernor of Amboyna a6led in confequence of a power the Dutch,
vefled in him by the lords the States General, by virtue
of which he was fupreme in all cafes, civil and military,
within the jurifdi£tion of his government. Farther, that
his proceedings againfl the Englifh traitors were not only
juft, but indifpenfably necefTary, as might be feen by the
copy of their confeffion, which he, the general, tranf-
mitted to the Englifh prefident and council.
Thus it appears, that the mafTacre at Amboyna was not ConduB of
the wanton a£i of the governor and fifcal, though their the Dutch,
natural difpofitions might add to the cruelty of the cir-
cumflances ; but the cool, deliberate, and concerted mea-
fure of the Dutch company, afterwards countenanced and
fupported by the States General, by a thoufand arts and
fubterfuges, by falfe glofles, and fpurious copies of ex-
torted confefTions. Thefirft true declaratioif, as it is call-
ed, of the confpiracy, tranfmitted to Europe, June 1624,
by the Hare pinnace, is a notorious and bafe forgery,
wherein the confeflions of the unhappy Englifh are inter-
polated, mangled, and caftrated, in fuch a manner, as to
fet the governor's conduft in the bed view; but happily,
as murder will ever difcover itfelf by ibme unforefcen cir-
^ Led. Nav, Hift, fub an. i6z2,
cumflanccs.
300
Arguments
•why the
Dutch con-
duU tsfuf-
ficious.
Chafaaer
qJ the na-
turn*
CkaraSer .
of king
James and
his mini-
Jiers.
Hiflory- of the
cumftances, this cop}^ of their confeiTion differs widely in
the moil important particulars from that fent to Jacatra,
and from the original, which was by order tranfmitted the
following year K
The Dutch had many motives to tempt them to a piece
of cruelty from which they apprehended no confequences
which their power, their cunning, and their wealth could
not obviate. Their unbounded avarice ; their eager defire
to poflefs the whole trade of the Moluccas, Banda, and
Amboyna ; their conftant jealoufy of the progrefs the
Englilh made in the Eail India trade, together with many
other circumftances, induce us to believe, that a nation,
the very bafis and foundation of whofe power is the queft
of money, would not be fcrupulous or delicate in an affair
which fo cheaply procured to them fo great an advantage "".
The phlegmatic, cold, and determined difpofition of the
people of that country, renders actions perfe£lly confident
with their charafter, which would be hardly credible of
other nations. Perhaps the lenity, indolence, corruption,
and timidity of the Englifli court, might be a collateral in-
ducement with them to venture upon anexpedient equally
important to their intereft, and lliameful to this nation.
The king, whofe weaknefs could be exceeded by hothing
but his conceit, could at any time be diverted from the
purfuit of glory and national intereft, by a theological dif-
putation, where he was admitted to the princely honour
of fitting as arbiter, while his miniftry, as covetous as
indigent, would facrifice the good of the ftate, the honour
of the kingdom, and their own reputation, to the fordid
purpofes of gratifying an infatiable luft of money. But
befides the unanimous denial of all the prifoners, Englifli
and Japanefe, at their laft moments, not one paper, letter,
or token, was found by the Dutch, to countenance their
fufpicions, after they had feized, ranfacked, and plun-
dered all the chefts, boxes, and cabinets of the fa6lors.
From thefe, and an infinite number of other prefump-
tions, the Englifli company, the nation, and indeed all
Europe, naturally concluded the plot to be on the fide of
the Dutch ; and indeed if the above circumftances were
infufficient to prove it, their feizing upon all the Englifh
factories in the fpice iflands foon after this cataurophe,
falls little ftiort of a demon ftration of their intentions.
In this manner, and by thefe methods, were the Eng-
lifli company driven out of the fpice iflands, which the
1 Colleft. of Voy. Harl. Lib. torn. ii. ^ Sir W. Temple's Hid.
of the Netherlands, p. 36.
Dutch
Englip) Eaji India Company. 301
Dutch engrofiing to themfelves, have remained the fole Reafons
pofleflbrs of to this day. The death of king James foon ivhy the
after the affair of Amboyna put an end to any profpe(Sls of (company
remedying this difa'fter. The early embarraflments and ^^g^l^lg^'
difturbances which were tranfmitted with the crown to or fat is fa c-
his fucceflbr, difabled that prince from paying proper re- ttonfer tkt
gard to the commercial interefls of the nation, 'irue it ««;«»'?'•»
is, he granted letters of requeft, which were prefented to ^^'^'W"
the States General, for obtaining fui table fatisfa61:ion to the tamed'
Engiifh Eaft India Company, for their injuries glnd lofles
by the governor of Amboyna ". This meafure, however,
had not the defired efFed: ; nor did the king purfoe it,
in hopes of finding a favourable opportunity of being re-
venged by giving fome fignal blow to the Dutch maritime
force ; fuch a blow as might for ever put it out of their
power to interrupt the Englifli commerce, or to execute
their favourite fchemeof dividing the Spanilh Netherlands
with France ; a fchemiC by which they hoped, in confe-
deracy with that court, to difpute the Engiifh title to the
fovereignty of the narrow feas °.
But the cruelty and ufurpations of the Dutch were not k. James
pafled over entirely unobferved by our princes. James the the Ftrjl*s
Firft, infenfible of national honour as he was, is faid to ^^^cranafis,
have bellowed feveral hearty execrations upon them ; but
his fpirit would feem to have evaporated there. Charles Chartes tin
the Firft, finding remonftrances, letters of requeft, and ^^''fi^^ ^^-
memorials, ineffe<S^ual, was on the point of increafina: his *"°"yf/''
n • • 1 11- 1 T^ 1 . ^ ces to the
Ihipping, and calling the Dutch to an account ; but that states
unhappy prince was firft prevented by the heats about fhip- GeneraL
money, and afterwards by the civil war which enfued.
As the nation and government were reduced to the utmoft
confufion, nothing farther could be expelled under this
reign, during which • the Dutch company was left in the
quiet pofleffion of this valuable branch of commerce.
After the king's death, the rump parliament demanded The rump
fatisfadtion, and the Dutch were fenfible it was not to be parliament
trifled with ; infomuch that they promifed fpeedy juftice. ^^M'^^'
The fliort duration of the parliamentary authority prevent- |^^^'* '^^*
ed the efFedts, and Cromwell, for fome fecret purpofes, count.
was flopped in His career of compelling them to a full
compensation and ample redrefs. Charles the Second en-
tered into two wars with Holland, for this among other
reafons j and nothing but the national apprehenfion of the
n Dodfiey's Hift. of the Eaft Indie, torn. ii. o Vide two
fine Treatifes, called Mare liberura, and Mare daufum, by trie
famous Grotius and Selden.
growing
302 • Hjjlory of the
growing power of the houfe of Bourbon, has prevented
their being long ago forced to make reftitution of Banda
and other valuable iflands °.
Decline of From the time of the 'mafTacre at Amboyna, the Englifh
the EngVjb Eaft India trade wore another face from what it had done,
Eafi India ^nd began to decline apace \ the feveritieS of the Dutch
trade* terrifying the company from engaging in difputes they
were unable to maintain, and their fervants refufmg to
fettle in colonies where their property and lives were in
continual danger. But before we proceed farther in the
affairs of the company in the illands, it may be proper to
mention fome circumftances wherein the Dutch and they
a6ted as allies in the gulf of Perfia, at Ormuz, and at
Surat. In January, anno 1625, four Englifli fliips, under
the command of captain Wieldel, lying in the road of
Gombroon, with an equal number of Dutch veflels, were
attacked by a ftrong Portuguefe fquadron. Such was the
fituation of affairs at that time, that while the Dutch and
Engliih were embroiled and at perpetual war in the Mo-
luccas, the Portuguefe were ufing their utmofl endeavours
to difpoffefs both of their trade on the continent, both in
I.nglijh Perfia and the Mogul's country. Here the Englifh and
iindDutck Dutch a^led as faithful allies againft a common enemy ;
*ffnuguefe, t^^^r^ ^s open enemies, yet under the malk of friends, and
while a treaty fubfilled between the nations. . In this en-
gagement both the Englifh and Dutch admirals eminently
diftinguifhed themfelves againfl a greatly fuperior force of
the enemy. The battle continued for four fucceffive days,
without terminating in a victory on either fide, though the
Englifh company fuflained a confiderable lofs in having one
of their fineft fhips burnt ; but with this fatisfa£lion, that
the lofs of the enemy was fuperior, and their fettlements
at Surat and other places in the gulfs of Cambaya,
Ormuz, &c. left unmolefted p. Several other engage-
ments happened, in which the Portuguefe generally had
the advantage of a fuperior fleet, but no other. As
thefe were not attended with any decifive Or important
confequences to the company, we fhall omit them,
leaving the reader to the perufal of Harris's Collec-
tion of Voyages, wherein he will find a full account of
them.
While the Englifh were attacked on all hands, either by
force or fraud, by open enmity or treacherous profefTions
e Rapin's and Guthrie's Hill, of England, P Lediard's
Nav. Hift. fub an, 1625.
of
EngliP) Eafi India Company, ^og
of friendfhip, the company's affairs began to have a very
untoward afpe£l, and to be in a iituation little better than
ruinous. In order to remedy this grovi^ing evil, Charles Propofals of
thought proper to accept propofals of certain merchants of London
London, 'to fend a fquadroji into the Indies, to revive the «^^«^««''«
commerce, but without prejudice to the rights or intereft
of the company. Although this was an infringement of
the company's charter, yet it was not only not oppofed,
but even forwarded by them ; they well knowing their own
inability to fupport themfelves alone againft the power of
the Dutch, and that upon the fuccefs of this fquadron
depended their future profpeds of advantage. A com- Commifflm
miffion therefore was iffued to certain perfons therein iffuedfor
fpecified, to fend a determined number of {hips to the ^^/^f"^^"?
Eaft ; in confequence of which, fix large fhips were fitted ^^;.j.^ ^^
out ^. We are not informed in what particular year this t/ig Eaji
expedition was undertaken ; but from circumflances, it Indies.
feems to appear to be that fo flrongly patronized by prince
Rupert, when a fettlement in Madagafcar was intended.
Sir William Courton, one of the great promoters of this sir W,
fcheme, advanced, on his own part, a prodigious fum, Counon's
amounting to one hundred and twenty thoufand pounds, pMc fpi'
towards the equipment of the fleet and purchafe of the ^' *
cargo. Their fuccefs in the Indies was anfwerable to the Succefs and
greatnefs of the preparations, and the moft fanguine ex- ^^^fortune
pedations; but the Dutch, who dreaded above all things ^J/^^^^
the revival of the Engiifh commerce direclly with the
Indians, wanting to engrofs the firft purchafe to themfelves,
fell upon them in their return with a fuccefs almofh
ruinous to the enterprize. In this a£l:ion two of the largefl
Engiifh fhips, with their whole crews and cargoes, were
funk j the latter amounting to one hundred and fifty thou-
fand pounds ^
This difafter, however, did not difpirit the adventurers. A feconi
Seven fliips were fent out the following year by the fame fieet of
proprietors, and with jufl the fame fate as the {ormtr.f^^^^-^^P'
They were every-where well received in India ; difpofed of •'^"^ ^" '
their cargoes, and laid out their money to the utmofl fatis-
fadion : but returning with merchandize of immenfe value, JtsfaU^
they were a fecond time attacked and defeated by the Dutch.
This misfortune v/as entirely attributed to the necelFity
they were under of feparating, and making different voy-
ages to the different parts of India. One fhip running on
q Dodfley's Hift. of the Eafl Indies, vol. ii. » Harris's
Collea. vol. ii.
(hore
304 Hiflory of the
(hore on the ifland Mauritius, became a prey to the Dutch,
and was a real lofs to the owners of ten thoufand pounds,
notwithllanding all the pretended humanity of the Hol-
landers, and their proffers of friendfhip and afliftance.
The Duich Another was met by two (liips of war belonging to the
openly at- Dutch company, who openly attacked, took, and made
tack thg prize of her, with a cargo amounting to feventy-five
"^'^* thoufand pounds, after they had killed the captain and
half the crew in the engagement. The remainder were
carried to Batavia, where, together with the Englifli enfign,
they were dragged in triumph through the ftreets of the
city, and expofed to the brutal infults of the populace, and
jefts of the mob ^ By thefe outrages molt of the proprie-
tors were utterly ruined, and the reft deterred from pro-
fecuting a fcheme from which nothing but misfortunes
enfued. Thus failed the attempt of thofe public -fpirited
citizens, to reftore the commerce of England to the Eafl
Indies •, an attempt as glorious in the defign, as unfortu-
nate in the iffue. King Charles, notwithftanding the dif-
ficulties he had to ftruggle with, and the variety of the
embarraiTments which fruftrated his laudable intentions,
7le en. did not negleft the care of the company's affairs. Re-
dea^oun peated remonftrances, letters of requeil and menaces were
•/ Charles x^it^^ all of which terminated in procuring the trifling
\htainr l^ equivalent, and reftifution of eighty-five thoufand florins;
drefs, a fum by no means proportioned to a hundredth part of
the immediate lofs and its confequences ^
Now did the Dutch triumph unrivalled in the Eafl \
while the Englifh company were compelled, not only to
abandon their juft right ; but the traffick in general for
feveral fucceffive years ; the civil diftracStions banifhing
all care of fuch diftant concerns. The fequel of this un-
happy reign we muft pafs over in entire file'nce ; no mo-
numents of the com.pany's tranfaftions appearing for a
feries of years, if they really did fubfift as a company,
during that period. Such were the melancholy effefts
of the confufion at home on foreign trade, at a critical
jundlure too, when it might have been carried to fo high
a degree, and made a fource of perpetual wealth and
The en- g^^ry to the nation. The immenfe wealth, and mari-
dea'vours time ftrength, acquired by the Hollanders, induced them
of the to endeavour ftill to aggrandize themfelves, by the total
Dutch to depreffion of our naval power. They were led to this
\hiuifh^he defig'^ t)y an opinion, that the parliament, which flood
Englijb
commrci* • Dodfley's Hift. vol. ii. * Harris, vol- ii.
upon
Engli/h Eqft India Company. ' ^0$
irpon a precarious and narrow bafis, -would hardly ven^
ture upon a war abroad, at a time when they were breath-
ing after the fatigues and opprefTion of civil broils. In
this opinion the Dutch found themfelves deceived 5 for,
however unjuftly the parliament had acquired the might
it pofleiTed, it mufl be allowed they here exerted it for
the national honour. War between the two conimon- Tley fuf&
wealths was declared ; and the Dutch fuffered the due ^"^ '^^^f-
puniftiment of their infolence, and had reafon afforded ^J^^^"^*
them of repenting their being the aggreitors. After re-
peated loffes at fea, they were compelled to afk peace,
which was granted to them, and figned at Wefliminfter,
on the 5th of April, 1654. By this treaty, they rendered A'-P-^654'
Cromwel that fatisfa61:ion which they had denied both
James and Charles I. This nev/ revolution, which con-
signed the government of the kingdom into the hands of
a tyrant, promoted to that high rank by the intrigues and
intereft of Holland, operated nothing in favour of the
Dutch on this occafion. Cromv/el, it mufl be admitted,
difcharged his duty in this particular, with the true dig-
nity of a monarch. Forgetting his perfonal obligations
to that nation, where the honour and interell of England
were concerned, the protector infiiled upon giving the law
and his own terms. In the 27th article of the treaty it .
was ftipulated, " That the lords the States General of J^^j^^j^-"
the United Provinces, fliall take care that juftice be done ^^^ ^^^
upon thofe who were partakers or accomplices in the the Dutch,
maflacre of the Engiiih at Amboyna, as the republic of
England is pleafed to term that fad, provided any of
them be living ^." By this treaty, there was fettled a
commiflion which fat at Goldfmiths-Hall, whofe determi-
nation was to be decifive and final of all complaints laid
before them, refpecling either of the companies. The
Englifii gave in an eilimate of damages, amounting,
befides the lofs of their fettlements, to two million fix
hundred and ninety-five thoufand nine hundred and ninety-
nine pounds nineteen fiiillings (lerling ; which fum was
fpecified in fifteen different articles, clearly proved and .^
ftated. On the other hand, the Dutch commiffioners bal- cnTrTat"
lanced this demand by a charge, which, however, was nei- pointed by
ther fpecified nor proved, amounting to eight hundred and each com-
fifty thoufand pounds. After weighing the evidence in P^^^Jy ^^
fupport of either claim, the following conclufion, called a "^^iL!/'
^ Parliament. Hill, fub an, 1654., etiam Harris, vol. ii. Dodfley'4
Hifl. vol. ii. •
. Mod. Vol. VIII. X regu-
3c6 Htftory of the
regulation, was agreed upon, and figned the 30th of
Auguft 1654. Here, after reciting all the above demands
at large, they proceed thus: " all which complaints, de-
mands, and charges, exhibited to us the faid commilfion-
ers, by the deputy of both the Englilh and Dutch com-
panies, expreily chofe to this purpofe, have been hid be-
fore us, with a great nui^ber of documents, inftruments,
and proofs exhibited, as well for forming and corroborat-
ing their own demands, as for deilroying and refuting
thofe of the oppofite party ; and at length the arbitration
of all thofe conferences is fubmitted to us, the aforefaid
I commiffioners, by the faid deputies of both companies.
Whereupon, we the aforefaid John Exton, William
Turner, William Thompfon, Thomas Kendal, Adrian
Van Almonde, Chriflian Van Rodenburgh, Lewis Howens,
and James OyfTal, after having feen, read, examined, and
accurately confidered all the documents, inftruments, and
proofs exhibited to us on both fides, together with all
other things which feemed neceflary to us for the dif-
covery of the truth ; and being defirous to reconcile and
to eftablifh a perpetual agreement between both the com-
panies aforefaid, by virtue of the power and authority to
us given by the moft high the lord proteOor of England,
Scotland, and Ireland, and the high and mighty lords the
States General of the United Netherlands, have decided,
defined, and determined, and by this our prcfent award,
do decide, define and determine as follows :
" We make void, extinguifh, obliterate, and altogether
wipe out, and commit to oblivion (fo as never to be re-
vived at any time, and upon any pretence, by any perfon
whatfoever) all complaints, pretextures, and controverfies
mentioned here at large above, and all others whatfoever,
which the Englifh company trading to the Eafl Indies
doth or may form againft the Dutch company, without
excepting any, of whatfoever kind, nature, or conditioii
they may be. And particularly we appoint and ordain,
that the faid Englifli company fhall not for the future fue
or demand any thing of the faid Dutch company in
Perfia, or elfewhere, under the denomination of the
cuftoms at Ormuz, or Gombroon ; fo that the Dutch
fliall never be molefled or difturbed by the Englifh for this
caufe, under any pretext. Provided, neverthelefs, that
this does not prejudice any aftion or plaint, which the
Englifh company may enter againft the king of Perfia, or
any other perfon whatfoever, the Dutch excepted. In
like manner we make void, extinguifh, obliterate, and
wholly
Englijh Eofl India Company. . ^O^j^
wholly blot out, and commit to oblivion, fo as nevef ta
be revived at any time, and on any pretence, byany perfoa
whatfoever, all complaints, pretentions, and controveriies
mentioned above more at large, and all others whatfoever
they may be, which the aforefaid Dutch Eall India com-
pany doth or may form againil the faid Englifli company
trading to the Eaft Indies, except none, of whatfoever
kind, nature, or condition they may be. Moreover, we
appoint ai'id decree, that the faid Dutch fliall yield and
reitore the ifland of Poleroon to the faid Englilh company,
in the fame Itate and condition as it now is ; provided
neverthelefs, that it (hall be lawful for the faid Dutch
company to take away, and remove out of the faid ifland,
all military furniture, merchandize, houfhold ftufF, and
all moveables, if they happen to have any in the illand.
** And in the laft place, we declare and ordain, that the
faid Dutch company {hall pay the faid EngHfh company
eighty-five thoufand pounds fterling ; to be paid here at Lon-
don, one moiety before the laft day of January next enfuing,
according to the Englilh flyle, and the other before the
lait day of March following, according to the fame ilyle ;
and all controverfies between the faid companies being by
this means compofed, decided, and determined, to the t\\<\.
that a ftop may aifo be put to the quarrels of private
perfons.
" We have feen, perufed, and examined, all the com-
plaints, and demands exhibited to us in due time, in the
name of fome private Kngliihmen, who complain of hav-
ing received injury and damage at Amboyna, in the year
1623; and on the other hand, we have heard and con-
fidered the matters which have been alleged and exhibited
by the above mentioned deputies of the Dutch company,
in their own defence ; and we, the commillioncrs afore-
faid, confideriiig that no one perfon befides thefe under-
written, to us, on this account, entered any adlions or
demands before us within the due time, after which, it
is not lawful to enter any more ; and being therefore de-
firous that no relics of complaint fliould remain, and that
all caufe of wrangling may be removed, after having duly
confidered and weighed all things, do, by virtue of the
full power and authority given us by the mort high protec-
tor, and the high and miglity States of the United Nether-
lands, appoint and ordain, that all complaint, aftion, and
demand of the Englifli whomfoever, whether public or
private, on the fcorce of any damage or injury which
they pretend to have fufFered at Ambdyna, in the year
X 2 i6as
3^8 Hiflory of the
1(^2 the Englifli ftyle, and 1623 the N. S. may be made
void, terminated, and committed to oblivion ; and that
no perfon whomfoever he be, ihall enter any a£lion on
that account, or difturb, moleft, or vex the Dutch company
on that account, or any Dutchman on that pretext. And on
the other hand, we alfo decree and ordain, that the faid
Dutch company {hall pay here at London, before the firft
day of January next enfuing, feven hundred pounds
fterling, to William To vi^erfon,. nephew and adminiftrator
of Gabriel Towerfon, late of Amboyna, deceafed ; to
William Colfon, brother of Samuel Colfon, &c. adminif-^
trator in like manner of his efFe£ls, four hundred and fifty
pounds y to James Bayles, adminiftrator of the efFedts
of John Powell, three hundred and fifty pounds ; to
Anthony EUingham, adminiftrator of the efi^e£bs of Wil-
liam Grigg, two hundred pounds ; to the adminiftrators
of effecSls of John Wallerel, two hundred pounds j ta
Jane Webber, adminiftratrix of the efte6ls of George
Sharrock, one hundred and fifty pounds ; to John and
Elizabeth Collins, children and heirs of Edward Collins,
four hundred and fixty-five pounds •, to the adminiftrators
of John Beaumont, three hundred pounds ; to Jane
Webber, widow and adminiftratrix of William Webber,
two hundred pounds ; to James Baile,. adminiftrator of
the effefts of Ephraim Ramfey, three hundred and fifty
pounds ; to the executors of the will of Babrofce, fifty
pounds -, and to the adminiftrator of the efFeiSts of Ema-
nuel Thompfon, two hundred pounds : all -vyhich fums
added together, make the fum of three tlioufand fix
hundred and fifteen pounds fterling, to be paid here at
London, before January next enfuing. And on this con-
dition, we infift that their actions or fuits be altogether
fet afide and cancelled, fo as never to be revived hereafter
by any perfon whatfoever *^.'
Concefioru As this award, judgment, or determinationy was ftriftly
made by the executed as foon as made, it ought to be confidered a*
Dutch com- (let- jfiye againft the Dutch. By thefe trifling and incon-
fiderable conceffions and fatisfaclions to the reprefentatives
of the unfortunate Englifli murdered at Amboyna, they
tacitly acknowlege the guilt of their proceedings; unlefs^
it be faid, that this acknovvlegment was extorted by a high
hand with the fame exaction they pra£lifed over the fuf-
ferers. This treaty fet the affairs of the company again
on foot; jt gave life and fprrit to commerce, and en-
couraged individuals to that iirdependenee and freedom of
<■ Harris, vol. ii. p. 455.
a£lion
EngliJJo Eqft India Company, 309
a£lion and fentiment, which they perceived was aflerted
by the public. So much did the Eaft India affairs recover
themfelves, that there vt^as actually a fubfcription entered
into, under the prote61:ion of Cromwel, of eight hundred
thoufand pounds fterHng *^.
In this train were affairs when Charles II. was reftored, .
by the addrefs and intrigues of Monk ; and the conffi-
tution reinftated in its ancient form. It was one of the
carlieft adls of Charles's government, to give that coun-
tenance and proteftion to the company, which was ne-
ceffary to revive and eftablilh its commerce. He granted
them a new charter, dated April 3, 1661 ; and leave to AD. x^6r.
export bullion, to the amount of one hundred and fifty "^^ ~ "
thoufand pounds, every voyage, provided that foreign ^''^'"'^^
goods to that amount were re-exported. He confirmed ckarUs thi
their exclufive right, and permitted them to licence pri- Second
vate merchants, to trade from one port to another in India, '^'iih
by the name of country traders. An authority, civil and '^^'f^^'onal
military, was vefted in the company, with power given i"'^'^^'^^^'
them of making war or peace with the infidels in the lo-
llies : but fhould this charter prove detrimental to the
nation, the provifional claufe was ftill referved, of its
being in that cafe void and of no effeft, after, three
years notice given.
No fooner had his majefty fet on foot a treaty with Por-
tugal, for his marriage with the infanta, than it was de-
termined to embrace this opportunity of procuring the cef-
fion of fome convenient port and mart for the India com-
pany, as part of the infanta's portion. Thus the irapor- Bombay,
tant illand of Bombay came into the hands of the Englifli, ^fte doivry
and proved one of the moft advantageous fettlements in ^/^'^^^«-
the Indies. The foil, it muft be acknowleged, is but bar- PofUizal
ren, and the climate unhealthy, yet its fituation renders queen of
the place important, and the enfuing fuccefs of the com- England,
pany demonflrates it to be one of the greateft acquifitions '
they ever made. After the king's marriage, a fquadron,
conduced by the lord Marleburgh, was fent to receive the
poffeffi.on and inveftiture of the illand from the hands of
the viceroy, who had received his Portuguefe majefty's
<:ommands to that effeft. His lordfhip fet fail with a fleet
of five men of war, having Sir Abraham Shipman, ap-
pointed governor, on board, and arrived at Bombay in
September 1663, after a profperous voyage. The vice-
roy was difpofed to comply with his majefty's inftru(Sl:ions ;
i Ibid, etiam Dodfley, vol. ii.
X 3 but
2 10 Htjlory of the
but the ftrong oppofition of the clergy, who refufed to cede
the ifland to heretics, terrified the viceroy into their mea-
fures, and determined him to keep to his new acquired
dignity *'. It is probable, that ambition as well as reli-
gion might have fome influence upon the viceroy ; certain
. it is, that his obllinate refufal to furrender the ifland,
obliged the lord Marleburgh w^ith the fleet to retire to
Swally Road for refrefliments. After having laid in Itore
of neccfiary provilions, hivS lordfliip, in January 1664, fet
fail with, two (hips for Engljmd, leaving the reft of the
fquadron under Sir Abraham Shipman, to fpend the re-
mainder of the weltern monfoons in fome of the nearell
ports. During this time, he buried above two hundred
of his men on a defolate ifland, Anjadiva, where he win-
tered and Itayed from April to October. The monfoons
being over, the fleet put to fea, and failed for Bombay.
On his arrival, Sir Abraham threatened the vicerov and
clergy with the vengeance of the kings of England and
Portugal, if they longer continued obftinate, or denied
obedience to their majefties inftruftions and contracts.
Some of thofe who had not forgot Cromwel's exploits, who
reflefted on the miferies the Portuguefe and Spanifh fleet
endured from the Englifh republicans, advifed the church to
abate of her zeal. At length their religion giving way to
the fuggeftions of fear, they confented to a treaty, by which
the inhabitants were to be continued in the free exercife of
their faith, and pofleiTion of their eftates under the crowri
of England ^ Sir Abraham dying, Mr. Cook, next in
commiflion, figned the treaty, and in quality of governor,
took polTeflion of the ifland, in the nam.e of the king his
mailer. Here he immediately fet about building a fortrefs;
but a capital miftake he made in concluding the treaty, by
not including the appendages to Bombay, extending to
Verfica on Salet, has been a bone of contention ever
fmce. The fort was laid out in a regular manner, and an
old fquare hotife fitted up for him.felf as governor.
Bombay Thus the trade of Bombay flourifhed exceedingly; but the
cetiedin revenues of the place not being equal to the expence of
fee-tail to j^^eping it, and other political and commercial reafons fu-
pany, peradded, obliged the crown to make it over in fee-tail to
the company ; in which manner they continued to hold it
to this prefent time «. After the fort was traced, and the
foundation laid, Sir George Lucas arrived from England
e Hamilton's Hift, Eaft Ind. vol. i. f Hamilton, ibid.
Harris, vol. ii. s Rapin, under this reign.
with
EngVJh Eaji India Company. 3 1 !
with two flilps J but affairs being already accommodated,
he continued here no longer than January, 1666, when he
returned to England, leaving the government as he found
it, in the hands of Mr. Cook and the council, under the
prefidency of the fettlement at Surat. Mr. Cook betrayed
his ignorance of archite(fl:ure, in building the fort upon
the ground where it now flands, which is to a high degree
inconvenient. As an engineer too, he has failed ; the fort
being commanded by a hill, called Dangeree, at about
eight hundred paces diftance.
The Dutch had for a confiderable time purfued the long-
concerted fcheme of engroffing the entire India trade. The
former reign had afibrded them an opportunity of execut-
ing in a great meafure that defign; the interregnum be-
gan to revive commerce, and now that the, court fbruck
into the plan advantageous to traffick, the Englilh company
once more began to make fome figure in India. This
profperlty the Dutch refolved to put a ftop to, by a method
no lefs eireclual than an immediate attack upon the Eng-
hfh ; which was, to wage unintermitting war with the na-
tives, till they compelled them to expel all foreigners, be-
fides themfelves, out of the country.
The war no fooner broke out than their refentmer.t Ike wUnjot
was im.mediately levelled againft the Englifh, in which, ty '^f ^he
their fuperior ftrength, they generally fuccceded in that pc-irt ^'''^^•
of the world ; but peace between England and Holland
enfuing, they again began with the natives, fupporting
the prince of Java againil his father, till, from a principle
of felf-prefervation, the Javanefe nccelTarily excluded our
company. The lofs of the Englifti fettlement at Bantam Tht Eng^
greatly affecled the affairs of the company ; they deter- ^i/^ com-
mined, therefore, at all events, to attempt the recovery ^^^ ^'"
of a place fo important to their trade. Great and extra- reco'ven of
ordinary preparations were fet on foot for this purpofe ; Bantam,
and a fieet confiftin;:^ of twenty-three Ihips, many of them
carrying fixty and feventy guns, was equipped, with every
thimj ready to fail, A. D. 1685. A body of eight thou-
fand land forces was put on board ; a force which no rea-
fonable man doubted would reinftate the fettlement, and
humble the infolence of the Hollanders •*. In another
jnianner did the corrupted court determine the event. Pro-
fufion begat avarice; and this infatiable paffion blinded
the adminiftration to every view of honour, and fileneed
h Harris, vol. ii. Account of Commerce. Hamilton, vol. i.
ibid.
X 4 the
3xa
*the cor-
ruption of
the Engiijh
court jruf-
trates the
de/ign.
Jam(s the,
11, encou-
rages the
(.Qmpccnj.
fke c%m'
faay bor->
roiv money
in India.
Hiftory of the
the clamorous di^lates of hoqefly, confcieiice, and natlonai
fpirit. An embargo for nine months was laid upon this ar-
mament, under various pretexts; but with a view to extort
large fums of money from the company. At lafh the time
elapii ng, the Dutch ambafiador put an entire flop to the
expedition, by a bribe to certain great perfonages, of one
hundred thoufand pounds ; an a&ion that has indelibly
ftained with infamy the mercenary reign of that weak and
profligate prince. Thus was the interefl and honour of
the kingdom, and the rights of a company eftabhfhed by
law, and cheriflied by all the predeceflbrs of this monarch,
bartered for the mean gratification of an inconfiderable
fum of money, Charles, it muft be owned, underftood,
and would have encouraged commerce, had his irregular
paffions, and loofe defires, left him an opportunity of pay-
ing any attention to the welfare of his people. His incli-
nations were evinced by the additional privileges he grant-
ed the company the year after his reftoration. The com-
pany found in his brother James the 11. a ftill more power-
ful prote6lor and warm patron. Charles had granted
them a new charter in the twenty-eighth year of his reign,
and extended it in the thirty-fifth ; but his fuccefibr not
only extended the immunities of the company, but in a
manner fhared his fovereignty with them ^ ^e impower-
ed them to build fortrefles, to levy troops, to determine
caufes under the form of courts martial, and to coin mo-
ney 5 all this with intention to enable them to difpute this
commerce with the Hollanders, and to fecure the encroach-
ments refulting from the traffick to his kingdoms. Under
fo many advantages, and the patronage of a prince, who
both knew and loved trade, it is not to be doubted, but
the company flourifhed, grew powerful, and extended their
dealings and authority with which the fovereign had in-
veiled them. It is true, they did exert their power, by
making their countrymen feel its full weight, without
communicating any part of the benefit.
Having been at the expence of fuch an armament as we
have mentioned, they were obliged to employ them abroad ;
but their capital b^ing infufficient for purchafing a cargo,
orders were iflued to their governors and factors, to borrow
what fums they could on the company's credit in India.
Still feveral of the fbips remained unloaded ; thefe, there-
fore, were employed in freights in the country. Thus far
the policy of the company >vas juftifiable andhonell ; what
Ppdfley'i Hiftory of the $^ft Indies, vol. ii.
follows
EngliJJj Eqfl India Company, 313
follows was treacherous, bafe, and unworthy the fubje£ls
of a Chriftian and civilized ftate. Captain Hamilton, who T%e fhamt^
feems a plain honeil man of fenfe, acquaints us, that he /«/ ads of
faw a letter from the governors of the company in England, ^^^ S^J^f^'
to the factors abroad, intimating, that as foon as they had "°JJ'L^^'
pufhed their credit to the utmoft extent, they would then
contrive means of quarrelling with the creditors, and of put-
ting a ftop to their trade ^. A fhort method of payment ;
which fhews, that no ingratitude or villainy is too black for
the human heart, poffeiTed with avarice, to perpetrate. By
many writers this whole tranfa£tion is charged upon the in- sir J. Child
trigues, pride, and ambition of Sir Jofiah Child, and his bro- and his
ther Mr. John Child, then honoured with knighthood, and ^T^^^^ ,
made governor of Bombay. The arbitrary adminiftration of p^^l^ g„^
this gentleman was equally oppreflive to the Indian mer- trufledta
chants, as to the Englifh traders and troops. The pay of the thim.
latterwas reduced thirty per cent, a ftep which entirely alien-
ated them from the governor, and prepared their minds to
embrace any opportunity to bring about a revolution in the
affairs of the ifland. The occafion foon offered; Mr. Ward,
the governor's brother-in-law, by him appointed deputy,
was detecSled in a fecret correfpondence with the Swajee,
inviting him to land. This deteftion prevented not the ^he Moors
Swajee's making an effort. He fent a fleet of eighty fmall 7nake an
veffels, to attempt a landing on the back bay ; but they attempt to
were fo hotly received, that they {heered off with lofs. ^!r^^f^
"Ward was then confronted with his intercepted letters, q-^g
the government taken out of his hands, and he, with the Ijlanders
reft of the fadion, fent to Sir John Child at Surat, which revolu
at that time was the head fettlement and refidence of the
governor. The iflanders taking upon themfelves the ad-
miniftration, chofe major Kegwin, an officer of expe-
rience, to fuperintend military affairs ; and captain Thor-
burne was put at the head of the civil government ^
In this manner did affairs ftand, till the arrival of the
Phcenix frigate, A. D. 1685. She had been difpatched from Tkenativts
England, in confequence of remonftrances received there return to
from Sir John Child, to demand reftitution of the ifland, their duty.
and to have it again put under the company's authority.
The king's orders, and pardon to all who fliould yield obe-
dience, were no fooner declared, than all the inhabitants
fubmitted ; but for their own fecurity drew up certain ar-
ticles to be figned by general Child (he now bore that
^ Hamilton, vol. i. p. 187. Harris, vol. ii. ibid. ^ Dodf-
Icy, vol. \\. Hamilipn, ibid.
rank).
314
Central
Lhtld's
m»d info-
Una*
Ue ereBs
ttn ifiqutji-
tion in
tAe^. Fit
Qtid Bour-
€hier fiy to
the Mogul's
4iemimonS'
7A!f and
91 her pr -"
tinces the
general
makes the
J»uniation
iif a tvar
ivith the
Hijtory of the
rank), and Tyrrel, captain of the frigate. Among the
reft they ftipulated, that any one defirous of returning in-
to England, ihould have a paiTage in fome of the com-
pany's ihips. Kegwin accordingly came over; but Thor-
burne, on account of his family and fmall fortune, re-
mained behind, to experience farther proofs of the gene-
ral's inhumanity. A villainous and dark fcene of iniquity
here prefents itfelf, which, in honour to human nature,
we muft fupprefs. Indeed, the general was no fooner re-
inflated, than he exerted every act of a wanton, infolent,
gnd ambitious tyranny. Befides oppreiUng Thorburnc, by
^cts the mofl infidious and bafe, two other gentlemen in
particular, whofe integrity was a check upon his menfures,
felt the lafh of his unjufl refentment. Thefe were Meflrs.
Pit and Bourchier, both of the council, and both of dif-
pofuions very oppofite to that of the petty bafhaw. They
had ever preferred their honefty and honour to his favour ;
conftantly oppofing his pernicious fchemes, they at length
funk under the weight of his authority. What particu-
larly roufed Sir Jolin's vengeance, was the firm oppofition
made by thofe gentlemen to a diabolical inquifition eredted
by him, under the prefidency of a refugee Greek. Their
attachment to liberty, and his cruel perfecution, obliged
them to feek fhelter in the Mogul's dominions, where, for
fome time, they traded with fuccefs. Pit was at lad taken
by pirates, and his ranfom, by means of the humane go-
vernor, raifed fo high, that he died in llavery. He next,
in arrogant and imperious terms, demanded Bourchier,
his wife, children, and efFcifLS, to be delivered up to him
by the Mogul governor of Surat. This demand, with
the remonftrance to the Mogul governor of pretended
grievances, laid the foundation of the war that cnfued with
the Great Mogul. It may be eafily perceived how hard
this Englifh robber muft have ftraincd to make his charge
phiufible; a charge founded upon fraud, ambition, and
tyranny, the whole intention of which was to clear ac-
counts with the Indian merchants, his creditors, to raifc
his own power, and to give full fcope to his private re-
fentment and pique tp Mr. Bourchier "'.
Thefe pretences were made the foundation of a war with
the Mogul; Child, whether from the violence of his own
difpofition, or whether by collulion with his conftituentr,
or both, feized on all the {hips of the Mogul's fubjc^l;,
wherever they were found. The Surat merchants in par-
» Hamilton, vol. i. ibid.
ticular.
Englijlo _ Eajl India Company, 3(5
ticular, who carried on an immenfe traffick by fea to Mo-
cha, l^erna/ and BafTora, weftward ; to Bengal, Acheen,
Molucca, and Siam, eaftward, obtained paiies from the
Englifh general, notwithftanding which they were violently
feized, without regard paid to the protedlion he had af-
forded and engaged. Nor did he once trouble himfelf by-
fending to the king, or uiing the form of declaring war,
as pra£llfed among ail civilized ftates. No ; his intention
was to reap the fruits of a piracy before a proper force
could be fent agaii^il him. Thus was the company involv-
ed in a quarrel, which cofl them above four hundred thoul
fand pounds, befides the ruin of their credit with the Mo'
gul and his fubje6^s *, a piece of fa^fe policy, the eiFecbs of
which they have not recovered ro this day. l^y what rnea- The ahfurd
fures of common fenfe could the general abroad, and his condutt of
brother Sir Jofinh at home, think to rob, plun'er, and ^f J"/^"^^
fpoil the Mogul's fubjefts in one part of his dominions, ^^j^i^"^
and yet enjoy a free undiflurbed trade in other parts .?
They could not expect that the king would be an idle fpec-
tator of the misfortunes of his people, and arrogance of
the Engliih. During this period it is, that foreigners, and
even the Dutch themfelves, have reafon to complain of
the haughty infolence with which a company of merchants
infulted a great and powerful monarch. The firll exploit
of this ftrange policy was performed by captain Andrews.
Tills gentleman, in the fhip calle<l Charles the Second,
failing to Mocha, fet up the Englilli flag on the Engliih
fa6lcry, and feized upon two Engliih country trading
•fliips, commanded by the captains Bear and Wren. This
laft, refufing to furrender his fliip, was put to death in
his own cabin ". The governor and merchants of Mo-
cha difliking thofe violent proceedings, were propofing to
compel Andrews to deliver back the ibips, of which de-
f\gn he received notice, withdrew on board with great
precipitation, leaving the colours flying on the faftory.
He foon after left Mocha, carrying his two prizes with
him. "^rhe company fuifered for thofe captures, in being The com'
forced to make ample reilitution to the owners. Mr. pany are
Clive, fupercargo of the Screights Merchant, one of the A^^^^ '"
fcizures, got bills, payable at Grand Cairo, for his ftock, ^j^t-^Jl^^
fixty bales of coffee excepted, which he carried into Eng-y^oi//^^.^^/^,.
land, where it fold well ; in proportion to this were the lence corn-
company obliged to indemnify the owners for the refl of w//.v^*/
the cargo, the whole amounting to thirty- two thoufand fy^/v
■ Harris, vol. ii, Hamilton, vol. i.
pounds. '
3i6 Hiftory of the
pounds. The BrifloFs cargo was in "like manner made
good to the proprietors, as was that of the Johanna,
amounting to iixty thoufand pounds. The Little Betty, a
fiiip taken by the Phoenix in her way to India, and fold at
Bombay for fix hundred pounds, coll the company twelve
thoufand pounds in England. The owner of this veflel,
one Haflewell, a city quaker, arrefted captain Tyrell on
Change ; who offered James the Second for bail, whom the
plaintiff, it is faid, refufed, but accepted of a private gen-
tleman, Sir Jofeph Heme **.
^e general 1 The Charles, Csefar, Royal James, and Mary, feized
ftizes all 'upon fourteen fail of the Surat trade, and brought them
the Mi>gurs jjjj.^ Bombay in the year 1688, no war having yet broke
J^F?''^i' ^^^ yN\\}oi the Mogul, only with the inhabitants of Surat,
whom the general thought to humble. Thefe captain Ha-
milton faw at Bombay, who likewife affirms, that Child
failed with the Royal James and Mary, in the month of
Oftober, attended by four other fliips of war, in order to
force the governor and inhabitants into a compliance with
his arbitrary demands, in which defign, however, he was
difappointed. He left Surat in January 1689, highly in-
cenfed at his difappointment, carrying all the Englifh
fhips, except the Adventure, with him. This fhip had
been forced by the Phoenix over the bar, v/here fhe lay till
her bottom was eat up by worms, and the fhip rendered
nfelefs, the cargo remaining feveral years in Mr. Bour-
chier*s pofTeffion. On his return to Bombay, Child feized
upon a fleet, laden with corn for the Mogul's army,
though he was oppofed by the council in general. One
captain Hide, in particular, gave his opinion of the im-
prudence of this meafure with great freedom, for which
he was treated with fcurrilous language by this haughty
general. In fhort, neither the danger of incenfing the
Mogul, of bringing deflru6tion upon Bombay, and ruin
to the company*s affairs, could prevent this vain-glorious
and rafh man from purfuing a feries of ill-judged unad-
vifed meafures. His pride, infolence, avarice, and felf-
fufficiency, rendered him equally an obje61; of contempt
and hatred j prevented his council from giving him the
necefTary advice, and, in fliort, brought on the almofl
fatal cataflrophe which enfued to the company, from a
war with fo potent a prince, oppofed by fo ignorant a ge^-
neral p.
, • Hamilton, voK i* p Dodfley, vol. ii. Harris, vol. ii.
Sedee
EngltJJj Eajl India Company, gij
Sedee Yacoup, the Mogul's general, receiving advice ^^j^^ ya^
of this tranfadtion, fent to Sir John Child, in terms of coupy the
the higheft refpeft, to requeil reftitution of the fleet, af- Mogul's
furing him that he had never hitherto interfered in his Sf"^^^j*
difputes with the inhabitants of Surat ; that he was ftill ^f^Jrefs,
determined to purfue the fame conduft, unlefs his refufal
of fo juft a demand fliould compel him to alter his mea-
fures. To this remonftrance Sir John Child returned an
anfwer full of infolence, and ordered the captures to be
unloaded at Bombay. Sedee YacoupSjfent another melTage
more peremptory than the former, threatening, that if
the fleet was not difcharged by the nth of February, he ,
would certainly demand it with an army at Bombay on the
14th. This demand being rejected likewife with arro-
gance, the Mogul general performed his promife with
great pun£luality, landing with twenty thoofand men at
Somree, a place four miles diftance from the main fort %
Infolence and boafling are feldom combined with true cou- // i,
rage. Child's fecurity had not only prevented his taking kaughtilf
the proper precautions againft fuch an attempt j but his ^^f"f^^*
fears now deprived him of the neceflary prefence of mind. Y ^
Hitherto he had trufled to the reputation and power of ^rmy at
the company, which was now higher than ever ic had been Bombay,
in the Indies : this flcreen taken away, he funk into his
natural pufillanimity and meannefs. There was, indeed, a
fufficient number of fmall boats to oppofe and defeat the
enemy's landing ; but the tonfufion which attended fo
unexpe£led a danger, rendered them ufelefs. They were The pujilla^
neglected, while the general's attention was employed on nimous
things of little confequence, or on his own fears. Sedee "»^«^ of
Yacoup furprifed the redoubt that ftood at the place where f2/5
he landed, the garrifon abandoning it after having fired a
cannon as an alarm. At one in the morning three guns
were fired from the caftle to give general notice of the
approach of an enemy, which threw the inhabitants with-
out the fortrefs ini«„ . much confternation, that the wo-
men, both white and black, ran with their children in
their arms, half-naked, to the caftle, where, being de-
nied admittance, they remained till day-light. The for-
trefs of Magazan, though defended by fourteen pieces of
cannon, as well as an almoft inacceffible fituation, was
abandoned on the enemy's approach. The cowardly re-
treat of the commanding officer was fo precipitate, that
he left every thing behind a prey to the Moors. Ten
^ Hamilton^ voL i.
chefts
318
the inju-
dicious con-
iiua of
captain
ftatt.
Hiflory of the
chetls of treafure, each containing a thoufand pounds,
and four chells of new arms, were taken by the enemy,
though the failors offered to carry them off fafc. How
thefe came to be depofited in Magazan could never be
cleared up ; nor were the oflicers reafons for making a
prefent of them to the enemy more apparent ; but perhaps
the moll wonderful circumftance of the whole was, that
this oliicer was never called to give an account of his con-
du61:. Mortars, bombs, ammunition, and provifions fell
likewife into the hands of Sedee. Profiting by the mif-
conduft of the Englifh, that chief lent a party to plunder
the peafants of Mahim, and to view the fort, which he
judged might, like the others, be evacuated ; nor was he
miftaken, the garrifon having embarked in boats for Bom-
bay, before they had fight of his detachment. EllabUfh-
ing his head quarters at Magazan, and planting his flag on
the ramparts, he fent cut parties to harrafs and infult the
Englifh general, who was flung with the confequences
of his own imprudence. Accordingly captain Pean was
ordered, with a body of fifty men, to dillodge the enemy
from the hills of Magazan ; Monroe, an experienced
officer, being appointed his lieutenant. This fmall de-
tachment marched in good order within fliot of the enemy,
"who were drawn up behind a rifing ground, which cover-
ed them from the fire of the Englifh. Here the Moorsf
determined to wait their approach ; a circumftance which
Monroe obferving, advifed captain Pean to feparate the
detachment into platoons, as the mofl efFe6lual means to
break the Indian infantry. The captain haughtily reject-
ing this feafonable counfel, told the lieutenant, that
when he was appointed commander, he was to do what
he thought proper, but as that trufl was now committed
to hinifelf, he would aft according to his own judgment.
He then ordered his men to extend their ranks, making
them as thin as pofTible, and to difcharge " a general fire
upon the enemy as foon as they faw them open upon the
plain. Such a conduft, he faid, would flrike terror into
them. Monroe warmly oppofed this difpofition, remind-
ing the captain of the danger lie mufl be in if tlie enemy
fliould advance whilfl his men were reloading. But Pean
adhering tenacioufly to his firfl opinion, ordered his men
to fire as direftcd; the confequence of which M^as what
had been forefeen by Monroe. The men being lighter
armed than the Englifh, perfedlly well pra£lifed in clofe "
fight, with fword and target, and ten times their number,
laying hold of the important moment, ruflicd upon Pean
with
Englijh Eaji India Company, ^i^
with all their force, and foon bore him down with thei'^
weight. So rapid and bold a movement ftruck the cap-
tain with a panic which carried him, with incredible
fwiftnefs, to a Portuguefe church, where a hundred men
lay to fuflain him if required. Monroe fliii ftood his
ground with a part of the wing which he commanded,
his whole force not exceeding fourteen men. After an
obflinate difpute, which demonftrated that, had his ad-
vice been purfued, vi£lory would have declared for the
Englifh, he, with all his brave fellows, were cut in pieces.
Pean, who was the general's minion, recurned to him,
and met with a hearty welcome inftead of the halter which
he deferved^ Sedce Yacoup was now mailer of the
u'hole ifland, the caflle, with about half a mile of ground
to the fouthward of it, excepted. To reduce the garrifon
he planted a battery on Dungeree Hill, which commands
the caftle, from which he greatly annoyed the beficged.
Then he put four great ^uns into the cuftom-houfe, called
the India Houfe, raifed a battery at Moody's houfe,
within two hundred paces of the fort, which made it dan-
gerous ftirring without the gate of the caflle, till a fconce,
in form of a crefcent, was thrown up. General Child,
on his part, took meafures for his defence. Every man,
without di(lin£lion, was prefled Into the fervice, and
three thoufand Sauvajees were taken as auxiharies into
pay. This meafure rendered provifions fcarce ; toremedy f/zire-'^rr;-
which inconvenience, a fleet of fmall {hips was fent to fonvf Hom^
cruize on the Mogul's coails, where they met withconfi-^'^>'.
derable fuccefs. Captain Hamilton, from whom this re--^^^'^ ^^'*
lation is deduced, was preflcd, and appointed to the com- ^J,^^f gf
mand of a veffel of nine tons burthen, twenty fighting provijio$tu
men, and fixteen rowers; with which fmall force he
brought nine prizes into Bombay, mofl of them loaded
with provifions and cloathlng for the enemy. One piece
of opprefllon he complains of as being greatly prejudicial
to the fervice, viz. that the cruizers were admitted to no
fhare of the captures ; nay, that the very pay they had
faved was v/refled from them for the ufe of the company,
under pretence of its being part of the prize. Thus they
became negligent in their duty, and never looked out for
the enemy's (hips, but when neceffity and pinching hun-
ger rendered it abfolutely necefTary.
r Hamilton's Hift. of the Eaft Indies, vol. i. chap. 17. Dodi.
vol. li. Hams, vol. li. book i. chap. a.
In
320
^he gem-
ralfends
ambajfa-
itors to the
MoguVs
tourt with
fubTmJJi've
propojals.
Jureng
Zib's gene-
rous con-
Cemral
ChUddies,
Hiflory of the
In this train were affairs when general Child, finding
his fuccefs on fhore not correfpondent to his infolent
hopes, and that the enemy were increafed to forty thou-
fand men, began to think of terminating the affair by fub-
milfion. With this view two perfons, in charadler of
Englifh ambaffadors, were difpatched to the Mogurs court.
Mr. George Welden, Abraham Naava, a Jew, aflifled by
Meer Mezamie, a merchant of Surat, of fome intereft at
court, and a friend to the company, conftituted this em-
baffy. They arrived in fifteen days at Jehanabat, where
the court then refided. At firft their reception was cold,
but, by force of bribes and prefents to the officers, they
were admitted to an audience of Aureng Zib. Their at-
titude, when brought into the prefence of this monarch,
was very mortifying, their hands being tied before, and
they conilrained to proftrate themfelves on the ground.
The emperor, after a fevere reprimand, demanded their
bufinefs. To this queftionthey anfwered by a confeflionof
their fault, and an humble requefl that his majefty would
pardon them. They then petitioned that their phirmaund,
fojuftly forfeited might, by his clemency, be renewed, and
that the Mogul's forces might be withdrawn from Bombay.
Aureng Zib told them, that, to have their fubmiflion ac-
cepted, and the injuries fullained by his fubje£ls pardon-
ed, one thing was abfolutely necefl'ary, which was gene-
ral Child's withdrawing from India within nine months,
never to return ; that then their phirmaund fhould be re-
newed, and the army recalled, as foon as fecurity was
given for full fatisfa£l:ion and indemnification of the lofTes
fuftained by his people.
The death of general Child, which happened in January
following, much facilitated a reconcifiation with Aureng
Zib, and promoted the company's affairs ; yet was it kept
fecret till it was known what his majelly's intentions were
in refpe£t to him. Meer Mezamie died likewife in March,
it was fuppofed by poifon, on account of his attachment
to the Englifh. At the time that Mezamie was given
over by his phyficians, the Englifh ambaffadors went to
demand of him an account of fifty thoufand rupees he had
received for fecret fervices. His anfwerwas, that he was
forry he had ever meddled in their affairs -, he had ferved
them at the cxpence of his life, yet were they diffatisfied.
As to the ufe to which the money was appropriated, that
was a fecret he was not at liberty to divulge ^
f Hamilton, vol. i. chap. 17.
During
Englipj Mqff India Company. 221
louring this fituation of affairs, the Dutch failed not to
endeavour profiting by the mifcondud: and misfortunes of
the Engiifh company. Baroon their amballador at Aureng
Zib's court, hearing of the revolution in Great Britain,
thought to impdfe on the ignorance of the Indian monarch.
He feized the opportunity oi his firft audience to magnify
the power and influence of the Dutch, and vilify that of
the Engiifh. The Mogul feemed pleafed with what he
faid, and ordered him to proceed. Baroon then told himj
that Great Britain was, in comparifon to Holland, a poor^
weak, and contemptible nation, fickle, unfteady, and
ever embroiled in divifions and civil difcord. That the
Dutch were forced to fend the Engiifh a king to goveril
them J and that if they were excluded by his majefty
from trading with his fubje£l:s, the States General would
carry it on with more advantage to India^ fill his coffers
with treafure, and make his people happy, while the
Engiifh would be at a lofs to procure daily bread. The ^^'/evg
Mogul gravely replied, that if the States poflefTed that il^'^^^',-
fuperiority he alleged, it would be aneafy matter ^^"^^^^h en~
them to drive the EngliTn out of Iridiai, and engrdfs the wjv, atid
whole commerce to ihemfelves ; and he defired him to ihe 'vuws
tell his mafters, this was the condu6l he expefted they ^j ^^^ ^^*'
would purfue. Baroon excufed himfelf, pretending that f^uilraudi
he could do nothing in the airair without inflruflions from
Holland. Then the prince reprimanded him, and dif-
covered his fenfe of the falfhood the ambafTador had ad-
vanced : " You very well know, fays Aureng Zib, that
about feventeen years ago, the king of France over-run
moft of your country in a few days, and would have be-
come mafter of the whole, had he not been repulfed bjr
the Englifli, and not the Dutch forces." He farther told
him, that if England did not hold the balance of power,
either the emperor or PVance would conquer Holland in
one campaign. Baroon confounded at finding himfelf thus
detefted, made no reply ; but retired in the utmoft mor-
tification. The Englilh ambafladois had no fooner obtain-
ed pardon, than they began to perceive the features of the
courtiers foften in their favour. They were indulged with
the liberty of takin_<:^ the diverfions of the country, while
the phirmaund v/s'.s preparing, which, according to the
cuftom of the Ealterns, was a work of time; Orders wei'e
fent to the fedee to forbear hoftilities ; the fame orders
^vere given to the garrifon, fo that frequent vifits pafTed
among the officers on both fides. The phirmaund being
ready, and the necelTary fecurity given, fedee Yacoup left
, Mop. Vql. VIII. Y Bombay
322 Eillory of the
The Mogul Bombay on the 8th of June, 1690, after a flay of near four
recals his months, all which time the caflle was clofely blocked
army from ^p on the land fide. The peftilence, which his army left
tt"J^^r* behind, more prejudiced the company's affairs than either
a peace. ^^^ ^^^^ of men they had fuftained, or the laft malicious
a6l of fedee in fetting on fire and deftroying Magazan '.
Although the Mogul was not ignorant of the injuries his
fubje£ls had received from the Englifh, yet was he unwill-
ing to ufe feverity. That wife monarch thought it more
advifable to wink at enormities which could not be reme-
died, then to perfecute the authors with a rigour that might
T/2e Mo' deprive his dominions of a beneficial commerce. When
gu/'s fpeech f}^^ ambafladors had their audience of leave, he gently
*tan VI^I ^^^^ them of their errors, prudently admonilhing them to
bajfadors. ^ different condu£l for the future, and, with the majefty
of a prince, commanded them to receive his favours and
graces with that refpe^l and deference which was due to
the friendfhip of fo great a monarch. He concluded with
advifing them to make law the meafure of juftice, to ufe
moderation in all their aftions, and juftice in their deal-
ings ; after which advice, he difmifled them filled with
the highefl notions of his wifdcm, magnanimity, and
virtue K
Mr. Faux General Child was fucceeded in the government of
fufceeds Bombay by Mr. Vaux. Mr. Harris, who had been pri-
chldtnihe foj^^^j. j^j Surat, ought to have been the fuccefTor in courfe
ment of ^^ feniority, but it was unufual to admit into this office
Bombay, any one who had been confined for capital crimes by the
Mogul, till a particular amnefty was granted : and this
was a kind of necefrary compliment and refpe£l: paid to
that monarch. Mr. Vaux was obliged to go to Surat to
receive the phirmaund and the MoguFs ferpaw, or prefent
ufual on thefe occafions. This donation con filled of a
fine horfe richly comparifoned, which mufl never be fold
on any account whatsoever, a complete fuit of cloaths of
atlafles, or zeerhaftes, a kind of fattin with wrought
flowers of gold or filver j a fine turban, embroidered ihoes,
and a dagger of value, ftuck into a fine fafh. Equipped
in this attire, the general, or governor, is prefented with
the phirmaund by the Mogul's meflJenger, the governor
of the city or province enlarging, at the fame time, upon
the honour done him by the moft powerful potentate un-
» Harris, vol. ii. book i. chap. 7-. Dodfl. Hift. of the Eait Indies, ,
vol. ii. Hamilton, ibid. ^ Harris'* Colled, vol. ii. book i,
chap. %,
dcr
EnglifJo Eafi India Company. 323
der heaven; and admonifliing him that his condu£l may
render him deferving of fuch a diftinftion. Mr. Vaux
having received the phirmaund in a gilt box, put it upon
his head, returning by the interpreter his acknowledg-
ments of the honour and particular obligation he vi^as
under to the great monarch ; after which ceremony he
was conducted by the MoguPs governor from the garden
where it was performed, into the city, amidfl the accla-
mations of an infinite concourfe of people, who welcomed
his acceffion to that high rank with Ihouts of joy, as he
pafled to the Englifli fadlory. After remaining about a
week at Surat, Mr. Vaux fent to acquaint the Mogul
governor of the neceflity he was under of returning to his
charge at Bombay. In anfwer, he was told, that as no Ue is de*
other perfon could be intrufted by the Mogul to fee the '«^'«^^«'
contradt performed, it was hoped he would not think of ^nfu rf-^
leaving the city, lelt the king ihould repent of the favours /?;-^/.,j/.
conferred upon the company, whofe commiffion he bore.
Thus was Mr. Vaux detained a hoflage for the fecurity of
the performance of the articles entered into by his maf-
ters ".
Mr. Harris then, as v:i% ufual, demanded the govern- -A^'*' IJarris
ment of Bombay to be ceded to him, as fenior, which ^•' .c^t-^^wor
Vaux, to avoid altercation, granted. Harris foon after ""^ ^"^ ^^'
made Annefley, a man of no character, his confident and
director ; fo that, in fhort, the fubtle Annefiey held the
reins of government, and had art and addrefs enough to
embroil, during the adminiftratlon of Harris, the com-
paiay's affairs, as well as thofe of private traders, procur-
ing himfelf to be afterwards made prefident or rather
tyrant of Bombay^. Nor was the condu6l of fir Jofiah
Child, prefident of the company's afi^airs in England, lefs
culpable. At laft the mal-adminiftration of Harris and
his prime minifi:er, Annefley, produced fo many com-
plaints, that the company was forced to fuperfede them,
fending fir John Gayer to take upon him the management
of affairs in Harris's room. Gayer arrived anno 1694, and Sir John
was invefted with the title of general of India. He con- <^^K^
tinned Annefley in the company's fervice, though he "^andTr\n
deprived him of all power of doing mifchief, and in the chief in
end difmified him, anno 1700. The new governor was India
a man of good-nature, and on the whole an agreeable
chara61:er ; yet did he commit a£lions greatly prejudicial
to his reputation.
" Hamilton, vol. i. ^ Idem ibid. Dodfl. ibid.
Y 2 Nor
324
He isjuc-
ceeded by
Sir Nicho-
las H^aite»
Bombay
ruined by
the oppref-
f6n of its
governors*
Hiftory of the
!Mor was the conduft of fir Nicholas Waite, -who fuc-
ceeded in the government of Bombay, lefs unwarrantable*
The loofenefs of his morals, his barefaced perverhon of
jullice, together with his prevarication, and little arts, in-
cenfed to fuch a degree the inhabitants and foldiers of the
ifland, that they feized and fent him prifoner to England.
Hisfway, though fhort, was, ncverthelefs, very prejudicial
both to the company and to private traders. From the time
that the prefident had been obliged to refide at Surat, Bom-
bay was under the direftion of a deputy, appointed by the
governor. The war and late peltilence had made great
havock among the Europeans on the ifland, infomuch,
that out of eight hundred EngliHi, there remained not
above (ixty. Thus, from a populous and pleafant placcj
Bombay was reduced to a folitary and difmal defert. Still
the fpirit of injuflice remained, which neither war nor
peflilence could fubdue. Thofe who furvived were denied
the liberty of returning to their native country, and like-
wife of purfuing their fortunes in India by private trade.
They were detained in the company's fervice, under th^
lafh of authority, infolence, and oppreflion, without a
glimmering of hope ^,
To avoid confufion, and difturbing the reader's attention,
we have purfued the affairs of Bombay at the expenceof a
flight trefpafs on chrono]ogy. We fliall now return to the
year 1691, when the dom.eftic tranfadions of the com-
pany afford materials for our biftory. As the political
affairs of this commerce are wholly abftra6led from fo-
reign occurrences, we believe the reader will not be
difpleafed that v/e have treated them feparately. The
contrary would have broke the chain of narration, thrown
the reader into perplexity, and wholly deOroyed the
pleafurfc arifing from an uniform and complete view.
X H^rj^is, vol. i. Dodfl. ibid.
SECT.
EngliJJ) Eqft Indk Company, 325
SECT. IV.
Containing the Donieftic Occurrences of the Company ;
Defigns Jet on foot to defiroy the Monopoly \ the DiJ-
putes of the Company with Interlopers ; and the Steps
previous to the Eliablijhment of a new Company.
A BOUT this time a defign which had been long in A.D.. 169T.
"^ agitation of fubverting the old Eail India company, •
by erecting a new one in its ftead, began firft to appear. ^ dffign
This project took its origin from ail the feveral motives °rom7pri~
which mod powerfully adtuate the human mind. In 1680, c^ate mer-
and the feveral following years, till the unhappy war at chants^ to
Bombay, the price of India ftock was three hundred and a?inulthe
(ixty pounds per cent, and their dividend proportionable •, ^^^^^^^^
a circumftance that ftruck all Europe with admiration, and
our rivals in trade with envy and malignity. It inflamed
the avarice of individuals in the nation ; prompted many
to invade the exclufive rights of the company, in order
to fhare the profits j and at lafl divided the whole court and
mercantile intereft into oppofite factions. Each faw the
value of the prize, and each contended with equal ardour,
the one to keep, the other to obtain, pofleffion of it. The
foundation of this flruggle had been laid towards the end
of Charles the Second's reign; it had been kept up by the
partizans of each, either by the prefs, or by fecret intrigues
and corrupt applications y.
The complaints againfl the company were deduc'ed fronni Complawts
the year 1682, when Sir Jofiah Child, after having arriv- Exhibited
ed at the prefidency of affairs, got thofe very perfons ^f^'^'^'
excluded the diredion who had raifed him. They had, ^ ^'
indeed, oppofed fome of his meafures, which they appre-
hended would be fatal and deftru(Slive. In courfe of the
complaints, it is alleged, that Sir JofiaVs ambition and
corruption were fo great, that no difHculties could with-
ftand him ; by force of intrigue, money, and notorious
falfhoods, he prevailed in procuring fome of the moil ex-
perienced merchants, of the grcateft credit and weight,
to be turned out of the direction. His prefents were fo
fubftantial, that the court fell in with his meafures, by
which means we are told, he could command equally at
St* James's and Weftminftcr Hall, wliatcver he deGred.
,y Harri?, vol. ji chap, 2. book s,
Y 3 Thr;
26 Hiftory of the
The embargo tliat was laid upon the great armament fet
on foot for the recovery of Bantam, the war with the
Mogul, the mal-adminiflration of the ill and of Bombay,
the ruin of our mofl beneficial fettlements in India, par-
ticularly that at Bengal, then the richeft piovince in the
world, were all charged upon Sir Jofiah Child. It was
proved, that our trade in Bengal, which, in the fpace of
twenty-three years, had advanced from eight thoufand '
pounds to three hundred thoufand pounds, per annum, was
now reduced almoft to its former nothingnefs, by his mif-
condudl:. It was yet farther obje6led by the enemies of
the company, that by their fhameful negleft, they had loft
the if] and of Poleroon, which, though of ineflimable
value, was defended only by twelve men, the garrifon of
a wooden fort, fet up for fhew, and of no ufe in defence.
That they had accepted for their right to the moiety of
the cufloms of Gombroon, a trifling equivalent of about
three thoufand pounds per annum. That by annexing
votes to fliares inftead of perfons, at the rate of a vote for
every live hundred pounds flock, they had enabled one
man (Child), to ufurp an authority over all the refl. to
the great prejudice of the trade. On thefe narrow prin-
ciplesj- the frock ought to govern the flock ; and he who
had the m.oft money, ought of confequence to have the
greateft power. That for the lafl three years " it could be
demonflrated, that the joint-ftock had been wronged
about one hundred thoufand pounds by means of private
contra6ls, and unheard of dedudions, not without the
mofl iniquitous frauds in both. That the trade had been
leafed out net only to Engliflnnen, but to foreigners, in-
vited \o afTift in freighting the company's fhips, to the
detriment of the company, and difcredit of the nation.
That in confequence of a capital error in taking but one
half the fum at firft fubfcribed, they found thernfelves
diflrefTed by a narrow ilock \ and that to remedy it, in-
ftead of calling in the remaining fubfcription, they had
borrowed two millions fterling at intereft, which had
thrown the commerce into a deep and almoft incurable
confumption. That the ftock had been received by unjiift
and unreafonable dividends, made without regard to the
real prcgrefs of the trade ; but folcly dire£led by ambition
and avarice. That from February 1677 to January 1682,
they drew out feven hundred and forty-one thoufand fix
hundred and forty-feven pounds, and in two months after
doubled their ftock, which together, made one million
one hundred and nine thoufand fix hundred and feventy-
threc
Englifo Raft India Company. 327
three pounds, and all this from a capital of three hundred
and fixty-nine thoufand eight hundred and ninety-one
pounds, which was the principal paid in by the adven-
turers, while they were befides at the charge of three
hundred thoufand pounds, for intereft and gratuities at
court y.
Hence, and from fuch proceedings, the (lock fell into
fo low, weak, and languilhing a condition, that inllead
of preferving the purity of their credit by a continuance
of punctual payments, they made it a proftitute, by a
paper fixed on the treafury-door, declaring a Hop to pay-
ments till a certain time fpecified. This ftep was, for the
fcandal and prefumption of it, without precedent, and
clearly demonftrated that the directors had been io bufy
in making dividends, that the obligation of payments was
forgot. But the general charge brought againft the com-
pany was their having feized and condemned the fliips of
private traders, who had their licence. To which article
was added, their having put to death by the martial law,
in contempt of the known conftitution of the kingdom,
feveral of his majefty's fubje6i:s at St. Helena.
To this heavy indiclment the company anfwered in their The com-
defence, i. In general, that they neither exceeded th&iv panys an^
power, nor abufed it ; that in no one inftance did they Z^'"'*' '" '^*
violate the rights of nations, or prejudice the honour of ^'^'"■S'*
their country ; that the cry and murmurings againft them
were raifed by thofe very interlopers who had occafioned
the war in India. They then defcended to particulars,
urging that the rights they held, and the power they exer-
cifed, were not only derived from the crown, with the
fancftion of parliament, but abfolutely neceflary .to con-
du£ling the commerce, and carrying it on upon a footing
with other nations, and particularly for guarding againft
the encroachments of the avaritious difpofitions of Indian
governors ; that among tbe powers with which they were
invefted, was that of holding courts-martial, and infiidl-
ing military punifhments ; that it did not become them to
difcufs the queftion, how far the crown was impowered
to grant them their privileges ; yet, that as a proof of this
power in the crown, their charter had once been judicially
confirmed in Weftminfter-hall; that for many years it was
not requifite to exert that power, nor was it put in force
till neceffity urged it, till the interlopers broke in upon
y Ra!ph*sHift. Eng. vol. ii. fub. an. i6gi,
Y 4 their
5^8 Hijiory of the
theit trade, embroiled them with the natives, and even
bred difcord among themielves ; that it was fir ft in the
year 1680, when the whole nation was in confufiOn, and
England was threatened with a civil war, they began to
take advantage of the then fituation of affairs j that on
notice of their illicit pradtices, the company applied to
the crown for fuch farther privileges as might obviate the
inconveniency ; that fuch powers were accordingly grant-
ed ; that even in the affair of St. Helena, which had un-
dergone the cenfure of the Houfe of Commons, they were
juftilied by an exprefs commifiion from king James II. and
alfo by his orders for the fa(ft j that in fuch circumftances
they could only ufe the power given them, or fubmit their
truil to be infringed, ruined, and deftroyed by the foreign
^nd domeftic enemies of the company ; which alternative
wasthemoft eligible, common fenfe is enough to determine.
They had foretold, in .their petition to king James II.
that all their fettlements would be filled with confufion
and anarchy, from the prelenfions of thofe intruders, who,
to procure themfelves credit, propc.gated a report, that
they were a new company, eredled by the king in confer
quence of the old company's having entered into the re-
bellion againft him ; that fuch of the company's fervants
as had reafon to apprehend the confequences of their un-
juft dealings, joined thofe interlopers •, that the Englifli
intereft being thus divided, the Indian governors feized
the occafion to opprefs them, to fink their credit, to em-
barrafs their dealings, and to lefTen their profits ; that the
Dutch, French, Danes, and Portugtiefe, took their feve-
ral advantages of this anarchy ; that under fuch a variety
oi prefTures, it could not be wondered that their returns
were lefs confiderable than formerly, and the management
more difficult ; yet that the company was fo far from be-
ing bankrupt, that they were in a condition eafily to fatis-
fy all demands, and to carry on their trade with as large a
llock, and with the fame advantages as ever •, that in truth
the clamour was not raifed on account of their fuppofed
poverty, it was their wealth and profperity had excited
envy ; that as to their poftponing payment, they had fol-
lowed the example of the chamber of London, and even
the exchequer itfelf. The war with the Mogul, the com-
pany affirmed, was fo far from being unprovoked, perfi-
dious, and piratical, that it was juft, necefTary, and un-
avoidable ; and that, upon the whole, they had done no-
ping defignedly to forfeit the protection of the govern-
jlient^ the good opinion of the people, or the powers and
privilege^
Engllp) Eaft India Compam. 329
privileges granted them by their charters, fmce whatever
national advantages were to be drawn from trade, might
be as well obtained on the prefent model as on any other
whatever ^.
Here, as in all fimilar cafes, where intereft excites op-
pofition, each difcredited, or pretended to difcredit, the
allegation of the other. Pamphlets were poured out in
fuch numbers on the public, that this fubjeA would feem
to have engrofled the whole employment of the prefs.
One advantage the company had, they were united, at-
tached, and unanimous ; their enemies were confiilent in
nothing but their animofity, which was vented in a variety
of clafhing projects. Some were for laying the trade
open ; others were for continuing it under the fanftion of
the parliament, and transferring the direction to them-
felves and their friends. Thofe who afpired to power and
importance, as well as wealth, gave into the latter ; while
the former fcheme was fupported and eagerly purfued by
thofe whofe fmall llocks they were defirous of extending
in reafonable adventures : thefe, however, after fome
feeble attempts, were overpowered, a majority concurring
in the former opinion. In (liort, it feemed to be the ge-
neral fenfe, that a trade to India, properly conducSled,
would prove highly beneficial to the nation •, that it could
not be fuccefsfully managed but by a joint (lock, and under
joint adventurers, trading in a body 1 that thefe were in-
compatible with interloping *, that therefore no company
could fubfift unlefs private interlopers were excluded ;
and that they could no otherwife be excluded than by in-
vefting a company with fufficient powers to vindicate their
own rights, to defend themfelves againd fuch encroach-
ments, and to condudl: their commerce by fuch fixed laws
as ihould fecure it againft the avarice or craft of nabobs,
governors, and the counter-praclices of their foreign rivals.
In this manner did the public reafon ; arguments equally
llrong for thefe in purfuit and thofe in pofleflion, both
joining iffue in the inference : but then the enemies of *T7ie ene-
the company alleged, that they were not legally invefted ^'^^^^ "^ '^^
with the powers which they exercifed ; that confequently ^j^^^"-^ l
by executing an undue and unlawful authority, they had legality of
forfeited all their other rights, and were, in equity, ac- their char'
tually difqualificd for any fuch truft for the future ''. '^^«
In this train flood affairs when they came before the '^/'^e difputi
convention parliament. A committee was appointed to ^^'"^ bejore
^ ^^ the Houje
3 Vide Apology for the Enft India Company, p. i8. Ralph, of Com-
ibid. b Doufley'3 Hiit Eall Iiid. vol. ii. book iii. mons.
take
33© I-Iiftory of the
take cognizance of the difpute ; and it proceeded fo far as
to demand a perfect: ftate of the company's accounts, an
ellimate of their ilock, goods, cafli, debts, with a view
of their domeftic and foreign correfpondence. With this
demand the company complied, and voluntarily offered to
fubmit their books and hteft advices from India to the in-\
fpeO:ion of the chairman, or fuch two or three of the.
committee, as the houfe would pleafe to nominate.
Their reafon for this limitation was, that a copy of that
eftimate, which they had fubmitted to the houfe, had
been fent- to Holland for the Dutch to make what advan-
tages of it they could to the prejudice of the company, as
was apparent by a tranfcript remitted from Amlterdam
to fome Jews refiding in London, to compare it M'ith the
account delivered in by the company -to the chairman:
but notw^ithftanding the eager defire of the convention
parhament to prejudice the company, fuch was their ad-
diefs, fuch were the friends they made by money and in-
terell, that they baffled all dcfigns upon them till the third
fefllon. Their vigour, indeed, was fo great and unex-
pe<?l:ed, that their adverfaries thought fit to w^ait a more
favourable occafion to renev^^ the attack '^.
Here flood the difpute for fom.e time, till the adverfe
party found themfelves ftrengthened with the afliftance
and countenance of feveral nobility and gentlemen of rank,
diflin^lion, and weight : then they renewed their opera-
tions with redoubled vigour ; and, to render their mo-
tions more regular and certain, they erected themfelves
into a kind of company, by entering into certain engage-
ments. They prefented a petition to the Houfe of Com-
mons, reprefenting the danger to which the India trade
was expofed, by the mifconduft, abufes, and unlawful
practices of the prefent directors, praying, that a new
company, on a new joint-flock, might be ere£led, with
fuch powers, privileges, limitations, and reflri£lions, as
the wifdom of parliament might fee fit, and conduce to
the public good. This petition, w^hich was prefented on
the 28th of Ocflober, was attended with a counter-petition
from the company : both were fubmitted to a committee
of the whole houfe ; and that nothing might be wanting
to a thorough intelligence of the point in queflion, the
feveral articles of grievance were ordered to be fully flated,
and the company's diflindl anfwer to each particular de-
* Ralph, vol. ii. fub. an. 169a.
livered ;
EngltJJ) Eafi India Company, 331
livered •, upon which the 28th of November was appoint-
ed for a hearing of both fides '^.
During the intermediate time, an account of the com- ^'he com-
pany's flock, cafh, debts, &c. as given in by their gover- p^"y R^'ve
nor Sir Tofeph Heme, was under examination. Certain l^-^/'^lr
petitions from the clothiers, praying a tree exportation or jairs to tht
woollen manufactures ; and of the linen drapers, com- iioufe of
plaining of the company's not fupplying them with calli- commons,
coes, were received and read. At laft, after a tedious
difcuffion, and warm debates, the houfe' came to the fol-
lowing refolutions ; namely, That a fum not lefs than one Refolutions
million five hundred thoufand pounds, and not exceeding ofthehoufe.
two millions, was a fund neceflary to carry on the Eaft
India trade in a joint flock. 2. That no perfon fhould
have any (hare in the above flock, exceeding five thoufand
pounds, either in his own or any other name in truft for
him. 3. That each perfon having the above fhare fliould
have a vote •, and that no perfon fhould have more than
one vote. 4. That the' company trading to the Eafl
Indies fhould be obliged anually to export goods, being the
growth and manufa6lure of this nation, to the amount of
two hundred thoufand pounds. 5. That no private
contra6ls fhould be made *, but all goods be fold at public
fales by inch of candle, faltpetre for the ufe of the crown
excepted. 6. That the company be obliged to fell
yearly to the king, faltpetre refined, five hundred tons, at
the rate of thirty pounds per ton. 7. That no lot ex-
ceeding five hundred pounds fhould be put up at one time
at any of the company's fales. 8. That no perfon whofe
fhare did not amount to two thoufand pounds, fhould be
appointed governor, or deputy governor j and that a fliare
of one thoufand pounds, and no lefs, could entitle a per-
fon to a feat in the committee of the company. 9. That
the ele6lion of governor, deputy governor, and committee
for the company to trade to the Eaft Indies, be made every
year. 10. That all dividends be made in money. 11.
That no dividend be made without a fufficient fund to clear
debts, and carry on trade. 12. That the flock be va-
lued every five years by the accomptant of the company,
upon oath, to be infpe6led by all concerned. 13 .That
for the future no fhips be permitted to go to the Eaft Indies,
except fuch as fliould be of a company, or be eftablifhed
• by a£l of parliament. 14. That no by-laws fliould be
binding to the company, but fuch as fhould be approved by
^ Debates. of the Houfe under this year.
a gq-
332
H'iliory of di
A.D.1692
The com-
mons pre-
judiced a-
g&ii/Ji the
a general court of adventurers, and v/ere not repugnant to
the laws of the land. 15. That the joint flock of a
company to trade to the Eaft Indies be fur twenty-one
years, and no longer ^.
Hitherto the houfe feemed to regard the trade only,
without entering into the intereft of either contending
party. The day following they farther refolved, That all
perfons now having {hares exceeding five thoufand pounds
be obliged to fell out the excefs, whether in their own
names or in truft, and this too at par. That the mem-
bers of the committee of the Eaft India company give fe-
eurity, to be approved of by the houfe, that their prefent
ftock and eftate, all debts and incumbrances cleared,
amount to fcven hundred and fifty-nine thoufand pounds.
And laflly, That after fecurity given, an humble addrefs
be prefented to his majefty, to incorporate by charter the
prefent Eafl India Company, according to the regulations
agreed upon by the houfe, that the fame might pafs into
an ^di.
By this refolation the houfe gave the company their
choice, who accordingly proceeded as if they thought the
nfl'er deferved acceptance. Things bore a promifing afpe6t
for them when fir Thomas Cooke and two of the committee
delivered in their propofals concerning the fecurity re-
quired, which were reje6led. However, tliey ftill fliewed
a ready compliance, and according to order, undertook to
produce the perfons of their bondfmen, and fpecify the
fums they would feverally undertake for : thus every ob-
firuclion was in appearance furmounted, and a committee
was appointed to prepare and bring in a bill to eflablifh an
Eafl India Company, according to the refolutions of the
houfe. The bill was prepared, and brought in on the
1 6th of January, but not read till the 22d. This proved
to the company that fome new objedlion was llarted ;
fome impediment thrown in their way, which they muft
remove by other meafures. As a farther proof, new pe-
titions were received againfl them ; their anfwers deemed
unfatlsfatlory j and the whole game, by the following re-
folution, was played into the hands of the court j namely,.
That an humble addrefs be prefented to his majefly, to
diflblve the prefent Eafl India Company, according to the
powers referved in their charter, and to ere(£l another Eafl
India Company for the better preferving the Eafl India
trade to this kingdom, in fuch manner as his majefly in
c Ralph, vol.ii. ubi Tupra.
his
Engllfh Eaji India Company. 333
his wlfdom fliall think fit. The refolutlon was prefented,
to which his majefty made anfwer, " That it was a mat-
ter of high importance to the national commerce ; that he
would confider of it ; and that in a fhort time he would
give the commons an anfwer." Although his majefty ap-
peared quite undetermined, yet his prefenting Mr. Goldf-
borough, then governor of India, with the honour of
knighthood, was looked upon as a favourable omen to the
prefent company ^
The whole difpute being now brought before the privy- The Sfpvtf
council, the company Ihcwed the greateft readinefs to referred /«
ftand by their award, and fignified in writing the chear- ^^e privj^
fulnefs with which they fubmitted the dif]3ute to the arbi- ^^^^^^
tration of the privy-council. Notwithftanding this, when
they received, by the hands of the earl of Nottingham, a
copy of the conditions agreed upon by the privy-council,
they objected to almoft every article, and accompanied
thofe objections with a paper of their own, fhewing that
neither the model or condudl: of fuch a trading company
could be altered for the better.
In this fufpence the conteft hung till the next feflion of
parliament, when it was again renewed with no lefs heat
than before. Both parries, with equal eagcrnefs, made
their apphcations to the courtiers, and every man of
weight, who, on their parts, were induced to put a value
on their fervices proportionable to the confequences given
them by fuch applications. As nothing decifive had been
done laft year, either in parliament or council, it was ge^
nerally imagined that the company had, upon, the whole,
the advantage : to propagate which belief, they talked of The com-
opening a new fubfcription, to the amount of i^vtn hun- pany prom
dred and fifty-fix thoufand pounds, which, together with P°f^ ^^
the value put on their old ftock, made the million and a f^^u'^y-^h^
half voted by the commons to be a fund fufiicient for this tion,
trade. They even applied for a new chancer to authorife
them to do fo, and gave out, after having obtained an or- '^"^yo^'
der of council to the attorney-general for preparing one, ^^^^^ ^e
that all perfons had now agreed to the regulations on council for
which this charter was to be ere£l;ed, but more particular- a new
ly thofe who had folicited the eftablifhment of a new com- ^^arter,
pany by a<£l: of parliament ^.
This report did not long pafs unattacked : the enemies The mer-
of the company prefented a new petition to her majefty, in chants pre..
f Ralph, vol. ii. A. D. T644. Dodiky, vol. i. chap. 3. g So- ^'^^°^J° ^^'
rntraCol- vol, Hkx. p. 100. "
wh
icn
534 " Hijlory of the
which they folicited as before a new company, by a new,
free, and national fubfcription : they declared, that the
adding the new fubfcriptions to the imaginary flock of the
prefent company, would expofe the new flock to the debts
of the old, by which it might be wholly abforbed, and the
trade annihilated : by this they intended to deflroy the
prevailing notion, that a compromife had taken place.
They farther prefumed, that the company, by their mif-
condudl, had traced out a path for their own ruin. When
the bill for taxing feveral joint flocks was in agitation in
the houfe of commons, and the company*s flock was va-
lued at feven hundred and forty-four thoufand pounds,
the proprietors of the flock imprudently pleaded an abate- ^
ment, ailirming that their debts paid, their flock would
dwindle to nothing. AfTertions fo contradi£lory as thofe
they gave in to the council, and this to the commons, only
ferved to flrengthen the afperfions of their adverfaries.
fhe com- Notwithftanding this pitiful pica of poverty, the commons
pany^s ca- tackcd a claufe to their bill, providing that in default of
pitaltax- payment of the tax impofed upon the feveral joint ftocks,
^^' at the times fpecified, the charter of the refpe6live com-
They ne- pany fhould be, and was thereby adjudged void. To pur-
gleSlpay- fue their mifmanagement, the company were fo infatuat-
l^rf\Vh'r ^^ ^^ ^^ negle£l the firfl quarterly payment of the faid tax
fharttr, charged on the joint flock, whereby their charters became
void, and frefh arguments for difTolving them afforded to
their adverfaries ^.
In this condition did things remain for fome time. It
was generally imagined that the court would take advan-
tage of the forfeiture, to oblige the commons, without
regarding the three years notice flipulated by charter, and
elteemed a point of equity : but the influence of the com-
pany was greater than was fuppofed, and fufEcient to fuf-
pend the efFeds of their indifcretion. So little was the
court difpofed to take an advantage of their late flip, that,
on the contrary, the direftions for drawing a new charter
given to the attorney-general, were calculated both to re-
flore the company to their former grants, and to authorize
and eflalilifh their ncvv- regulations. The difpute now be-
came more warm than ever ; both fides were inflamed
with the difl^erent motives of enmity, prejudice, pafTion,
Themer- interefl, and avarice. The company's adverfaries entered
chants en-^ cavcats againfl the charter at all the oflices, and talked fo
TahTa'^ big, that the miniilry thought it neceflary to give them a
Tietv chaV'
f^r, J' Ralph's Hill, of Eng. A. D. 1693.
regular
EnglljJo Eaji India Company. 335
regular fummons before the council, to (hew caufe why
the company might not be re-eflabliflied, according to the
purport of the intended charter. As the time granted was
too fliort, a fortnight's refpite was given, during which
time the company petitioned a prote6lion for one thoufand
two hundred feamen, to be employed as ufual in their fer-
vice. Their opponents alfo petitioned for four hundred to
be employed likewife in the Eaft India trade, which they
underflood to lie open to all adventurers, but they receiv-
ed no anfwer '. When the day of hearing arrived, the Coujidlfar
17th of Augull, both parties being called in, the council ^othjldes
againft the company urged, 1. The unfeafonablenefs of ^J^^///'"^
pafling a charter fo near the fitting of parliament, as this pr^cvy.
trade had been recommended to the peers and commons by counciL
a meflage laft feflion from his majefty. 2. The unlaw-
fulnefs of an exclufive grant -, and 3. The illegality of
many powers contained in their former charter, and in-
tended to be renewed in this. On the other hand, the
council for the company aflerted the power of the preroga- ^
tive in that and fimilar cafes, admitting of neither prece-
dent or authority to the prejudice of this right. Upon
this the oppofite council propofed, that an iliue might be
fettled, in which they would chearfuily join, that fo the
point might be decided at common law in the next term.
This motion was over-ruled, the company urging, that
the matters had been already decided at Weftminfter-hall,
the judges, after a trial, having affirmed their charter.
No other reply was made, than that the judgment referred The council
to was given by thofe very judges who had declared, that <'«wy /o«o
the king had a power to difpenfe with all laws, and that ""^ ^•^^^"'
their opinions in both cafes fhould be held of equal au-
thority ^,
So equal were the arguments alleged on both fides, that
the council broke up without coming to any refolution.
After fome days fpent in expectation, the aflbciated mer- The mer*
chants renewed their petition for protections, accompany- c/iants pre--
ing it with another, fetting forth, that they were advifed, ^^"^ ^ ^f'^'
that the charters of the company becoming void by a6t: of counciL
parliament, could not be reftored ; that they ought not to
be reftored, as they contained powers repugnant to the
laws, to Magna Charta, and feveral ftatutes ; that under
colour of thefe powers, the company had greatly oppreiled
his majefly's fubje6ls, and they would now more than
i Harris, vol, ii. book i.clnp. 2. ^ Lord Somers's Col. vol.
XXX. p. 100.
ever
TJie clo-
thiers and
lin^n-
dr&pers
petition
againji the
€Qmpany.
236 H'ljlory of the
ever think themfelves authorifed fo to do : tliey prayed,
therefore, that pafling the faid charter might be fufpend-
ed till the common right of the fubje^l to the India trade
might be determined by due courfe of law. Petitions
were endlefs : this laft they backed with two others, one
from the linen-drapers dealing in Eaft India goods ; an-
other from the clothiers and other woollen manufacturers
of Gloucefterfhire : the latter folicited, that as the trade
to Turkey and the Streights was in a manner wholly ob-
llrufted, whence little or no cloth was was fold ; and that
as their flock could not hold out to employ the poor, who
daily cried at their doors for work, a general liberty might
be granted at this time, to export freely woollen manu-
factures to the Eafl Indies ; affirming, that this trade was
capable of taking off ten times the quantity yearly, which
the company exported. The petition from the linen-
drapers fuggefted, that the trade to the Eaft Indies was
much impaired, and in danger of being loft, through the
mal-adminiftration of the company •, that in confequence
of their mifconduft, fuch was the fcarcity of callicoes,
that the kingdom was chiefly fupplied with^them by ftealth
from Holland at an exorbitant price, to the deftru6tion of
trade, and diminution of the revenue. They prayed, that
to prevent a monopoly of the faid trade in the hands of
thofe by whom it was fo abufed, the charter might not
pafs '.
A coalition of fo many confiderable bodies fo far alarmed
the miniftry, that they thought fit to tranfmit copies of
thofe feveral papers to the company, and to require their
anfwer in writing, to the feveral particulars and objec-
tions contained in them. On the i>^xt council day, their
fecretary did accordingly prefent to the board a written
^nfwer to this effect. That fuch licentious and indifcri-
minate a traffick would neceflarily end in the ruin of the
The com- ^^'^^^<^> ^"^^ prejudice of the nation. That although in
panv an- ftriCtnefs of law charters fhould be avoided, the king in
jivtrs the this inftance was his own chancellor, and might, as a point
petitions. of equity and juftice, reftore their's. This they faid, was
the more reafonable, as the tax required on flock by the
parliament, was ready for payment, and would have been
paid on Lady-day, had the Exchequer been open ; for it
was atSlually paid a few days after. That nothing iHegal
appeared either in the rcftitlition or the claufes of the char-
ter ; becaufe by an exprcfs claufe therein, the company
Ralph, vol. ii. A. D. 1693. Harris, vol. ii. book i. chip. 4.
was
Englijh Eajl India Company,
was to be ireftored to nothing but what they lawfully held.
In anfwer to the clothiers petition, they urged that their
hot being permitted, in the years 1689 and 1690, to fenct
but more than foilr fhips, by reafon of the lituation of the
kingdom, was the reafon why a lefs quantity of woollen
goods than otherwife would have happened, was exported.
That for the two lafh years they had fent to India to the
amount of one hundred thoufand pounds in cloth and
other goods. That this year, purfuant to the votes of the
Houfe of Commons (QJ, a larger quantity than ever was
intended
337
(Q_) It mu{l: be obferved,
that oil the 14th of November,
the preceding year. Sir Ed-
ward Seymour, by the king's
comiViand, had laid before the
houTe a copy of the new regu-
lations propofed in the India
trade, together with the com-
pany's objections to thofe re-
gulations. He alfo laid before
the houfe the opinion of the
judges, that three years no-
tice mnft be given to the com-
pany before they could be le-
gally diflblved, or a new one
crafted. This was the reafon
his majeily left it to the com-
mons to a(5t as they faw pro-
per. On the fame day that
thefe reports were made, the
afrociated merchants preiented
a petition for dilTolving the
company. On the 17th, the
pretenfions of both fides were
'examined, the ifilie of which
day's debates was a refolution,
iiemine contradicente, that a
bill Qiould be brought for re-
gulating, preferving, and ef-
tabliiliing the Eall India trade
to this kingdom. On the 24th
it was farther reiblved, in a com-
mittee of the whole houfe, that
a new fubfcription for a joint
ftock ftiould be opened, not
exceeding two millions llerllng,
and not lefs thao one million
Vol. Vm.
five hundred thoufand pounds,
to continue for twenty-one
years. - On the 7th of Decem-
ber, it was yet farther refolv^
ed, that no individuals fhould
poiTefs a fhare exceeding ten
thoufand pounds ; that the
deputy governor fnould have
ten thoufand pounds ; with fe-
veral particulars coinciding
with what we have related ot
the privy council.
All thefe feveral heads hav-
ing been agreed upon, it was
refolved to move the houfe thai;
a bill might be brought in
thereon to fettle the faid trade.
On the loth of December, the
report was made and received,
and it was now expedted, iit
leaft by the public, that the
whole affair would be brought
to a fpeedy iifue. But the
company, it would appear,
underftood intrigue as well as
the court j for ail of a fuddea
the heat with which the houfe
purfued the Sifair, fubfided ;
the chairman grew tired of his
feat ; and though, on the 4th
of January, advantage was
taken of a thin houfe to pro-
cure a vote, th'Jt the fubfcrip-
tion- for a new Hock lliould be
opened ten days after palling
the aft, yet no farther pro-
grefs Was made in the bill*
Z Nay^
338
A Jay ap'
pomtedfor
a hearing
of both par'
ties.
The argu-
ments ad-
n)anced by
the mer-
chants.
Hiflory of the
Intended for exportation, in cafe they might be allowed
fulEcient fhipping. That as to the fcarcity of callicoes
charged upon them, it was occafioned by the lofs of three
of their homeward-bound fleet j namely, two wrecked and
one blown up. That the faid fcarcity would foon be re-
medied by two fliips already arrived, five more expected
this year, and nine the next. Laftly, that as to the peti-
tions of their opponents for protections for four hundred
men, they conceived them as intended to gain countenance
from their majefties, that the petitioners might, by her
majefty's permiilion of fo licentious a trade as was folicited,
invade and leffen her royal prerogative of reftoring the
company to their charter ; they humbly hoped therefore,
that no fuch allowance would be granted. In confequence
of this written anfwer, an order of council was iffued,
that a copy Ihould be given to the parties concerned, who
were to attend upon a day appointed for a hearing ; namely,
the 2 1 ft of September ^ Accordingly, at this time the
aflbciated merchants delivered in a written reply, in which
they aflerted, that inilead of managing the trade for the
honour of the nation, as the company had boldly averred
in their own commendation, they were ready to prove their
unjuft and unwarrantable anions a fcandal to religion, to
morals, the crown, and the nation; a reproach to our
laws ; an oppreffion of the people, and the ruin of trade ;
for which they and fome of their agents had been repri-
manded by parliament. That the company, in avoiding
a trial of the merits of the caufe by a due courfe of law,
and foliciting a determination before her majefty in coun-
cil, where they knew it would not be determined, tacitly
confefTed a conviction that the law was againft them.
That the charter they folicited, v/as a creation of a new
J Kalph, vol. n. A. D. 1693.
Nay, as if the bufinefs of the
houfe was to hu{ba:nd the job
with the utmoft frugality, it
was filially refolved, on the
25th of February, 1693, that
an addrefs of the whole houfe
Ihould humbly be prefented to
his majefty, that he would be
pleafed to dilTolve the faid com-
pjmy, upon three year- notice,
(i) Debates of the Commons, A. D, 1693.
XXX. Ralplrs iiift. vol. ii.
according to the condition of
their charter. Accordingly, on
on the 2d of March the faid
addrefs was prefented ; to
which his majelly only replied,
** Gentlemen, I always will
do all the good in my power
for this kingdom, and I will
confider your addrefs (i)."
Somers's Coll. vol.
rather
Englifto Raft tndla Company i jjo
irather than a reftoratlon of their former powers. That
their fo eagerly purfiring the point, when a fitting of par-
liament was fo near, argued a purpofe in them to take
the fettlement of the trade out of thofe hands to which
his majelly had committed it. That as to their pretence
of equity in cafes of penalty and forfeiture, there could
be no equity againft the penalty of an a£l of parliament.
That what they averred of their intention to pay the tax
on flock on Lady-day, if the Exchequer had been open,
was falfe ; for if appeared by feveral affidavits, which they
were ready to produce, that the office doors were open till
the ufuai hours of fliutting ; that the officers were in wait-
ing ; that public bufmefs was difpatched ; and that the
money would have been received had it been offered. That
all the company^s arguments drawn from the rights and
powers of the prerogative, were of no validity againft po-
fitive and exprefs laws. That they claimed the benefit of
the law as their undoubted right, by virtue of which (as
they were advifed) all her majefty's fubjecls were equally
intitled to the freedom of foreign trade, and could not,
under colour of any grant from ,the crown, be reflraincd
from it. That both the claufe in the new charter, which
reftrains the grant to fuch powers as the company might
have lawfully exercifed in virtue of the old, and v/hat is
replied to that claufe was evafive and equivocal, becaufe
the company were thereby left in poffeffion of all the
powers which they thought lawful. How they v/ere likely
to interpret them, might be judged from their conduft at
St. Helena, in condemning thirteen perfons by the martial
law ; which execution the parliament had voted a murder.
That the conftruftion put on the merchants petition by the
company, was a forced and unnatural one, fince it had
not the leaft tendency to diminifh the royal prerogative, but
only by virtue of the prerogative, to fecure four hundred
men in the quiet exercife of their callings, to the general ad-
vantage of the nation, and the particular advantage of the re- •
venue. Laftly, they humbly prayed, that the fettlement of
the trade might rather be left to parliament, or the right be
determined by due courfe of law, before a new charter was
granted ; that they might be favoured with the reqUefted pro-
tections; in confequence of which, an addition of fixty thou-
fand pounds would accrue to the cuftoms, and one branch
of commerce be moft feafonably opened, at a time when, by
reafon of the war, all others were in a manner fhut and ob-
ftruCted '".
"* Somers's Coll. vol. xxx. p. 105.
Z 2 To
3 40 ■ Hiftory of the
The ccm- To tliis fenfible and fpirited reply, tliey fubjolned an a"b-
panys re- ftracSt of fomc few of tliofe numerous precedents in com-
^■^* mon law, on which the faid reply was founded. The
linen-drapers alfo give in a reply to that part of the com-
^ pany's anfwer which related to their petition. Nor were
the clothiers Icfs forward in their zeal, having prepared a
reply on their behalf, which, however, they were induced
to fupprefs. To fupply this deficiency, the merchants
prefentcd a draft from the Cuitom-houfe books, of all the
cloth exported for tbe five laft years by the company. By
this it appeared, that the whole amounted only to one
thoufand eight hundred and twenty-leven cloths ; whereas
in 1692 only nine hundred and fifty-three clotl^s had been
exporred in two private fhips, about three times the
quantity the company had exported in any three of the
faid five years. They enforced the whole by a petition
from the freighters and owners of the faid two rnips, pray-
ing, that the illegal claufes in the former charters might
be particularly excepted, that fo the liberties, lives, and
eftates of their factors, agents, fervants, mariners, and
Others of their fellow-fubjefts, might not be invaded in
places fo remote, w^here they could neither fecure them-
felves againit outrages, nor obtain a remedy, the aggref-
fors being out of the reach of the ordinary law of the king-
dom ".
The com- However, all their endeavours proved inefFev^ual ; the
p any are company had a powerful intereft, and the countenance of
efpoufed by fonie great perfonagcs. No anfwer was given to the pe-
fonsofranh ^^^^^^ ^<^^* protcftion to the four hundred feamen ; where-
iind 'weight f<3i'^ ^^^^ merchants made a new efFort on that head, by
in the ad- way of inducement, undertaking to export more cloth ia;
mtnipa- tl^jg prefent year, than the company had done for the
five preceding. They likewife promifed to furnifh the
government, on the return of their ftiips, with five hmi-
dred tons of falt-petre at three pounds per hundred weight,
v/hich now fold at eight pounds. 'J hey affirmed the ftate
of the company to be fo low, that they had neither fuf~r
ficient flock of their own in England, to load the ihips
they petitioned ifor, nor in India to load them back again.
That as, by reafon of the war, the petitioners were in ef-
fe61: deprived of their livelihood ; and as the India trade
was the mofl profitable, as well as leaft hazardous com-
merce of any, it was their humble requeft, that in order
to repair their lofTes, proteclion for this year might be
n Somcrs's Collefl, ibid, Ralph, fub. An. 1693-4 vol. ii.
granted
tion
Englijlo Eafi India Company, 341
granted them for the above feamen : but they were no lefs
unfuccefsful in this than in the former petitions. vSo far 'f'' ^^'^^'^ '^
was the council from complying Vv'ith their requell, '^''^^"•v'"
that they inued an order, Dcptember 28, to either or ^-^g ^g^^.
the fecretaries, to prepare a warrant for her majefty's panfs
Signature, for parting the charter. , Notwithllanding charter.
the merchants were heard by their council, upon the
caveats they had entered ; notwithflanding they had in
particular prefented to the lord-keeper Somers a paper,
containing their reafons againft granting the charter, and
fuch as feemed unanfwerable j fuch was the influence,
intrigue, and power of the company, that they obtained
their charter, which, however, was lefs explicit and full
than they expected °. The council kuowing the deter-
mined fpirit of the oppoiing party, and apprehending
they would bring the difpute again before the parliament,
were careful fo to limit the grants, that th':y {hould not
amount to an abfolute excluflon of all others. They
likewifc provided, that the company (hould fubmit to
fuch alterations, reilriftions, .and qualifications as the
king ftiouid direft before the 29th of September fol-
lowing.
The penalty anncKed to a tranfgrcilion of thefe reflric-
tions was, that letters of revocation fhould be iiTued, "*
whereby all their powers and privileges fliould be rendered
null and void, and of no effedt. ' It was aifo ftipulated,
that the governor and company (hould once every year,
in the month of Auguil, tranfmit to the privy-council,
a true, and faithful account of the qualities, quantities,
and value at prime cod, of the goods and manufadlures
of England by them exported, together with the place
from v/hence exported, and this certified by the oaths of
tlie oflicerscf the cuftoms, and .of the company's fervants.
It \vas at the fame time provided, that none of the goods
and merchandize fo exported, fliould be relanded in the
-dominions of Great Britain, nor conveyed to any other
ports beyond fca, than the places limited by charter. It
was farther ordered, that on appHcation made by fix or
more proprietors, each of whom (iiould be pofiefled of
-on^ thoufand pounds capital llock in the funds of t\\^
company, demanding. a general court to be held, that then
the governor or deputy governor, (hould, within eight
-days after the above application, call fueli a court, which
^ Harris, tic. ii. hook i. cap. ».
Z 3 n^^g^^'t
242 Hijlory of the
might not be adjourned but by confent of the majority of
proprietors then aflembled p.
Still, however, the company received other favours,'
though lefs dire£lly. They applied to the queen in council,
that a flop might be put to the faihng of the fhip Red-
bridge, under pretence that fhe was bound for the Eaft
Indies, though entered and cleared for Alicant. Upon
which application, the fliip was accordingly flopped, and
detained at the expence to the owners of nine pounds per
Tin com- day. Nor was flie permitted to fet fail, till the owners
party abufe had undeniably demonftrated, that fhe was actually bound,
the indul- ^^ charter-party, to Alicant j and to return from thence
%Twn dire(fl:Iy to London, in company with four more fhips.
them. Although matters were thus carried againfl the aflbciated
merchants at court, they came to a refolution, to lay a
fummary in print before the public, of all the tranfa<Slions
during the recefs. This flep they aftually took, inferring
from the whole, that fuch proceeding, if not checked,
would render all the foreign trade of England precarious,
by fubjed'ting it to interruption, from the caprice, info-
lence, or malice of any one committee-man of the Eafl
India company. That admitting fuch a power in the
crown would be of dangerous confequence, as having a
direcft tendency to induce future kings to farm out all
trade, and fo to raife money without the afliilance of
parliaments. And that aflerting the right of the fub-
je£l was become the more neceffary, as the omitting it fo
long had paved the way for pleading prefcription, which
had been urged as an argument of the power of the crown
to reftrain this trade.
A.D. 1694. In fpite of all the power, vigour and juflice on the fide
of the afTociated* merchants, the company, on the credit
The com- ^^ their newly acquired charter, proceeded to take in
al^y open ' fubfcriptions to the amount of forty-four thoufand pounds,
a nenM fub' which filled with infinitely more expedition than was ex-
fcr lotion. pe£led. Their adverfaries then, as the next flep, pre-
fented a petition to the houfe of commons, founded on
the feveral fafts, claims, and authorities already recited.
They requelled, that from this confideration, the trade
to India might be eftabliflied by the authority of parlia-
ment. That their pretenfions might be favourably heard
by the houfe, and tli^y be fet upon an equal footing with
the company, they alllduoufly courted the new miniflry,
» Somers's Colleft. ibid.
appeared
lEngllfJj Eaft India Company. ^4j
appeared at the levies of the moft popular noblemen, and The mer-
carefled the leading members of the lower houfe. On chants ap^
the other hand, the company, not fatisfied with a bare ^^ ^g'^in
defence of the " charter they had obtained by their in- n^f^gJl^ '
fluences at court, laboured to have it ratified by a parlia-
mentary fan£l:ion. But here they found a ftrong current
againft them ; their friends were chiefly of the tory party,
whofe influence was on the decline ^. The conduct of The amhl-
the commons indicated an intention of fiding with the %uous con-
ftrongeft, or implicitly coinciding with the meafures of ^'-^^ °f '^^
the new adminiftration ; while the miniilers thought it ^°^^^°'^^'
advifeable that fome tendernefs fhould be {hewn the com-
pany, and the affair kept in fufpence, till fome advantage
could be drawn from it. .
The company relied greatly upon the influence that
had put her in poflleflion of her two charters (S). Nor
we«"e their adverfaries lefs fanguine in the intercft they
imagined they had with the commons and new miniitry.
It was the general opinion, that all thofe powers and ad-
vantages fecured to the former by fo many charters,
would have fettled their afl^airs upon a folid bafis, and ef-
pecially in a reign that feemed to deny them" nothing.
This was, however, far from being true at this junfture.
The difficulties to which the adminiftration were driven,
and the poverty of the government, induced them to a
violation of thofe very charters they had granted j for
which the company had paid exorbitant fums, and on the
faith of which fo many perfons of all ranks had thrown
their fortunes into the company's capital. It was in facl Corruption
a trial which fide fhould bribe the higheft, public au- of the court,
thority inclining to one or other, as the irrefiftible force
of gold directed.
In this ftate were affairs when the merchants petition to Thecoma
the commons was taken into conlideration. After all the »23»j re-
allegations contained in it had been repeatedly debated, f"^^K '^'
and after the charters granted to the company, their new ^JJ^' ^J^7
fubfcription, the ftate of their ftock, and every other par- di/pine*
ticular relating to the merits of the caufe had been ex-
amined, the ifliie of all was, that in effeci the trade was
laid open in virtue of this refolution : " That all the Tub-
q Rapin, Reign of king Wjlliara.
(S) Namely, that of October charter of regulations, dated
die 7th, A. D. 1693, and a November 17, foiiowiug.
Z 4 je£ls
344 H'iflo}j of the
je^is of England had an equal right to trade to the Eaft
Indies, unlefs prohibited by parHament." But no cenfure
was pafTed on the charters, or the manner of obtaining
them j nor was any fchemefor regulating the trade by au-
thority of parliament adopted. The following year it was
notorious, that voting was become a lucrative trade, and
that members of the houfe became fharers in every pr,o-
A-D. T 695* fitable adventure referred to parliament. In the prefent
" inftance it was well known, that the favour Ihewn by the
court to the Eaft India company proceeded from the fame
fource. It was foon proved by a difcovery of facls both at
court and in the houfe of commons. An enquiry was
therefore fet on foot, and It was fo contrived, that the
fame committee which had the infpe6lion of the chamber-
lain's books fhould aUb examine thofe of the company.
' The firft thing that occurred was an abftra^l: of all mo-
nies paid for the fpecla.l fervice of the company fmce
the year 1687, which ferved as a clue to th.eir fubfequent
proceedings. Here it appeared, that the charge for fpe-
cial f^rvIce before the difpute between the merchants and
company, never exceeded ten thoufand pounds, and in ge-^
neral was from one thoufand two hundred to three thou-
fand pounds ; whereas this laft year it am.ounted to eighty
thoufand four hundred and lixty-elght pounds fixreen
flilllings and eight pence, a fum by feveral thoufand
pounds (hort of what in fa61: had been expended '.
Ai'ifco- Sir Thom.as Cooke and Mr. Tyflbn had been governor
'very mad£ and deputy for the two laft years ; it was probable, there-
oj extraor- f^j-g^ j-^^t the fecret lay in the former. In order to a re-
expendedin PJ^^^'* train of difcovery, recourfe v/as had to the minute-
fecret fer^ books of the court of committees. In thefe entries were
•vices. found, of certain informations given by the governor, of
his endeavours to obtain a new charter, together with ac-
counts of fums difburfed in this purfuit, but without de-
fcending to particulars, which was a method of proceed-
ing never before permitted. Among the entries were like-
wife found orders to their cafhiers to make payment of fuch
fums of money for the com.pany's fervice as the governor
ihould direct. Proceeding next to fuch other particulars
as could be difcovered, the committee obferved, that the
money iffued by Heme and Cooke, while the latter was
deputy only, was expended upon private fervice, but
brought to account under general charges. The equlvo-
' Ralph, ibid, Harris and Dodfley, ibid.
cation
Engl'ifJo Eajl India Company. ^ac.
cation of Cooke, the ackjriowlegements of Sir Bfeijijamin
JBathurfl, one of the court of committees, with many-
other circumftances, put it beyond all doubt that bribery
and corruption had been pracSlifed; but yet nothing clear
againft any individual could be made out. Sir Thomas
jCooke owned, that the ninety thoufand pounds was to
gratify certain perfons, if the bill ihould pafs ; but he
would give no account of the difbribution. Sir Bafil Fire-
brace acknowleged his having received fixteen thcuf^uid
pounds, which he had laid out in ilock, with the com-
pany's permiffion. As to an accommodation with the
merchants (interlopers, as they were called) for buying
their (hares in this private trade, at twenty-five per cent,
advance, and half the profit, the committee was inform-
ed, that lord Nottingham had acquainted the company
by letter, that his raajelly's pleafure was, they fliould
come to an agreement : that about one half accepted the
terms ; but Meffrs. Godfrey and CoHlon infiRiijg upon
thirty per cent, the rell went off. Befides, it was imagin-
ed the contrail for faltpetre to be imported in the fliip
Seymour, made with Colfton, was only in trufl with him
for fome other perfon, though the original inducement for
the leave given.
In this hght it was that this unprecedented nfrair ap- The eom-
gpeared in the report of the committee to the houfe. The mittee re-
report was made on March the 1 2th, yet was Cooke's ex- P^!'^ *^^*^
amination put off till the 26th. As he was a member^ to°hT^^"
decency and juftice required that he fliould immediately houfe.
be examined. Ail of a fudden, the phlegm of the houfe
was converted into choler ; the heat with which they now
purfued the enquiry was equal to the coldnefs with v/hich
they a few days fince regarded it. Cooke, on refuGng to S'r Thomas
anfwer the queftions put to him, was committed to the ^"['^^ '°^'
Tower, and a bill of pains and penalties ordered in to oh- w''!^- '^
,. 1 . ' ^r 1 r r r i r i '«-* l0Wer»
lige him to account for the lum or leventecn thouland
three hundred and two pounds twelve fliillings and three
pence mentioned in the report. The bill was read on the
twenty-ninth, and referred to a committee of the v/hole
houfe, when Cooke defired leave to be heard againfh it*by
his council. After fome amendments on it, Cooke's
council were heard a fecond time ; after which the bill
was paffed, and fent up to the lords. Here it took a dif-
ferent turn : the duke of Leeds, after folemn affeveratio'^.s
of purity and innocence, exclaimed widi great warmth
againil the bill : he exhaufted his whole iiock of eloquence
to convince the lords that they ought to rejed it^ as con-
trar/
34^ Hiflo^y of the
trary to law and equity, and furnifliing a dangerous pre-
cedent. Either his grace's elocution, or fomething elfe
more powerful, prevailed. For feven days the bill was
entirely dropt ; and when refumed, an expedient was
found to keep matters in agitation, and yet avoid the chief
aim. Cooke petitioned for a bill of indemnity, faying,
that nothing befides prevented his making ample difcovery.
He made his apology to the commons for making this re-
queft to the lords, their refufal occafioning this appeal.
A bill accordingly was prepared to indemnify him againft
all fuits^ and a£lions, thofe of the India company excepted,
and fent down to the commons on the 17th. After hav-
ing tacked a penal claufe to it, by way of amendment, it
was returned, and the lords fignified their concurrence to
the amendmxcnt, by a meflage on the 19th. By this
means the two bills were in efFe6l reduced to one ; not-
"withflanding which unanimity and feeming ardor for the
difcovery of tranfa£lions fo black and infamous, all that
was done for feveral days was the appointing a committee
to make the inqueil. All parties, the patriot, the cour-
tier, the whig and the tory, equally affe61:ed a concern
for the profecution ; nor is it to be doubted that they were
equally concerned in it : each had friends to fcreen, and
enemies to expofe; and the point of con tefl probably was,
which of the parties fliould be made anfwerable to the
public. In fhort, after Cooke had given in a written dif-
covery, in which feveral perfons of note in both houfes
were hinted at as having touched the company's money ;
after Firebrace, A6lon, and Bates had been examined,
and next Sir J. Child, TylTon, and Craggs, an imputa-
tion fixed on the duke of Leeds, and an eafy clue for dif-
covery in their hands, the whole affair was dropt, never
to be refumed, as if by unanimous confent. 'Hence it was
coucluded, that too many of all parties were deeply con-
cerned in the dirty job'. Bilhop Burnet, and all fuc-
ceeding hiftorians, feem to join in this opinion j^'and,
indeed, from the evidences of Cooke, Firebrace, A£lon,
Child, and others, it is difficult to determine where the
greater fhare of this fcandalous corruption lay.
A.D. 1698. Thus ftood the whole procefs till the year 1698, the
' minillry indulging private merchants with licences,, in con-
^heeti' tempt of thofe exclufivc charters they had granted to the
qutryj ops. coj^pjjjiy^ while this laft was reduced to poverty and dif-
» Somers*» Colleft. Ralph. A. D. 1694. Harris, vol. ii. book
i. cbap. z,
grace
Engllfh Eajl India Compdny. 347
grace by the exorbitant Aims expended in profecution of
thofe charters, and the difcoveries made of their uncon-
ftitutional corruption. Now a greater ftroke was requi-
fite ; the fum wanted by the government was two mil-
lions. It was not believed that any number of new pro-
prietors would advance fo large a fum for a new charter on
the credit of an adminiftration that had fo lately prevari-
cated with the company. The affair was therefore laid
before the houfe of commons, in order to have every
thing fettled upon a folid bafis, that of national fecurity.
This was the time when minifterial fervice was deemed
the higheft political merit ; nay, when minifters were to
be gratified in all their demands, and that in the way and
manner in which they defired. Some confiderable per-
fons firft founded the company, to know how they flood
difpofed to advance money by loan, in connderation of a
fettlement by authority of parliament. Undertakers were
found to lay the propofition before a general court ; but
the perfons entruiled with the management, either from
want of addrefs, courage or zeal, fuffered the affair to
languifli in their hands. The occafion was urgent ; the
court, wearied with expectation, had now an opportunity
offered of ftriking in with the merchants, which was ac-
cordingly done : by this the motions of the company were
quickened ; they were fenfible, that no alteration in the
prefent courfe of trade could be made without affedling
their charter, which but four years ago had coft them fo
dear, or their profits, or both ^
Under thefe apprehenfions it was refolved in a general 'I'he com-
court to advance the fum of feven hundred thoufand P^"y ''ff^^
pounds in procuring a parliamentary fettlement, as had r^J^" |^^.
been fome time before fuggefted to them. This ifum was dred thou'
determined upon, becaufe it had appeared to be the fenfe of [and
the public, that confidering their loffes by the war, a con- pounds.
llitutional eftabliftiment might be granted them for a loan
of fix hundred thoufand pounds. The refolution was pre-
fented to the miniftry, and by them to the Houfe of Com-
mons. Both the court and commons feemed difpofed to
accept the offer ; but this was but a fnare ; for in the mean Mr. Mon-
time a new bill, under the direClion of Mr. Montagu, fagu pro-
was preparing. By this, a method for raifing two rmX-P^f"'^
lions, by way of loan, at eight per cent, on the ^^^^^^^y rJ^nJthe
of a fund fulficient for repaying both principal and intereft, t-wo mil-
was propofed. This propofal was laid before the houfe lions,
t R.<i]ph, vol. ii. A. D, 169S.
on
34^ Hlflory of the
on the aoth of May ; and fo much favour did it find with
the majority, that a bill agreeable to it was ordered to ht
brought into the houfe with the following additions :
namely, i. That every fubfcriber have liberty of trading
yearly to the amount of his fubfcription, or adign over
this right to any other. 2. That his majeity have power
to incorporate fuch of thofe fubfcribers as iliould defire it.
3. That the privileges for conducing the Eafl India
trade be fettled by parliament. 4. That the fubfcribers
enjoy eight per cent, and the liberty of trading to India,
€xclufive of all others, for the term of ten years, and till
the fum fubfcribed be redeemed by parliament. 5. That
every iliare of five hundred pounds have a vote -, and no
perfon enjoy more than one vote. 6. That all fliips
loaded in India (liould unload in England!. 7, That no
perfon being a member of any corporation trading to Eng-
land, fhould trade other wife than in th« joint ftock of
fuch corporation of which he wa« a member. 8. That
five pounds per ann. ad valorem be paid by the importer
on all returns from the Eaft Indies, to be placed to the
account of the fubfcribers, towards the expence of em-
baffies, and other extraordinary charges. 9. That be-
fides the duties now payable, a farther duty of one flnl-
ling and ten pence per lb. be laid on all wrought filics im-
ported from India and Perfia ; this to be paid by the im-
porter ".
The cam- Although the company were informed by hints that
fanfs ofer their offer even of raifing the two millions would be re-
rejeSledj jefted, yet did they by petition appeal to the juftice and
petition the ^Q^^^y of the parliament, as well as to the public. They
parliament, again recited their rights and claims under io many royal
charters, particularly the lad, calculated to remove every
reafonable obje6tion,and fuperinduce many national advan-
tages, agreeable to feverai regulations propofed and re-
folved in the houfe of commons ; no forfeiture of which
either had or could be urged. 2. The regard that was
due to the property of above a thoufand families engaged
deeply in the Itock, and in particular to feven hundred
and eighty-one new adventurers, who fubfcrlbed on the
credit of the new cliarter tlie fum of feven hundred and
forty- four thoufand pounds. Nor was the company's pro-
perty in India, amounting to forty-four thoufand pounds
per annum revenue, a confideration undeferving of notice,
before an attempt was made to deprive them of it. 3.
■ Debate* of the Ilbufe of Commons, A. D. 169'^,
The
Englijh Eaft India 'Company. 349
The expence the company had been at in fortifications,
amounting to a million fteriing. 4th. Their loffes during
the war, by which, fmce their iaft fubfcription, twelve
great fhips, worth a million and a half, had been wrecked
or taken by the enemy. 5tli. Their merits to the govern-
ment, their contributing fo largely to the cuftoms, their
furnifiiing a great quantity of powder on a preffing emer-
gency, and advancing eighty thoufand pounds for circu-
Utiag exchequer bills in a cafe of extremity, at that time
eileemed a very important fervice "".
The pedtion was read a fecond time, and proceeded
upon as a point of bufmefs immediately to be ciifpatched y
yet when the company, in qonfequence of a refolution of
the general court, oitered to fubmit their ilock to a valua-
tion of fifty per cent, which they were content to war-
rant; at the fum> and to open fubfcriptions for the two
millions, this conceifion produced nothing favourable to
them. On tlje contrary, the committee appointed to In- An unfa-
£pe£i: their books,, flock, &c. made their report three days '^°"*'^^'^^
after, by which it- appeared, that the company had not \^hg7Jl ^f
oniv, at fcveral ditferent periods, greatly over-rated the com-
their ftock, and raifcd their dividends above the profits, pany made
but alfo, that out of the new fubfcription, a fum of three iothehouje.
hundred t^wenty-five thoufand five hundred fixty-five
pounds andToui- penccy was paid to the proprietors, to-
gether with fey<^rai fums for bribery, corruption, and the
purpofes of venality, under the article of fpecial fervice.
li^nce a motion was. made, for giving fatisfa6lion to the
new fubfcribers for, all damages done them, by making
dividends beyond the real value of the fleck ; and aifo by
the: payment of the above fums to the old proprietors out
of tliC eiUte of the new. The. debate on this motion was,
hqwever, adjourned, till the next day, when the company
made it. appear, that, the faid. payment was made by the
confent of the. nQw fubfcribers, upon which the motion
was dropt *;
Alarmed by fuch .an attack,^ and juftly. apprehenfive of The com-
what was next to.enfue, the directors called another ge- ^/^"y ''^'
ner^l court of the proprietors, in which the perfons of the ^^vatce
molt credit agreed to open an immediate fubfcription of two hun*
two hundred thoufand pounds, as the firll payment of the dr-e:^. thou'
two niiUions, and fubje£l to forfeiture, in cafe the fubfe- -^"^"^ ,
quent payn;>ents were not made good. Propofals on this ^if^g^ZT
payment of
w Somers's Coliecl. vol. xxx. p. itg. x Debates of the Com- fwo mil-
mons, A. D. iSjS. Honi.
plan
r 330 Hiftory of the'
plan were, the fame day, prefented to the commons, as
were alfo thofe of the merchants. The latter appeared to
the miniftry the moll reafonable, and accordingly had the
preference. Their fway was great, and the whole bufi-
nefs of the nation was made a jobb. The new company,
as it now began to be called, was formed out of the old
interlopers, although it did not include all the private
traders that went by this name. Such of them, whofe
ftocks were better fuited to a feparate than a joint trade,
and who found themfelves more likely to be excluded now
than ever they were, equally oppofed the pretenfions of
both contending parties. They publilhed a fenfible pam-
phlet, intitled, A Letter to a Gentleman, in which the
reafoning againft an exclufive trade, in the manner in
which it had been conducted, was forcible, convincing, and
fpirited, but unfuccefsful, as it did not fquare with the views
Abillpajfes of the court and commons. The bill, againft which they
the houfe oppofed all their might, was pafled by the commons, and
injavour ^^^^ ^Q ^^ peers. The old company, having obtained
ef the mev' , ^ , i , 1 1 • m • > n. 1 ^ 1 r
chants, leave to be heard by their council, imiited, as beiore,
upon their rights by charter, and even vigoroully attacked
the new regulations, in the bill, afferting them to be lefs
beneficial to the public than thofe inferted in their laft
charter. According to the charter they were obliged to
take in additional fubfcriptions, to the amount of feven
hundred and forty-four thoufand pounds, whereas, by the
prefent bill, no provifion was made for any certain ftock.
They were likewife obliged to export home manufatflures,
to the value of a hundred thoufand pounds per annum,
whereas the new fubfcribers were laid under no fuch ob-
ligation. By their charter, none but natural born fubje<^s,
and perfons iiaturalized, had the privilege of a fhare ; but
the new bill admitted foreigners, a circumftance which
might produce effe<Sts pernicious to the general good of
the nation. Though the old company had offered to raife
two millions, the new were obliged, by the bill, to raife
no more than one: it was therefore not unreafonable to
queition, whether the. remaining million would be raifed
by voluntary fubfcription ? Laftly, the council for the old
company urged, that whereas, by the votes of peers and
commons, the beft way to carry on a trade was by a joint
ilock, exclufive of all others, the bill provided both for a
joint ftock and a feparate trade *, a circuniftance which
they apprehended, would increafe the difliculty of ralfing
the two niiilions. Thefe were the arguments advanced
in
EnglifJo Eajl India Company, 351
in allegation of their right, and againft the claim of their
adverfaries, by the company.
V/hat deferves the moft notice, in the anfwer of the 'TTie reply
merchants to this plea, are two aflertions ; the one, that ^{^^J^^^'"'
the charter had been obtained by irregular means ; the
other, that it was not in the power of the crown, without
confent of parliament, to grant, an exclufive charter.
Thus the corruption of the legillature was avowed on one
hand, and the royal prerogative attacked on the other.
The minifteriai interell, it is true, ran ftrongly in favour of
the bill ; yet did a number of peers of the fiift diftindlion,
weight, and authority, oppofe it with vehemence. No
argument, legal artifice, or trick of parliament were
omitted to difpute or impede its progrefs. After the bill
had pafled by a majority of twenty-feven voices, a proteil
was figned by twenty-one peers, among whom was the
Lord Godolphin, then firft commiflioner of the treafury.
*' This aft, together with the inclinations which thofe ^JAop ^
whigs, who were in good pods, had exprefled for keep- ^^^^^^/^^
ing up a greater land force, did contribute to the blading ^/^^ .^jhole
the reputation they had hitherto maintained of being good proceeding.
patriots, and, was made ufe of by the tories to difgrace
both the king and them. To this another charge of a
high nature was added, that they robbed the public, and
applied much of the money that was given for the fervice
of the nation, both to the fupporting a vafl expence, and
to the raifing great eftates among themfelves. This was
fenfible to the people, who were uneafy under heavy taxes,
and too ready to beheve that, according to the praftice in
king Charles's time, a great deal of the money that was
given in parliament was divided among thofe who gave it.
Thefe clamours were raifed and managed with great dex-
terity by thofe who intended to render the king, and all
who were beft affefted to him, fo odious to the nation,
that by this means they might carry fuch an eledion of a
new houfe of commons, as that by it all might be over-
turned. It was faid that the bank of England, and the
new Eaft India company, being in the hands of whigs,
they would have the command of all the money, and by
confequence of all the trade of England y ". Notwith- The mini"
Handing the opinion of the protefling lords, the miniftry /^ Ph/^
was fully perfuaded that the old company would not give J//^g^^^^
fecurity for a fubfcription of two millions, the fum want- merchants,
ed } they were equally perfuaded, that no number of new
y Burnet's Hillory of his own Times, p. 170, fol. edit.
proprietors
2^2 ^lijiorj of the
|>ropriet6rs would advance fo great ft furti without the
faiiftion of parliament ; and they were made to believe,
that thoiigh half Was only ftipula'ted, yet that thfe remain-
in rj million \^'dUld foon be voluntarily fubfcribed for, if
this check was given to the old company, Thefe confi*
<!eratiohs determined therti to ^uOi the affair in parliament
'With, ail their ftrdngth. Nothing was wanting by the old
^company tliat money or eloquence could efFe6t ', but the
bill paifed with the. peers and commons. It was, indeed,
a thing determined to facrifice juftice and the company to
the artifice of certain perfons, and to the neceffities of the
government,, However ftrong the arguments for laying
Open the trade rtlay be, yet we cannot but efteem it an a6t
of the moft flagrant injuftice to rob the old company of
irights which they had done nothing to forfeit fmce the
iaft grant, and to give to other perfons an exclufive right,
winch had been foiemnly m.ade over to them but four yeari
before.
Thus a new company Vv^as conftituted and iheorporated
by law, at the price of a loan of two millions, for which
they received intereft at the rate of eight per cent, though
by fubfequent a6ls of the legiflature it has been reduced '^.
A.D. 1699. Although the old company did not look upon themfelves
' ' as diflblved \ yet fo diffident were they of their right, that
The old ^j^gy affiduoully applied to parliament to be continued as
*coKnTueJ ^ company during the remainder of their charter. Not
iiurifig thei "^^^ the new company in a condition to withftand this
remainder .efFort. Montagu, their great patron j was no longer lord
»J their of the afcendant either in the cabinet or in the houfe.
During the fiifpence of the fupply for the year, the com-
iHoiis, of all the branches of the conftitution, affiimed thfe
Tiloft con (1 deration. The old company fet out with diftri-
^buting their cafe in print at the door of both houfes, In
-which they made the mod of the equity of their claim,
•and the injuries they had fuftained. The new company
-took a fmnlar method to anfwet them, in which, for the
fake of expofing the corrupt practices of their adverfarles,
they again laid open the venality of the court, with as
much freedom as if there had not been the Icafh room to
fufpedl:, that to a corrupt influence in parliament they
owed their very exiftence ; but their inve61:ives ferved
only to cxafperate ; they were imprudent and ill-timed,
by exciting refentments fatal and de{lru6i:ive of their ar-
guments. Though the old' company could not prevent
z Harris, vol. ii. book i. chap. z. Ralph, A. D. 1698-9.
the
iharUr,
Englijh E'ajl India Ibmpany. ^^'i
tlie eftablilhment of the new, they yet had fufficient in-
fluence to procure a like eftabliftiment for themfelves.
The bill for authorizing their chapter by parliament paifed q-fj^if,
in defiance of all the oppofition that was made. Thus the charter an^
nation had two Eaft India companies conftituted upon thorized
parliamentary authority, inftead of one, by an adl of royal h' P^^^^^'
prerogative \ ^^"^'
The two companies appeared now as folicltous for each
other's deftru6lion, as before each had been for its own
cftablifliment. They had both tafted the fweets of the
profits accruing from the trade, and looked on each
other with that jealoufy and deep refentment which am-
bition and avarice will ever infpire. In the year 1700
they had both been detected in bribery and corruption at
elections. The old, indeed, began with corrupting mem-
bers, and purchafing voices in the houfe : the new fol-
lowed their example with a little variation j for inftead of
purchafing votes, they bought feats j inftead of corrupt^-
ing the reprefentatives, they began with bribing the con^
ftituents, and fecuring a majority in the houfe. A great
number of attempts to unite both the companies for the
two lafl years were made, but they were incfl^e6tual.
The commons had appointed a committee to receive ^ j^ ^^,
propofals for paying off the public debts, and advancing *
the credit of the nation. To this committee did the old Propofals
company propofe, by the interpofition of their old factor, made to the
fir Thomas Cooke, to pay the principal and intercft of fo ^^^f^ h *^f
much of the two millions as had been advanced by the °p^^^^*
new company and feparate traders, at an intereft of eight
per cent. This fum, which was the confideration of their
eftablifhment, amounted on the whole to one million £\x
hundred and eighty-eight tlmufand pounds. As to the
remainder of the two millions it was advanced by the old
company at five per cent, payable out of certain funds al-
ready fettled by acl: of parlia nent. With what views and
with what ends this loan was made, at an interefl fo low,
does not appear; probably it was the price of their parlia-
mentary eftablilhment. The principal money fo paid
(which was to be at ten payments in twenty months) to
be redeemable in a certain number of years, to be de-
termined by the houfe, and fubje£t to fuch regulations
and reftrictions as might be neceflary.for the public good,
and the prefervation, progrefs, and fecurity of trade. An
opening too was to be left for any perfons whatfoever to
^ Ildem ibid, ubi fup.
Mod. Vot VIII. A a - fubfcribc
354
Tke cla^
mours of
the new
company
againfi this
propo/al.
Both com'
patties
make /<?-
crei offers
of a (oali-
tlOfi,
Tli'HiJlory of the
fubfcribe a certain fum to be fixed by the houfe, and
thereby to become proprietors ^»
This was a propofal of dangerous tendency to the new
company, and which, if accepted, muft infallibly have
deftroyed them ; but they were fufnciently aware of their
danger, and vigilant to prevent it. "While, therefore,
their rivals was drawing up the propofal in form, as they
were required to do by the committee, the new company be-
gan to talk and write in the fame ftrain their adverfaries
had formerly ufed. They declaimed on the importance
of preferving the public faith unhurt and unmolefted ; on
the wrong policy of faving fixty thoufand pounds per ann.
by a meafure which would not only difoblige, but even
ruin a thoufand families, fubfcribers in the new company.
"Without referve they expofed the perfidy of refuming,
under any pretence whatfoever, the right (the exclufive
tight, as they at firft underftood it to be) vefted in them,
till the 20th of September, 1711, only becaufe three
words had been omitted in the aft (S). In {hort, with
fuch fuccefs did they talk, write, and atl, that when the
committee reported the propofal of the old company to the
houfe, no refolution was taken upon it '^.
After thefe civil feuds had continued upwards of two
years, at length, both fides growing fick of a quarrel which
might poffibly terminate in the ruin of botbj by laying the
trade open, began fecretly to think of a reconciliation,
and an union of flocks. An agreement was foon deter-
mined, by which it was refolved, that the effefts of both
companies fliould be brought home with all convenient
expedition, to be difpofed of for their feparate accounts,
and all precautions taken for doing it with fecurity : that
no advantages, either on the part of the crown or of the
new company, fliould be taken of the old, under pretence
of forfeiture : that' a releafe fhould be given by the two
companies to each other reciprocally, and by each of them
to their refpeftive fa£lors and fervants : that the funds
of the old company, amounting to tliree hundred and
fifteen thoufand pounds, fhould immediately, on the
execution of the above part of the agreement, l)e united
*> Somers's Coll. vol. xxx.
p. 152.
« Harris, vol. ii. ibid.
(S)'The words, " and not
fooner," having been omitted
in the a(5t, the old company
laid hold of this iniilake, to
endeavour to prevail on the
commons to reftore the grant
they had, faying it might be
done according to the literal
fenfe of the adt.
to
Englijh Eafl India ^drnpany., ^^g
to the capital of the new company : that the ofd com-
pany purchafe of the new fix hundred ninety-three thou-
fand five hundred pounds, in the capital flock and fund of
one million fix hundred and fixty-tv/o thouf and pounds, to
be transferred by three of the members in their political
capacity; thus the old company may have nine hundred
eighty-eight thoufand five hundred pounds in- the com-
mon funds, an equivalent to the intereft of the new com-
pany therein : that the above ftock of fix hundred feventy-
three thoufand five hundred pounds fliould be transferred
at four feveral times, one fourth to be paid for at each
transfer, at the rate of par : that the dead ftock of the
old company at home and abroad (hould be valued at
thirty-three thoufand pounds, that of the new company at
feventy thoufand pounds : the old company fliould, at -
the time of transferring their firit fourth of the faid fix
hundred fevcnty-three thoufand five hundred pounds,
transfer all their dead ftock at home and abroad to the
new company, the latter paying for one moiety thereof
fixteen thoufand five hundred pounds: that the old
company would alfo pay to the new company the fum of
thirty-five thoufand eight hundred pounds, as one moiety
of their dead ftock, upon which the old company fliall be
intitled to one moiety of both dead ftocks, in the fame
manner as the members of the new. The members of the
new company transferring fhall be entitled to the arrears
of their annui:ies, till the time of the faid transfers ; after
which, all annuities arifing from the ftock of the old
company (three hundred and fifteen thoufand pounds) to
be paid to perfons appointed for that purpofe by the old
company for their ufe. In like manner the new company
to enjoy all profits previous to this agreement, and alfo
five pounds per cent, on ail fliips entered homeward, or
cleared outwards, previous to the fame agreement ; but
that each company defiftfrom any feparate exportation ''.
It was likewife ftipulated that both companies fhould,
for feven years next enfuing, fliare equally in the admi-
niftration of all affairs relating to their funds or commerce 5
and that tv/elve perfons ftiould be elected by the general
court of each com.pany refpe£lively, out of the courts of
committees and directors of the faid companies, to be no-
minated in the new charter, the managers of the united
trade to India ; and that a new and additional ftock fhould
be raifed for the fupport and increafe of the future trade,
* Dodfl, vol, ii. chap. 3 Ralph, Hift. Eng. under this year.
A a 2 to
356 Hiflory of tie
to be advanced at the time, and in the manner, deter-
mined by the twenty-four directors compofed of each
court, the general court approving of their determination :
that for the feven enfuing years th« old company fhould
remain a feparate corporation, and preferve their flock as
a body poHtic, with power to transfer and aflign in their
6wn books, as at the time of figning their agreement :
that at the end of this term they ihould transfer and
affign in the books of the new company their fhare in the
capital, to fuch memberG as fliould then ft and entitled to
the fame, upon which the members of the old company
fhould, without fee or coft, become members of the new :
that each company ihould indemnify the other from their
debts and demands, and a proper provifo be made for that
purpofe : that the new company, from the time that this
agreement is in force, fliould not take up mxoney on their
common feal, nor do any other a£l that related to both,
without the confent zcA concurrence of the old company :
that it fhould be ftipulated, agreed, and covenanted be-
tween them, that his majelly fhould, within t^:n days
after making the above afhgnment, make ^ re-grant, and
that the old company fhould furrender their charter and
ait of incorporation within one month after the expira-
tion of the above term of feven years : alfo that the king
fhould, v/ithin ten days after the faid furrender, make a
new grant to the truflees, and fubjedl to the fame truftees,
all eftate and efFe^ls of the old company as fliould come
' to or devolve on the crown, by reafon of the faid furren^
der : laftly, that immediately from and after the faid
furrender, the new company fhould be ftyled, the United
Company of Merchants of England trading to the Eaft In-
dies : that the future management of the faid ftock and
trade, after the expiration of the term of feven years,
fhould be according to the charter of the new company,
bearing date the 5th of September, an. 1698 : that ther«
ihall be a tripartite indenture for the better obtaining the
purpofes fpecified above, to be executed by the king and
both the faid companies ; and that here fuch provifions
and covenants fhould be made as fliould be thought rea-
fonable, with proper releafes to each company, in fuch
manner as that, as foon as the above term of feven years
fhould be expired, the two companies fhould thencefor-
ward become one in name and effect ^
« The above cited aulhorg, ibid.
Thus
EngVijh Eaft India Company, 557
^hus were the animofitles, heats, and enmities between An union
the two companies terminated by an union, equally bene- effe^ed be-
£cial to both. The markets, which took advantage of the ^'^^'^ ^!"
rivalfliip betvv'een them, were lowered, and the flock, to ^^'^P^"^^^*
carry on trade was enlarged.
But however things might be brought to an amicable The divi-
crifis at home, by this union of the two companies, it was f^^"^ ^^'
by no means io abroad for a confiderable time. The co- ''^^^^ ^"*
alition was well known, but little obferved, in thofe dift- abroad^
ant parts. Their rancour, jealoufy, and enmity feemed
to be inflamed by th-e heat of the climate ; and what ori-
ginally had its rife from intereil and felfifh notions, was
now become conftitutional from habit.
To give the reader a more diftinft idea how far thofe
prejudices were carried, we {hall take a fuccin£l view of
the fettlements abroad, and of the conduct of the gover-
nors, factors, and fervants of the companies. <
Nothing but the cement of avarice and felf-intereft had
held the Britifli fubjed^s engaged in this commerce united.
By means of this, perfons who fecretly entertained the
greateft averfion for each other, were forced to a certain
degree of compliance, in order to obtain their feveral ends*
It will eafily be believed that the companies afl^airs were in
a languid condition, as they were entirely conducted by
fuch as had no other concern for them than in the propor-
tion their private interefts were connected with thofe of
their mafters. Hence every opportunity of enriching
themfelves at the expcnce of their conftituents, were laid
hold of by the governors and fadlors. The diviiions among
the fervants of each company arofe from oppofite private
interefts, as much as from the enmities between the com-
panies. Neither honour, juftice, or humanity were re-
garded, whenever an occafion of injuring each other, or
bettering themfelves, occurred ; all was conducted by
fraud or open force. The miniftry were taken up with
humbHng the exorbitant power of the houfe of Bourbon ; the
balance of Europe engrolTed their whole attention, and pre-
vented their finding leifure for the more tranquil concerns
of manufaiStures, trade, and commerce. There is nothing,
however, more obvious, than that commerce ought to be
a principal concern with a Britifh miniftry; fince the ex-
tenfion of trade is, perhaps, the fole means of raifing the
power and credit of the nation. Our naval force will ever
render us confiderable abroad ; but this cannot be main-
ained by nny other mCcUis than promoting a fpirit of trade
nd navigation.
A a 3 SECT.
3S8
^he Hijlory of the
SECT.
V.
flie united
company
refol've to
lend the go-
tvernment
pioney.
An aSi
fajjed in
fa'vour of
the com*
panji.
Containing an AB impowering the Company to horrozv
Money on their Common Seal ; an Aci to prevent Fo-
reigners from efablijhing a Trade prejudicial to the In-
ter eji of the Company ; fever al other ABs in their Fa-
vour ; MaJJacre of the Factory at Pub Condor e'; the
Revolt of the Natives at Bencoolen, ^c.
A S the views of the mlniflry, during the long war with
"^^ France, were wholly abftra6led from the concerns of
trade, the India company was obhged to devife means for
the removal of many inconveniencies, which remained
after the union of both companies. To obtain fuch a law
as would fettle their affairs on a proper footing, they re-
folvedj in the fixih year of queen Anne, to lend the go-
vernment the fum of one million two hundred thoufand
pounds, over and above the former loans. This had been
a way of procuring the proteftion of the government of an-
<:ient {landing, and it was praftiled on this occafion with
fuccefs. The propofal was readily embraced ; in confi-
deration of which the parliament was ready to grant what-
ever they required for the benefit of their trade (T). A
law was therefore pafied, in which it was enabled, that
the Englifh company trading to the Eail Indies (hall pay
into the Exchequer the above mentioned fum at certain
ftated payments, in failure whereof the money to be re-
(T) It may be proper toob-
ferye, that here the India
coinpany is to be confidered in
a deuble capacity, as creditors
to the public, and as a trading
company. In the firll they have
a fecurity, as other coinpanies
have, for the money they ad-
vance to the government, and
a proportionable intereftfor it.
In their other capacity, their
directors are trufiees for the
company's trade, the profits of
which likewife belong to the
proprietors. Hence it appears,
that the dividends upon their
flock are compounded of the
profits on trade, and the inter-
eft from the government. This
latter being fixed and invari-.
able (except on the reduftion of
intereft by parliamentary au-
thority), ferves as an index to
the former ; fmce at all times
the Interefl paid to the com-
pany, being deduced from the
dividend paid by them to the
proprietors, leaves the clearpro-
firs of trade. This fhort note
will ferve the reader as a key to
the nature of Eafl India flocks,
the difficulty of underflanding
which we have heard many {en-
fible perfons CQmplain of.
covere4
EngliJJj Eajl India Company, 35,9
covered of the company by a<£lion of debt, with twelve
per cent, damages ; and that the company be hripowered
to borrow on their common feal a fum of money, the prin^
cipal not exceeding one million five hundred thoufand
pounds, over and above what they were before legally en-
titled to borrow on their common ftock. In cafe the go-
vernor and company of merchants of London trading to
the Eaft Indies, and the general court of the faid company,
whilfl they continue feparate, fhall think fit to call in
money from their refpe61:ive adventurers,, towards ralfing
the faid fum of one million two hundred thoufand pounds,
or repayment of money borrcv/ed for that purpofc, they
are invefted with full powers to make fuch calls. And If
any m.embers fhall negledl or refufe to pay their money fo
called in, or which the company, in purfuance of 'flatute
pth William III. chap. 44. or their charters, fhall call in
for carrying on their trade (after notice fixed on the
Royal Exhange), that then the company may flop the di-
vidends payable to fuch members, and apply the fame to-
wards fuch payment, till it be fatisfied. They may alfo
flop the transfers of the fliares of fuch defaulters, and
charge them with intereft at five per cent, till fuch pay-
ment. If the fame be neglefted for three months, the
company may afterwards fell fo much of the defaulters
flock as will amount to the fum required by the call ^
The above fum of one million two hundred thoufand
pounds fliall be deemed an addition to the flock of the
Englifh Eaft India company, and be free of taxes. The
united flock of the company fliall be fubje6l to the debts
contra6led by the faid company, and fuch perfons entitled
to feven thoufand two hundred pounds, part of the two
millions original flock, as have not united their ftock to
the corporation's, and who are authorifed to carry on a
trade for their feparate ufe, may hold and enjoy the trade
as if this a£l had not been made. The company may repay
the fame at the expiration of three years, together with
the annuities due thereon, upon which the M'hole trade
lliall be inveiled in the faid company. Difputes between
the two companies, relative to the union between them,
to be referred to the arbitration of Sidney, earl of Godol-
phin. After award is made, and the charter of the go-
vernor and company furrendered, the perfons who, at the
time of the furrender, purfuant to an indenture tripartite,
f Harri?, ubi fupra. Hamilton, vol. i, Dodfley, vol. ii. clisp,
3. J. P. A. D. 1705-6.
A a 4 made
360 Hiftory of the
made between the queen on the firft part, the faid gover-
nor and company on the fecond part, and the faid com-
pany on the third part, (hall be dire6lors and managers of
the united company, and fhall continue in that capacity
until new dire£tors are chofen, according to their charter,
dated September 5th, and tenth of William III. provided,
that after a term limited, and repayment of the faid two
millions two hundred thoufand pounds, and all arrears
then due for annuities, which annuities amount to one
hundred and fixty thoufand pounds per annum, and upon
three years notice, that then the aforefaid duties on fait,
&c. and the benefit of trade given by this and the former
charter ceafe. This provifo is extended as to the time, by
flat. 10 Anne, chap. 28 & 29. and impowers the company
to enter fuch goods as they fhall import at the cuftom-
houfe, by bills at fight or fufferance, and fhall give fecu-;
rity under their common feal for payment of iuch cufloms
and duties as are rated in the book of rates, ar.d upon cof-
fee, to be afcertained on the oath of the importer j namely,
for payment of one half at the end of fix cal'^ndar months,,
and the other halF at the end of twelve r.umths. The
cuftom-houfe officers fhall grant to the company fuch
bills at fight or fufferance, and j:ake fecurity as aforefaid,
making fuch allowances and deduftlons as are made to
other merchants paying their cufloms at or before the
landing their goods and merchandize. Nothing, how-
ever, herein contained to extend to alter the method of
paying the duties of fifteen per cent, on muflins and cal-
licoes, or the duties of any other goods, to be afcertained
by fale of candle s.
j^fx aS /• Not long after the acceffion of George the Firft to the
prevent fo- Britifh crown, a new evil was difcovered, the preventing
reigners q{ which was of the utmofl confequence to the wrbole na-
ulrinp' a ^^°^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ company. It was found that various
^„5,y/^^^ /„ attempts had been made to penetrate into the fccrets of
the Ecjl hi' this commerce, for the information of foreigners, who
iiia com- projected a fcheme for fharing in fo beneficial a traffick.
""""' To put a Hop to fo dangerous a defign, a bill paflTed in
parliament, and received the royal affent, to render all
fuch praftices inefFeftual. It was enabled, that all his
majefty's fubje£ls, who fhall fail or go to the Eafl Indies,
or fuch places of Afia, &c. beyond the Cape of Good
Hope, to the Stretghts of Magellan, contrary to the laws
^n being, or the tenor of this aft, fhall be liable to the
merce.
i Debates of the houfe under this year.
puniib-
En^lijh Eajl India Company. 361
punlfliments infli6>ed by law for fuch ofFe)ices : and it lliall
be ]awtui for the united company of linglifti merchants
trading to the Eail Indies, and their fucceifors, to feize
fuch perfons, and to fend tiiem to England to (land trial,
and to be punhned accordin-^ to law : whoever fhall follicit,
procure, obtain, or a6t under any commiffion, authority.
Or pafs from .iny foreigi. power, to fail or trade to
or in the Eaft Indies, flir.^l lorfeit five hundred pounds,
whereof one moiety to the informer, another to the crown ;
the faid penalties and forfcit^,res to be recoverable in any
court of recora at Weftminfter ^.
This law notwithftanding its feverity, did not produce Thlslanu
the intended effe<^. The profits of the Englifh company, inefft^uaS*
who had, for feveral years paft, divided ten per cent,
on their capital, excited a general eagernefs among fo-
reigners and others to (hare in fo lucrative a commerce.
The Englilh merchants, excluded by the company's char-
ter, thought themfelves injured by this monopoly, and
determined, if poffible, to avoid the penalty by other . ,
means proje^led. This gave occafion, among other plans
laid out by our neighbours, to the ellablifliment of a new-
company at Oflend, of which we fhall fpeak more parti-
cularly in another place. In this project fo many Englifh
traders and merchants were concerned, that, to obviate
the inconveniences refulting to the company and nation
from the (hare they had in the new foreign fubfcription,
an aft was pafled in the ninth year of George the Firft.
By this a£l all the fubjefts of the three kingdoms were pro- ASi to pre-
hibited from encouraging, in any way, the eftablifhment '^^"^ ^'"}'
of any foreign company trading from the Auftrian Nether- ^lJ"f^°J^^^
lands to any place mentioned m the Englilh company s courag-
charter, or to have any intereft or ftiare in the ftocks or ingjoreigu
anions of any fuch foreign company, or to make payment P-^fl ^"^^^
in money, bills, or any other method whatfoever, towards ^0^^^^^^*
the promoting or fupport of that or any other foreign
company ; the perfons fo offending to forfeit their intereft
and {hare in the ftocks of fuch company, with thrice the
value thereof; one third to go to the crown, and the
remainder to the Enghfh company, in cafe they inform or
fue for it •, otherwife one third to go to the certain in-
former, recoverable by aftion of debt.
Any of his majefty's fubjefts, not legally authorized,
found in the Eafl Indies, are declared guilty of a high
piifdemeanor, and may be profecuted for the fame j and,
*» Dodflcy, vol. ix. book 3.
if
3^2 Hiftory of the
if found guilty, fhall be liable to fucli corporal punifliment,
imprifonment, or fine, as the court where the profecution
IS commenced fhall fee fit. And the offenders may be
feized and brought to England, and any juftice of the
peace may commit them to the next county jail, till fuffi-
cient fecurity be given by natural born fubje£ls, or deni-
zens, for their appearance in court.
Thefe laws, one would imagine, would be fufficlent to
prevent Britifh fubje6ts from engaging in fchemes perni-
cious to the nation ; yet fo far was it otherwife, that all
the meafures taken fince by foreigners, to the prejudice of
our commerce, owed their birth, in a great degree, to
Britons. To make great fortunes at any rate, was the
refolution of numbers of determined purfuers ; and no
laws were a fufhcient barrier againft the irrefiftible motions
of ambition and avarice.
Jnother I" ^^^^ feventh year of George the Firft, a law was
nci papd paffed for the better preventing an unlawful, and fecuring
for the fe- ^ igg^l commerce to the Eall Indies. Here it wascnafted,
£uriij of ^i^^j. ^^y g^Q^is (hipped for the Eafl Indies, except goods
for the company, goods licenfed by them, naval ftores,
provifions, and neceffaries for the fliips in their voyage ;
and all goods taken out of fuch fhips in their voyage
homewards from the Eafl Indies and to England, before
her arrival here, flriall be forfeited, with double the value ;
and the mafler or officer of fuch fliips, knowingly permit-
ting fuch goods to be fhipped or unfliipped, fliall, for every
offence, forfeit one thoufand pounds, and wages.
Contents of All agreements or contrails made or entered into by any
the aa of of his majefly's fubje6ts, or in trufl for them, on the loan
parliament, of money, by way of bottomry, upon, any fliip in the fer-
vice of foreigners, and bound to the Ealt Indies, &c. ; and
all contrafts for loading or fupplying any fliip with a cargo
of any fort of goods, merchandizes, treafure, or effeds,
or with provifion?, flores, or neceffaries ; and copart-
nerfhips entered into with relation to any fuch voyage;
fhall be void. Every fubje£t of his majefly that fliall go
to the Eafl Indies, contrary to the laws now in force, fhall
be deemed a trader, and to have traded there ; and all the
goods there bartered or trafficked for, purchafed by fuch
perfon, or found in his cuftody, or any other in truft for
him, by his order or procurement, fhall be forfeited, with
double the value.
Thus have we feen the Eafl India company flruggle with
« variety of difficulties^ dangers, and perplexities, through
Englijh Eajl India Company. 56 i
a feries of years. They were partly owing to the maxims
of certain leading men in the nation, who obliged them
■to purchafe every favour at an exorbitant price. The
Dutch too had been the caufe of numberlefs hazards to
them. This advantage the Hollanders had over the Eng«
Jifh, that they were always fure of the utmoft fupport
from their government, and were permitted to conduct
their affairs in the manner they thought moft advantage-
ous, in a fovereign and independent manner. Of late
years, indeed, the circumftances of the India company
have been greatly altered for the better. The legiflature
has now taken under their prote61:ion a corporation from
which the nation in general, and the revenue in particular,
receives infinite benefits. In confequence of this protec-
tion, the company has been gaining ground on the Dutch j
at leaft in thofe countries where an equal freedorn of trade
is permitted, and where the fuccefs depends on the choice
and good opinion of the natives.
The defire we had of continuing the chain of domeftic
tranfa6tions prevented us from taking notice of accidents
that gave a difagreeable check to the rapid progrefs the
company was making in this commerce.
The company had a fettlement in the ifland of Pulo DeflruBkn.
Condore, fubjecl to the monarch of Chochin-china, and of thefac-
inhabited by Cochin-chinefe and Cambogians. The Eng- p^ ^*
lifh had refided here fince the year 1702, when they built J^^^ ^""^
a flight fort with earth and pallifadoes, mounting on it a
few pieces of cannon. It was garrifoned with about forty-
five Europeans, including the agents and fervants, with
eight Topazes and fixteen Bugafles. Not well fixed in
their habitation, and unacquainted with the manners, dif-
pofition, and inclination of the inhabitants towards them,
the Englifh prohibited the natives from keeping arms in
their cuftody on any pretence whatever. The misfortune
of the Englifh fa£lory is attributed to the difguft of the
Bugafs or MacafTar foldiers, who were threatened with
corporal punifliment for letting two of the flaves belonging
to the factory efcape. The revenge they meditated was
trueli and ftrongly marks the vindi61:ive nature of thofe
wretches. At night, on the 3d of March, 1705, while
the garrifon was afleep, they let fire to the houfes within
the fort, and murdered the Englifh as they ran out to ex-
tinguifh it. Above thirty of the Englifli were maiTacred
^midfl the confufion the fire had occafioned, twelve only
out
3^4 Hiftory of the
out of forty-five having efcaped the refentment of the
Macaflars, by means of a floop that lay in the harbour.
The Cochin-chinefe took pofleffion of the fort, pro-
mifing to protect the furviving Engliih, and take venge-
ance on the Macaflar afiaflins who had fled. They even
apprehended one of thofe traitors and put him to death ;
neverthelefs, in a few days, without the leall provocation,
they fell upon the Engliih that remained, put moil: of
them to the fword, and took poiTeflion of their efFe£ls,
upon the moll frivolous pretences.
7^/ eompa- In the year 1719, the governor and council at Bencoo-
ny removes len ha4 refolved, on account of the unwholfomenefs of the
thiir fettle- {Jtuation, to remove the fa£l:ory to fome diftance from its
^encooUn P^^^*^^* ^^^^' ^^^ ^^^^ purpofe the ground was traced
ta Tort o^t for Marlborough fort, and the work carried on with
MarU great vigour and fpirit j but the council had not fufEciently
korougk, confulted the temper and inclinations of the natives, who
were greatly difpleafcd with this defign. Some little jea-
loufies and heart-burnings had appeared among them be-
fore ; but as they did not break out into an open rupture,
the fa6tory difregarded them. The natives obferving that
this new fortification advanced every day, miftook the in-
tention of it, interpreting it into a defign upon their liber-
ties, or, at lead, into a fufpicion in the Englifh of their
Vtfcontent affeftion. This notion taking root, difFufed fuch a fpirit
•f the na- q£ rebellion among them, that nothing lefs than a general
re'volt and ^^^^^^9 ^^^ ^^ abfolute deftruclion of the power they began
the maffa- to dread, was meditated. They concealed, however, their
€re of the fentiments fo artfully, and fhewed fo little fign of uneaf:-
ftttUment, nefs or refentment, that the Englifli proceeded in their
work without any apprehenfion of what was contriving
againft them, till it was on the point of breaking out '.
At length there was a general infurre£l:ion of the natives 5
and when the Englifh affembled their adherents, they were
abandoned by their Pangarans and Bugaffes, jBlacks, and
Chinefe, who had enlifled as foldiers in their fervice.
In this dilemma, a general council was called of all the
company's fervants^ and inhabitants of the place, to con-
fult about favlng the company's effects ; and it was the
unanimous opinion, to put on board the fliip Metchlapa-
tane, the company's treafure and books, with what flores
and provifions the time would permit, with all the expe-
' Hamikon» vol. ii. chap. 4*
dition
Englifh Eajl India Company, ^Sj
dltion and fecrecy poflible ; that in cafe of neceflity, the
company's fervants might efcape by fea. The treafure
was embarked accordingly. Meanwhile, fultan Catcheel
undertook to accommodate matters with the country people;
but, before any fteps could be taken for this purpofe, in-
telligence was brought that the Bugafles and Malayes were
rifen at Bencoolen, and had cut off the Padre, and mod
of the Portuguefe, without dillinftion of fex or ages. A
great fire broke out at Bencoolen, another near the fort,
behind Canbury Paggar, another towards Sillebar, and
foon after at the Hermitage -houfe. Till this time no enemy
appeared, but ftill frefh fires were feen in different places*
As no enemy as yet appeared, the Englifh difcharged all
the great guns they had mounted, at the thickeft of thefe
fires. One of the wads unfortunately fell upon the top of
the fort buildings, which took fire, and burnt fo fierce, that
it could not be extinguifhed : they therefore marched out
of the fort in one body to meet the enemy. Having ad-
vanced by the Chinefe town, which was on fire, they pro-
ceeded to the fea-fide, where they perceived fome thou-
fands of Malayes, headed by the fultan and Bugafles.
MofI; of the Chinefe had fecured themfelves in boats, and
on board their own prows. Under thefe difadvantages,
the Englifh thought it in vain longer to hazard their lives
againft fo numerous an enemy. The fort and buildings
being deftroyed by fire, every man endeavoured to fave his
life by fwimming, or getting on board the boats in the
bed manner he could ; in which attempt near half the
people were drowned, or killed by the enemy. Three
hundred and fifty black and white men, women, and
children, were faved on board the fhip Metchlapatane, Mr^
Newcombe's barge, and three country boats called tpm-
bongons. In thefe they failed for Batavia, from whence
they were tranfported to Nagapatam ^.
Notwithflanding the Englifh were thus driven from 7he Engli/i
Bencoolen, their beft fettlement on the illand of Sumatra, permitted
they were permitted by the natives to return the year ^^z^"^^"'
following, and proceed without interruption in the build- rg]timenU
ing Marlborough Fort. Thus what the council affirm in
their letter, of the fort's being the chief bone of contenr
tion, feems groundlefs ; it plainly appearing that the
natives thought themfelves injured and opprefTed by the
Englifh. The chiefs of the fa£lory did not always abound
^f Lockyer's Account of*the Trade in India,
i66
7ke great
profits of
the com-
fany.
Keiu at-
temf'ts to
itiy the
trade open*
HifloiJ of the
in difcretion ; and their afluming an imperious behaviour
had greatly difgufted .the natives ; but as this vi^as very-
tolerable in comparifon of the brutal tyranny the Dutch
exerted vi^herever they were fettled, the Malayes, upon
the expulfion of the Englifh, began to apprehend a vifit
from thofe cruel and unvtrelcome neighbours. From this
dread, they foon dropt their refentments againfl the Englifh,
and burying in oblivion their indifcrecions, welcomed them
back with as much zeal as they had fhewn in their expul-
fion '^ (U).
Thefe fuccefTes, joined to the caution of the company,
in fending none but perfons of prudence and abilities in
quality ot chiefs to India, foon gave their affairs a prof-
perous turn. It has been faid, that had it not been for the
lofles fuftained by the eflablifhment of new companies
abroad, they would have been in a condition to have
doubled their dividends •, the benefit of which was laid
open by the exhibition of the company's books, and the
amount of their fales ; a ftep occafioned by the clamour
then raifed about the decay of trade '. The condu6t of
the miniilry it was that gave birth to many new attempts
of foreigners to obtain a fhare in a traffick they faw at-
tended with fuch immenfe returns. While thefe defigns
were vigoroufly purfued by foreigners, there were not
wanting men of eminence and weight at home, who de-
clared for laying the India trade open. A Variety of plau-
fible arguments, which greatly alarmed the company, were
urged upon this head. The whole nation was filled with
complaints of the injuftice of a monopoly, by which a body
of private merchants fatiated their avarice, at the expence
of all his majefty's other fubje£l:s.
The company, to obviate the confequences of argu-
ments become fo general, made propofals to the miniltry
highly beneficial to the government. No other conditions
did they require, than a perfedl fecurity to an exclufive
right or trading to the Eaft Indies. A law was foon
paffed, by which all their powers, privileges, and immu-
nities were confirmed in the manner they required. By
^ Hamilton, vol. ii. chap. 41.
Yol. ii.book i. chap. 2.
(U)Theyearfucceedinfi;this,
a kind of war broke out in the
kingdom o^ Vifiafum, on the
Malabar coaft, between th^
i Dodfley, vol. ii. Harris,
Englifh faftory and the Sandah
Rajah, but it was foon appeaf-
ed.
this
Engllfh Eqft India Company, 367
this it was enabled, that the company do, on, or before a
fixed day, pay into the Exchequer two hundred thoufand
pounds, to be applied to the fuppHes granted to his ma-
jefty. For this no intereft fhall be paid, nor, any addition
be made to the capital of the company by the public, on
account of this grant j nor the fame, nor any part of it to
be paid to the company ; that after the 29th day of Sep-
tember, 1730, the annuity, or yearly fund, of one hundred
and fixty thoufand pounds be reduced to one hundred and
twenty-eight thoufand pounds, in refped: of the capital
flock of three millions two hundred thoufand pounds;
that the annuity fo reduced (hall be charged on the fame
duties and revenues by the like weekly or quarterly pay-
ments, and with the fame provifions for making good de-
ficiencies in the faid reduced funds, as their prefent fund
or annuity is now charged on, till other provifion is made
by parliament with confent of the company ; that upon
one year's notice by parliament, after the 25th of March,
1736, after the expiration of that year, and on repayment
of the faid debt of three millions two hundred thoufand
pounds to the company, and all arlrears of their reduced
annuity of one hundred and twenty-eight thoufand pounds,
which fliall be due at the end of the faid year; then, and
thencefcrwards, the faid annuity or yearly fund fhall ceafe,
and be no longer payable. At any time after the faid q-^^f c^^-*
25th of March, after a year's notice by parliament, and tents of
after the expiration of that year, upon repayment made to thetrpra^.
the company of any fum not lefs than five hundred thou- ^^^^ ^'
fand pounds, part of the capital ftock, and on payment of
all arrears then due on their reduced annuity, that after
fuch payments made, fuch part of the faid annuity as fliall
bear a certain proportion to the capital fo paid in part,
fhall ceafe and be abated. Thus from time to time, upon
fuch yearly notices, and payment of fuch other fums in
part of the faid capital ftock, till the whole of their annuity
be entirely funk and determined,
Notwithftanding any fuch redemption, all perfons in^.
titled to any intereft in the ftock, &c. of the faid com-
pany, fhall be, and continue a body politic and corporate
with perpetual fucceflion, with power to purchafe lands.
Zee. in Great Britain, not exceeding ten thoufand pounds
in value at any one purchafe, with full enjoyment of all
powers, privileges, and immunities, as by former char-
ters have been granted, with power to declare what fhare
in their remaining capital fnall qualify members to be di-
redors
363 Hiflory of the
re£lors, or to vote in general courts. The company, not-
withftanding fuch redemption, (hall continue to enjoy the
whole and fole trade to the Eaft Indies, &c. but with the
provifo of determination herein mentioned.
All perfons (fadlors, &c. excepted) failing or trading to
the Eaft Indies, fhall forfeit the goods, (hip, and double
the value to be fued for, recovered and diftributed as in
the (latute of 7 Geo. I. cap. 21. is dire6ted. The company
ihall enjoy all the powers granted them by former char-
ters, and not charged by this a6t, freed and difcharged
from all provifos of redemption, as fully as if the fame
were here repeated ; but fubje£t to the reftri£^ions as are
contained in a6ls and letters patent now in force 5 as alfo
to all provifions following.
Provided, that upon three years notice by parliament,
after the 25th of March, 1736, and repayment made to
the company of the capital ftock, with all arrears due
with regard to it ; then, and from thenceforth, the right,
title, and intereft of the faid company to the fole, entire,
and exclufive trade to the Eaft Indies, fhall ceafe and de-
termine. But after the faid determination of the com-
pany's right, the corporation may, with all or part of
their joint ftock, trade to thofe parts in common with
other fubjefts of his majefty. Any notice in writing from
the fpeaker of the Houfe of Commons, to be deemed a
due and proper notice by parliament. Nothing in this a£b
to extend to fubje61: the Levant company to any penalties
and forfeitures on account of their traffic in the Levant
feas ; nor reftrain any trade within the limits of the Eaft
India company, that the South Sea company are any way
intitled to "».
In this condition did the Eaft India company continue
till the year 1743, when fubfequent wars with France pro*
duced a variety of important events relating to the En
li(h company's affairs in the Eaft Indies, a detail of whic
does not at prefcnt properly fall within the execution of
our plan.
n> Harris, vol. ii. book i. chap. a.
SECT,
iEngliJh Eafl India Company^ ,|5g
S E C T» VL
Cmlaming a Defcrlption of all the Company s Settlements ;
the Nature of the Trade of each ; the Goods exported
and imported ; the Salaries of the Governors and othet
Servants ; the Manners^ Laws, and Religion of the
Natives ; the Coins, Meafures, Duties^ and Ciijloms
nfed or paid by the Company ; with fever al other Par*
riculars*
'TpO begin with the fettlertients of the ^Eaft liidia com-" Defcrlptm
•*• paiiy : the firft in order is Mocha, a city feated at °f^^^^ "^y
the entrance of the Red Sea, latitude 1 3 c\tg. 1 1 min. *-^ ^°^^^*
tiorth* This place, from an inconfiderable fifliing-town,
hardly known, is become, in lefs than tv/o centuries, a
flourifliing city, and the emporium for the trade of all In-
dia to the Red Sea. The trade was removed hither from
Adan, in confequence of the prophecy of a- fheyk, much
Jrevered by the people. This man, it is faid, folretold that
it would foon become a place of extenlive commerce, not-
Vithftanding fome difadvantages in point of fituation. Be
this as it will, certain it is, that trade flourifhes. Mocha
ftands clofe to the fea, in a large, dry, and fandy plain,
that affords no good water within twenty miles of the city.
What they drink comes from Mofa, and cods as dear as - .
fmall beer in England. The water nearer the town, it is
imagined, produces a worm which naturalifts call the dra-
cunculus. It generally hreeds in the flefhy and mufcular
parts of the body, appearing commonly in the thighs and.
legs, accompanied with an extreme inflammation and acute
pain.
Mocha Is large, but meanly fortified. The buildings
are lofty, and tolerably regular, having a pleafaht afpe£t
from Mecca. The minarets of feveral mofques raife theit
heads into the clouds, and prefent themfelves to view at a
great diftance. Their marl^ts are well flored with beef,
mutton, lamb, kid, camel, and antelope's flefh, common
fowls, Guinea hens, partridge, and pigeon. The fea af-
fords plenty of fifli, but not favoury. Fruit, fuch as
grapes, peaches, apricots, quinces, and ne£larines, the
markets are flocked with 5 although near the town not a
fhrub is to be feen, nor a tree, except a few date trees*
Two or three years fometimes elapfe without rain, and
Mod. Vol. VIIL B b fcldom
3j0 tliflory of the
ielciom more than a fliower or two fall in a year. In ttie
mountains, indeed, at the diftance of twenty miles from
- Mocha, the earth is watered by a gentle (bower every
morning, which refrefhes and fertilizes the grounds
The religion of the country and city is Mohammedifrrt,
in which they are rigidly fuperilitious ; but hypocrify
feems the moft diftinguifhing part of the chara£ler of an
Arabian at Mocha. Their promifes, whicli they feldom
keep, are made with the moft folemn invocations on God ;
and the judge pronounces a grave, devout ledlure againft
corruption, at the very time when his arm is extended to
receive a bribe. Robbing, thieving, and piracy, are vices
no lefs fafhionable here, than are fornication, adultery,
and drinking, in fome cities in Europe \ and yet, from
the gravity of the people, you would imagine the inte-
grity of a Cato lodged in every breaft.
The Englifh and Dutch companies have handfome
houfes, but without the grandeur and ftate they maintain
in fome others of their fettlements. The Englifli arc
much careffed, and carry on a confiderable trade for cof-
fee, olibanum, myrrh, aloes, liquid florax, white and
yellow arfenic, gum arabic, mummy, balm of Gilead,
and other drugs. One inconvenience^ however, they
fuftain from the violence and exaftion of the Arabian
princes 5 for the king's cufloms are eafy,' being fixed at
three per cent, to Europeans.
As to the coins at Mocha, the moft current is the ca-
maflle, which rifes or falls in value at the banker's difcre-
tion : they are from fifty to eighty for a current dollar, .
"which is but an imaginary fpecies, being always reckoned
twenty-one and a half per cent, lower tl^an Spaniih dollars.
As to their weights, they are almoft infinite, according to
the nature of the thing to be weighed. They have the
Banian weight, the Magiet, the Ambergrife, the agala,
the gold and filver weights, &c. &c ".
Defcriptton Gombroon, or, as the natives call it. Bander Abaffi, or
ffGoffi' the fea-port of Abafli, is the next fettlcment. This city,
broon, lying in the latitude of 27 deg. 40 min. north, owes its
wealth and grandeur to th^^ demolition of Ormuz, and
the downfall of the Portuguefe empire in the Eaft Indies.
It is now juftly accounted one of the greateft marts in the
Eaft, was built by the great Shah Abbas, and from him,
as fome think, obtained the name Bander Abaffi, which
fignifies the Court of Abbas, We (hall leave the reader to
n Hamilton, p. 143,
cletermine
Englijlo Eajl India Company* 371
determine which of thefe etymons is the mofl natural. It
(lands on a bay, about four leagues to the northward of
the eaft end of the illand of Kifhmifli, and three leagues
from the famous Ormuz. The Englifli began to fettle
here about the year 1613, when, in confideration of their
fervices againfl the Portuguefe, Shah Abbas granted
them half the cuftoms of that port. This was confirmed
by a phirmaund, and duly regarded till the Englifli began
to neglecl: the fervices they had ftipulated, upon which it
dwindled to a thoufand tomans a year, three thoufand three
hundred and thirty-three pounds fix fliiUings and eight
pence, which were likewife ill paid, if it be true that the
company has any emolument at all from the cuftoms. The
Htuation is bad, wanting almoft every thing that contri-
butes to the happinefs, and even the fupport of life. The
city is large, and encompafled by a wall towards the land,
which is ruined in feveral places through neglecl. On the
fide of the fea are three fmall forts, of five guns each ; a
platform of eight, and a caftle, or citadel, mounting thirty-
five heavy cannon, to fecure it and the road from the at-
tempts of an enemy. The houfes in moft of the ftreets
are fo out of repair, that a ftranger would imagine the
town had been facked and ravaged by a barbarous people,
not a veftige of the wealth really contained in the place
appearing in view. The bazars and fliops round are for
the moft part kept by Banians, whofe houfes are generally
in good order. When the Banians are afked why the
Perfians are fo negligent in repairing the buildings eredled
at a great expence by their anceftors, their common an- ^
fwer is, *' For the vanity of building new ones them- -
felves." In the walls of the beft houfes ftone is ufed, but
the common method of building is with earth and lime.
o
Many of them have a contrivance at the top for making a
draught of air through the whole houfe, which, in ef-
fe£l:, refembles a ventilator, but is itfelf a wooden ma-
chine of a conical form : thcfe they call wind-chimnies,
which add not only to the elegance of the houfes, but to
the conveniency of living as well as to health, in the in-
tenfely hot feafons of the year.
The moft fickly months of this unhealthy fituation are
April and May, towards the clofe of the vernal equinox ;
September and Oflober, in the autumnal. With fifh and
mutton the inhabitants are well fupplied. Rice is im-
ported from India, and wheat fo plenty, that the poor
chiefly fubfift on bread and dates : as for pilloe it is a difh
fajQiionable only among the better fort. This part of Per-
B b 31 fia
572 " Bijoiy of the
fia abounds in the mofl delicious fruits : apricots^ peaclies^
pomegranates, pears, mangoes, grapes, guavas, plums,
fweet quinces, water-melons, are here in the utmofl pro-
fuiion and perfe6lion. The apricots, however, are fmally
and extremely dangerous if eaten to excefs, for whi-ch rea-
fon the Perfians call them kill-franks, jpecaufe Europeans,
not knowing the danger, are often dellroyed by them.
But the fruit mod peculiar to this country and to Ara-
bia is the date. This tree grows much in the manner of
the cocoa-nut tree, only the branches are fliorter. The
fruit hangs on fmall twigs, thick about the top of the tree
^ tinder the boughs ; and when ripe, is efteemed there a de-
licious and wholfome diet. It is deemed fit for ufe when
it begins to melt on the tree j but the dates intended for
fale are plucked fooner, and laid wet in a heap, afterwards
packed in bales of one hundred pounds weight, their own
juice candying and preferving them.
Thefe conveniences are more than over-balanced by the
fcarcity of frefh water, with which the inhabitants are
fupplied from Afleen % a place feven miles diftance, there
not being one fpring or well in the town. Perfons of dif-
tin^lion keep camels in conflant employment in bringing
frefh and wholefome water. People of condition retire
into the country, to pafs the heats of June, July, and Au-
guft. The very fea, during this feafon, is affe6led 5 in-
fomuch, that the flench is no lefs difagreeable than that of
putrid carcafes ; and this is increafed by the quantities of
iliell-fifli left by the furges on the fliore, from which an
exhalation arifes that tarnifhes gold and filver, and is more
^ intolerable than the bilge-v/ater of a tight fhip.
About ten miles from Afleen, is a place called Minoa,
where are cold and hot natural baths, reckoned infallible
in the cure of fcrophulous diforders, rheumatifms, and
other difeafes. J^s they are rough and powerful eme-
ticks if drank in the fmalleft quantity, their ufe in this re-
fpe6t is negle£l:ed. At Afleen the Englifh faftory have a
country-houfe and gardens, to which they retire occa*
Conally. They have tanks and ponds of frefli water,
with every thing elfe that can moderate the heat of the cli-
mate, and render life agreeable and elegant.
The city of Gombroon is extremely populous, on ac-
count of the prodigious commerce carried on by the
Dutch and Englifh factories, as well as the natives.. The
French formerly had a trade here \ but they were forced
o Lockycr, chap. 8. Hamilton, vol. i, chap. ^,
tc
Englijh Eaji India Company, 27 j
t© withdraw their fervants upon a revolution that happen-
<^d in the company^s affairs. The Englifh faftory is fituat-
ed clofe upon the fea, at fome diftance from the Dutch,
which is a commodious and fine new building. A great
part of the company's profits arifcs from freights. As the
natives have not one good fhip of their own, and are ex-
tremely ignorant of navigation^ they freight their goods
for Surat, and other Indian marts, in Englifti and Dutch
bottoms, at an exorbitant rate. The commodities of the
Gombroon market are fine wines of different kinds, raifins,
almonds, kifmiflies, prunellas, dates, piflachio nuts, gin-
ger, filks, carpets, leather, tutty, galbanum, ammoniac,
afa fcetida, tragacanth, with other gums, and a variety
of fhop m.edicines, Thefe are In a great meafure the pro-
duce of Carmania, which they bring to Gombroon in ca-
ravans. The Englifh company had a fmall fa6lory in the
province of Carmania, chiefly for the fake of a fine wool
iifed by the hatters.
Although the Englifh pay no cufloms, yet the {habander
keeps an officer at the factory, who examines every thing
brought on fhore, and delivered to the merchants, who
ufually make him a prefent, to avoid the trouble he has it
in his power to give them. All private traders with the
company's pafies enjoy the fame privileges, on paying two
per cent, to the company 5 one to the agent and one to
the broker.
When a fhip arrives, the fhabander fends his^ boat on
board to know whence fhe came, what her cargo confifls
of, and to whom flie" belongs. Were the (habander ap-
plied to, in order to wave the company's privileges^ M
would hardly fail to extort eight per cent, on the w}iolc
cargo, as is evident from his conduct to the interlopers,
during the quarrels betv/een the two companies. Hence
it is, that moil people would chufe to trade under the com-
pany's prote6Hon, notwithftanding the inconveniencv^s that
attend it. AH private trade, either by European or coun-
try (hips, has fo long been engroffed by the company's fer-
vants, that they nov/ look upon it as their right, and to
be enjoyed upon their own terms. The agent at Ifpahan
is one third concerned, the chief of Gombroon one third,
and the reft of the factors in Perfia the remaining third,
in all inveftments. Hence it is, that fcarcely an Englifh-
man in the place will give a true account of the value of
goods againft his ov/n intereft ; yet that every thing may
feem to be done for the benefit of the flranger, the chit*
J^raj or broker, ac<^uaints the Armenian and Banian mer^
^ B b 3 ' ch'Ants
374 ^If^^^y of the
chants of what is to be difpofed of, and fixes a time for a
number of them to meet at the faftory. The chief pre-
fides as director of the fale ; they beat down the price, or -
let the goods remain, although they can, and do, often
fell them the next day at thirty per cent, profit. By this
collufion, the poor trader is bubbled, and the whole pro-r
fits iiow into the pockets of Englifh prefidents, agents,
brokers, and Banian or Armenian merchants. Another
fenfible difadvantage to the private trader is in the advance
the broker ufually puts on the money he pays. If pay-
ment is made in abaffees, he will fometimes charge ten
per cent* for the difference in exchange. There is always
fbme allowance, but the honeft broker feldom fails of hav-
ing two per cent, more than the current price. It is true
• this is never done by the authority of the company, nor i^
\t countenanced by them ; it is only a tax which the ava-f
rice, the poverty, and infolence of fome chiefs impofe on
the induflrious and fair trader.
Tijl of late years the northern provinces of Perfia, and
jnoft of the grand fignor's dominions, were fupplied with
Englifh cloths by the Turkey company. But the Eafl In-
dia cornpany, having taken thisbranch of trade into confi-
deration, fent large quantities of woollen manufactures
round the Cape of Good Hope to Gombroon, and fo by ca-
ravans to the refpe£live marts. Some years ago they were
very earnefl and intent on the exportation of this article ;
jf they continue it, the advantage will \it general, and ob-
viate, in a great meafure, the clamours vre every day heay
againfl: this monopoly.
At Gombroon all bargains are driven for fhahees, and
the company keep their accounts in this imaginary coin
(for hardly fuch apiece of money is to be met with), whicl^
is valued at four pence. Payments are made in coz, mar
modas, &c. which are the current coin of the country 5
but horfes, camels, houfes, &c. are commonly fold ox
bought by the toman, which is two hundred fhahees, or
fifty abaffees. This is the ufual way of rating eftates, ef-
fe6ts, and a man's wealth ; fych a m.an is worth fo many
tomans, as in England we fay he is worth fo many pounds.
Their great vt^eignts are maunds, which differ according
to the nature of the commodity to be weighed, Sugar,
copper, and all forts of drugs are fold by the maund tar
brees, v^hich, \n the cuftom-houfc and fa(ftory, is efteemed
^t fix pounds and ihree quarters averdupois ; but in the
bazar, reckoned at no more than fix pounds and a quarter,
P^ablcp, and all forts of fruits an4 vegetables^ are fold by
thQ
E'tiglij'h Eofi India Company. 375
tlie maund copara, of itN&w pounds and three quarters m
the factory, and from feven and a quarter to feven and a
Xx-xM in the bazar. Fin.e goods, as gold, filver, muik,
Achen camphor, bezoar, coral, amber, cloves, and cin«
namon oil, with dyed China filks, or painted fattins, are
fold by the mifcal, fix of which are ellimated at one ounce
iiverdupois. Its juft weight is two pennyweights twenty-
three grains. The maund ftiaw is two maund tabrees,
xifed in Ifpahan. To conclude our account of this city,
one great part of the company's profit here arifes from paf-.
fengers with the freight of their efl"e£ls. They rarely dif-
patch a fliip from Gombroon but flie is filled with paiTen-
gers, deep laden with goods, with immenfe quantities of
pearls and treafure on board, fometimes to the value of
three hundred thoufand pounds. Upon all thefe the
freight is prodigious, and often rated by the value of the
cargo. Although the company has regulated the price of
a pailage from Gombroon to Surat ; yet the captain of
the fliip makes a valuable perquifite of it, raifing hisprice'
according to the wealth and difpofition of the pafienger. »
Some grofs enormities, and grievous extortions, have been
committed in this manner.
The next fea-port where the company have a fadlory, is Defcrlptlon
Surat. It is fituatejn 21 § deg. north latitude, on the "-^ ^/'l^'^'V^?
banks'of the river Tapee, and was built in the year 1660. %^!iig^^„f
It n the chief trading town in the Mogul's dominions, peo- qJ Surat*
p!e of all nations generally refiding under the proteQion
pf the government. Soon after the Englifh fettled there
they removed about two miles farther dov/n the river, on
g.ccount of fome inconveniences in the former fituation.
Others followed their example j fo that in a ihort fp'ace,
the fpot they had chofen for their refidence became a large
town. After Rajah Savajee, who never fubmitted to the
Mogul's authority, had taken and ravaged it, the Euro-
pean factories excepted, the inhabitants petitioned Aureng
Zib to be fccured by a v/all round their town. Their re-
quell was granted, and the city was inclofed with a wall
four miles in compafs. As trade increafed, the people
became too numerous for fo fmall a fpace ; to remedy
which inconvenience, feveral large fuburbs were added,
for the habitation of mechanics. The wall was built of
brick, about eight yards in height, with round baftions
two hundred paces dillant from e:^ch otheri with five QV
fix cannon mounted on each.
Its flourifhing trade was nrfl dillurbed by the governor
pf Bombay, A. D, 1686. In the year 1695, its trade; an4
3^ b 4 tran-
j.76 ^ifiory of the
tranquility were a fecond time invaded by captain Avery,
a pirate. In 1705, when Aureng Zib was in his dotage,
the neighbouring rajahs, v.'ith united forces, befieged Su-
rat with eighty thoufand horfe, plundering all the villages
in its vicinity. This army being unprovided with artillery,
could make no impreffion on the city, though it extremely
flraitened it, till this inconvenience was removed by get-
ting provifions by fea from Guzarat. While this rabble
lay before it, the citizens, under the dire<51:ion of the Eu-^
ropeans, builffconces in convenient places, about half a
mile from the walls, to proteft the fuburbs. In procefs
of time, a high wall between each fconce was drawn, by
which means the whole fuburbs are encompafied. All this
inclofure is extremely populous, the inhabitants being
computed at two hundred thoufand fouls, among which
pre feveral merchants of prodigious wealth (U).
The trade of Surat is flill very confiderable, as appears
from the cuftom.s and land-rents, amounting to one mil-
lion three hundred thoufand rupees, or one hundred fixty-^
two thoufand five hundred pounds. In Surat are a va^
riety of different religions. That by law eftabliflied is the
Mohammedan, of Hali's fe£l:, the profeffors of which are
called Moors. There is one particular "feft called Mufey,
who believe both in the Old Teftament and Koran, who
pay an equal regard to the law of Mofes and of Moham-
nied. Another fe61:, whom they call Molacks, is pretty
numerous, and ftigmatized with the name of heretic by all
the other religions, on account of fome deteftable rites
among them. On an annual feftival, the time of celebra-
tion only known to themfelves, after a great deal of mirth,
(Uj Of this eaptain Hamll- pounds, and the greater num-
ton relates a very ftriking in- ber were valued at twenty-five
fiance, of a Mohammedan thoufand pounds fterling. This
merchant he was acquainted was the Hock he exported ;
with. This man, called Abd*al what then muft his returns
Gafijr, drove a trade equal to have been ? His wealth may
that of the whole Englifh Eaft be judged by this, that, at hig
India company. Captain Ha- death, his edate was divided
iTjilton has known him fit out among four grandfons. Each
in one year a fleet of twenty was wealthy to an extreme;
fail from three hundred to and yet the Mogul's court had
eight hundred tons burthen, feized above a million flerling
None of thofe had a cargo of his etfetSts (i),
worth iefs than ten thoiif^i)d
' (i) Hauiihon's Hiftory of the Eaft Indie?, vol. i. p, 249.
mm
Engiljh Raft India Company, \^jf
men and women retire prbmifcuoully into a dark apart-
ment. The women take each a handkerchief, or fome
token by which they may again be known, before they
adjourn to fciemnize this rite. Here fathers, daughters,
mothers, fons, brothers and fifters, and all without dif-
tin6lion, converfe on mats and carpets fpread for the pur-
pofe J the women leave their handkerchiefs with perfons
whom accident has joined to them, and retire from the
inceftuous embrace. Aureng Zib made the folemnization of
this fefti^^al a capital-crime, yet was it never difcontinuedj
and to this day is it praO:ifed among the Mohcks.
Of all the religions in Surat, that of the Banians is the
moft numerous : they are almoft all merchants, bankers,
brokers, accomptants, collectors, or furveyors; few or
none are bred to mechanical or mean employments, unlefs
we except taylors and barbers.
The Perfees are numerous in Surat, and the adjacent
country. They are a remnant of the ancient Perhans, who
preferred banifhment to changing their religion. About
the feventh century, when the Mohammedan religion over-
ran Perfia, perfecution prevailed, and five hundred fami-
lies were fent to fea in fhips and boats, without compafs
or pilot. This miferable exiled crew, fleering eaftward,
in the fouth-weft monfoons, fromjafques, in twenty days
fell in with the coail of India. As it was night, they
were direded to the fhore by a fire near the fea-fide, by
which the fleet fleering accidentally put into the river of
Nunfaree, feven leagues fouth of Surat. When they came
on fhore the charitable Indians flocked round them.
Among the Perfians there were fome who fpoke the In-
dian language ; thefe related the melancholy tale, and the
circumftances which had drove them in neceffity upon the
Indian coafls. Their ftory was heard with humanity, and
,they were generoufly invited to fettle about Surat, at leaft
the place where this city was afterwards founded. The
hofpitable Indians gave them lands to cultivate, and feed
to fow their grotmds, upon the fame conditions and tenure
on which they enjoyed their own farms. They foon mul-
tiplied, and have fince greatly increafed, but without the
fmallefl alteration in their religion. As a particular ac^
count of this fe£l will be found in its proper place in this
hiflory, it will be unneceilary to dwell upon it here.
About Surat the fields are all plain, the ground extremely
fertile towards the country, but fandy and barren along
the coafl. Here they have good beef, mutton, and fowls
dsjly expofed jn their markets^ reafonably cheap. Beef
with
57 J • Hiftory of the
with the bones is fold at three farthings a pound ; without
them at a penny; Mutton is dearer, but ftill cheap in
comparifon of what this country affords ; and their beft
fowls are fold at fix pence and feven pence. Fifh, wild-
fowl, and hare, are more than proportionably cheaper,
The country affords abundance of wheat, peas, and beans,
but no oats or barley. Here is a fpecies of legumen called
dole, which the natives mix with rice. Thefe they boil
together, and form a difh to which they give" the name of
kitcheree, the common food of the country. They eat it
with butter and falt-fifh, and it is a pleafant nourifhing
diet, of which the great Aureng Zib was particularly fond.
In fhort, no conveniency in Hfe is wanting in this pleafant
country and city.
The Mogul has always a governor and garrifon in a large
fort adjoining to the town, and that commands the river.
The Englifli, Dutch, and French have their fa6lories here ;
but the Moors, Banians, Armenians, Arabs, and Jews,
drive a much greater trade than the Europeans, although
they chiefly ufe the fliipping of the latter in long voyages.
Both the Englifli companies, before' they were united, had
houfes in Surat, of which they are flill in pofTefiion, The
lower fervants live in the old houfe, and the prelident and
council in the new. Both the Englifli and Dutch dire6lors
or agents make a good figure at Surat; this appearance of
confequence and fplendor being unavoidable in the eaflern
countries, where any degree of reputation mufl be kept up.
All the Englifli pay three and a half per cent, on mer-
chandize, jewels, gold, and filver, thtf import or fend
abroad ; whereas the Dutch pay but two and a half per
cent. Here is no book of rates, as in China, every thing
without diftint^ion being charged ad valorem. The cuf-
tom-houfe is the moft fcrupulous and flri^t in their
fearches and examinations of any in India. Surat may
be looked upon as the repofitory of all the valuable rari-
' ties, and jewels and precious flones, of the coails of
Africa, Malabar, Arabia, Perfia, and Indoflan. The
bazar is continually replete with Cambay flones, as agates
and cornelians, from a pice or corge, to a rupee each.
The flreets on both fides are crowded with rich fhops,
refembling one of our richefl towns. Their artifts fliew
great genius in many branches, particularly in turning
and working in ivory, a ftaple commodity among them,
which they polifh with infinite beauty and dexterity. Vafh
quantities of elephants teeth are yearly imported from the
eoafts of Afric^i ^d other parts ; they arc manufadured
chiefly
EnglifJo Eajl India Company, , 'gyflj
cliiefly at Surat ; and one would be amazed to think what
a confumption of this elegant production there is withia
the Mogul's dominions.
The current coins of Surat are rupees and pice ; yet in
accounts they reckon by rupees, anas, and pice : thus fix-
teen pice make an ana, four anas one rupee. Venetians
and Gubbers have no fixed ilandard of value. As to the
weights ufed at Surat, they are diiTerent in buying and
felling, and adapted to different forts of goods. Bezoar
is fold by the tola, almofl eight penny-weights troy, which
is divided into thirty ^two vols ; diamond bolt they fell by
the ruttee, of feventeen grains and a half ; mufk by the
feer ; and bulky commodities by the maund, and candy
boroch. They commonly reckon forty ifeer to a maund,
and twenty maund to a candy boroch. Pepper, afa
fpetida, dry ginger, benjamin, tyncal, and faltpetre, have
forty-two feer to the maund ; fome goods rife higher,
having forty-four feer to the maund ; fo that the criterion
of weight is uncertain. O^ this account it is common
in all bargains to fpecify the number of feers to be allowed
in a maund ; and ftrangers are often impofed on, from
their ignorance of this circumftance. We fliall difmifs
this account, with obferving, that Surat is ftill a flourifh-
jng, populous, induftrious, and rich town, although the
Engliih trade thither has greatly fallen ofF of late years,
and fmce the prefidency has been removed to Fort St.
George p.
We next come to the illand of Bombay, the property
of the Eaft India company, in the latitude of 19 deg.
north, about forty miles north of Dunda Dejapore. The
Portuguefe, who polTefTed themfelves of it foon after their
arrival in India, gave it the name of Boon Bay, from the
jCxcellency of its harbour, which, it is affirmed, will con-
veniently hold a thoufand fhips at anchor. We have aU
ready related many particulars of this famous ifland. To
thefe we fhall only add, that it is about- feven miles in
length, and twenty in circumference. The principal town
is near a mile long, but the hpufes are mean, low, and
paltry, a few only excepted, belonging to the Portuguefq.
The fort, which ftands at a little difliance from the town,
we have already dcfcribed. The foil is fterile and not
capable of improvement ; nor has the ifland any good
water upon i(:. The bell: is what they prefervs in cifterns
p Lockyer, chap, a, Hamilton, in the table of coins at the end
ggQ Uijlory of tie
after rain, that which their wells furnifh having a brackifh
difagreeable tafle. Thofe who can afford to keep fervants
may be tolerably fupplied from a fpring, fome miles di-
ftant from the town. What the eftates on the ifland chiefly
confift in, are fine groves of cocoa-nut trees. Their gar*
dens alfo produce mangoes, jacks, and other Indian fruits.
They make fait in large quantities, by letting the fea into
the pits, where the fun evaporates the watry part, while
the faline is left behind.
As to the; air and climate they are rather unhealthy, al-
though the natives, and perfons feafoned to the country,
live eafily to a good old age. Moil perfons on their ar-
rival are feized with fevers, fluxes, fcrophulous diforders,
or a difeafe they call the barbiers, which wholly enervates
the body, and reduces it to a total Hate of inadiivity, and
a deprivation of all the loco-motive faculties. After
rains a multitude of venomous creatures appear, which
grow to an extraordinary fize. Their fpiders are as large
as walnuts, and their toads almofl equal ducks in mag*
nitude.
The inhabitants are a mixture of feveral nations, Eng-
lifh, Portuguefe, and Indians, amounting in all to near
(ixty thoufand. Formerly the preiident of Bombay ap.»
peared with the ftate, magnificence, and pomp of a
crowned head. He was attended when he vv^ent abroad,
with troops of Moors and Bandarins^ colours flying,
drums beating, and mufic playing. After the prefidency
was removed, the governor's fplendor diminifiied : and,
indeed, this vanity is kept up among no European nations
to its former height, unlefs we except the Dutch go-
vernment of Batavia. About two leagues from the fort
is a fmall ifland belonging to the company, called Butchers
Ifland, of no other ufe befides grazing a few cattle, and
careening (hips. At a league's diftance from hence is
another larger ifland, called Elephants Ifland, from the
image of that animal carved out in a large black ftone,
feven foot high. As this little ifland is Hill the property
of the Portuguefe, we ihall defer an account of it to its
proper place.
Ctrivar, *^^^ "^^^ Englifh fettlemcnt we meet with is Corwar,
a fmall fort that (lands in the latitude of 15 deg. north,
{Qven leagues to the fouth of Cabo de Rama, or, as the
Englifh call it, Cape Ramus, It has the advantage of ^
good harbour on the fouth fide of a bay, and a river ca-
pable of receiving fhips of three hundred tons burthen,
\t is one of the pleafanteft i^ad molt he^ilthfiil f<?ttlement3
the
'Englip Eqjl India Company] 3S1
tlie company hath on the Malabar coaft. The country
round is fertile and beautiful ; in general, indeed, it is
mountainous and woody ; but the vallies abound with
corn and pepper, and the woods with game of various
kinds. Here are tigers, wolves, wild hogs, monkies,
deer, elks, and wild cattle of a prodigious iize. A great
variety of beautiful birds, as wild peacocks, pheafants,
&c. are found in the woods : nor is the fea iefs bountifui
in fupplying all manner of filh.
The company has here a chief and council to manage
the trade, principally valuable on account of the fine
pepper, which is the natural product of the country*
The factory is fortified with two baftions, each mounting
nine or ten> cannon, and the garrifon confifts of thirty
Topafles, befides tnglifli. The prefident is held in great
cfteem by the natives. When he hunts, all the people
of condition in the neighbourhood, attend him. They
bring their vaiTals and fervants with them, armed with
hre arms, lances, and other weapons, and preceded by a
number of warlike inftruments, as drums, hautboys, and .
trumpets. When the Mogul's general had conquered
this province, and taken pofleffion of it for Aureng Zib,
he burnt the Englifli houfe, at the time the fa£l;ory were
at dinner with him. This misfortune obliged the com-
pany to build the fort they now poflefs. The architect
or engineer has fhewn no great judgment in the choice
©f the fituation, which is at lead a league from the fea.
Before Aureng Zib conquered Vifapore, the country
produced the fineft betteelas, or muflins, in India. Ac
Corwar the company had a great trade, employing fifty
thoufand people in that branch of manufadiure. When
the Mogul's licentious army entered the province, aU
manner of induilry was ruined. They plundered the in-
habitants, cut the company's cloth from the looms, and
ufed the weavers fo rudely, that they forfook the country.
Since that time trade has never recovered itfelf, nor rifen
to that flourifhing height at which it then was. Their
coins and weights differ in nothing from thofe in ufe at
Surat 'I.
We proceed to Tellicherry, a fmall fettlement belong- Teltuhtrfj^
ing to the India company on the Malabar coaft. It ftands
on the frontiers of Adda Rajah's dominions, and is for-
tified with ftone walls and cannon, the company keeping
s Hamilton, vol. i. chap. 23, and the table above. I-ockyer,
«liap. 9,
g8a Hijlory of the
in it, a conftant garrifon of thirty or forty foldiers. the
place where the fa£tory is fituated was formerly poflefled
by the French. They left the mud walls of a fort they
had built, which the faftors lived in for fome time after ;
but fome years ago the company was at confiderable pains
and charges in building. We are at a lofs to conjedture
why they fhould be at any expence in fortifying a place
which affords no prote6lion to the fhipping, or even to
their warehoufe. Behind the fort is the town, furrounded
by a ftone wall, which is indeed neceflary, as the com-
pany were for a while at a kind of perpetual war with the
Nayer. Their quarrel had its rife in the year 1 703 ; but
if it ever came to blows, the bloodfhed was" fo little, as
to deferve no notice here. The Nayer demands a kind of
duty from every Ihip that unloads in his ports 5 but this
is often paid to the Englifh chief, a circumftance which
renews the difpute between him and the Naycrs. The
eftablifhed religion of the town and country round is
Paganifm ; but there are a few black Chrillians, that live
under the proteftion of the fa6lory. The coins are five
finams and a half to a rupee, three rupees to a chequeen,
or maggerbee. Maggerbees, Gubbers, and Venetians, are
all of a weight ; the former, howc^^er, is of a paler, lefs
pure gold, not above three-fourths of the finenefs of the
others. Their weights are twenty pollams to a maund,
and twenty maunds to a candy. The maund is about
twenty-eight pounds and a half. Of this, as of the other
Malabar fettlements, the chief trade confifis in pepper
and cardamoms "■. '
Anienzo* ^^ Anjengo the company have another fmall fort and
fettlement, in latitude 8 deg. 30 min. north. It is the
pnoft foutherly poffeffion they have upon the Malabar coalt.
The fort is regular, having two baitions, joined by a
curtain, all of thenr mounted with cannon, as is likewife
a platform towards the fea. On the land fide it is fecured
by a deep and broad river, that, after winding round the-
greateft part of the fort, empties itfelf in the fea, a little
to the fouth. This river would be ufeful, if the bar was
not too fhallow for fhips of burden. A chief and three
counfellors refide here, .who, with a furgeon and a few
fervants, compofe the whole factory. The governors
lodgings are within the walls of the fort; they are
thatched with palm-leaves and mats ; in other refpe61:»
they are neat, and even elegant. The chief intention of
» Sec the cited authors, as above.
this
Englifh Eaji India Company. 383I
tills fettlement is for managing the pepper trade, wliicli
is here of a lefs grain, and not fo good as more to the
north towards Corwar. Some attribute the fault to the
manner of gathering it, before it is ripe ; other blame the
foil and cHmate. Here rupees are the current money.
They likewife have Venetians, gubbers, maggerbees, and
pagodas. Their weights refemble thofe of Tellicherry
and Corwar '.
We Gome now to fpeak of Fort St. David, a fettlement Fort ^k
of more confequence to the company than any we have David*
yet mentioned, Bombay excepted. It flands in the lati-
tude of 1 1 deg. 40 min. north : formerly it had the name
of Tegapatan, which it itiil retains in fome of the befl:
modern maps, particularly in the Atlas univerfelle, par
M. Roberts. An. 1686 a Maharatta prince fold it to Mr.
Elifha Yale, for the ufe and benefit of the Eaft India
company. The price, with its territories, was ninety
thoufand pagodas, a fum which the company has had no
reafon to complain of. Its territory extends about eight
miles along the fea-coaft, and four miles up the country,
which is pleafant, healthful, and fertile, watered with a
variety of rivers, that add to the llrength and beauty of
the fort, and fertility of the adjacent foil. The fort is
regular, mounted with cannon, and always well provided
and garrifonedj on account of its vicinity to Pondicherry.
Befides, ever fince Aureng Zib conquered Vifapore and
Golconda, numbers of male-contents have kept poiTeffion
of the mountains, who frequently make dangerous incur-
fions into the open country. Here they ravage, plunder,
and deftroy every thing in their way ; nor can they be
repelled, or at leaft fupprefled, by the Mogul's forces.
When the Englifh purchafed Fort St. David, the Dutch
had a little faStory there, which to this day they retain.
They find that fecurity and peace under the Englifli at
Fort St. David and Madrafs, which they denied them at
Poleroon and Amboyna. It is true, the Dutch can poflefs
no open trade here, without paying a certain duty to tlie
Englifh company. This colony produces good long cloths,
in large quantities. They have either brown, white, blue,
or other colours ; alfo fallampores, morees, dimities,
ginghams, fuccatoons. In fhort, this colowy is the prop of
Fort St. George, fince without it, the other would make but
a poor figure in commerce, notwithftanding its vicinity to
the diamond mines of Golconda. As to the coins,
s Salmon, vol, h p* «43«
weights.
384
Madrafs,
the head
fettlement j
its descrip-
tion.
Engljflo Eaji India Company^
weights, manners of the natives, religion, produce, and
climate/ they differ but little from thofe we have already
defcribed, and more nearly refemble thofe of Madrafs,
upon which v/e are now going to enter *.
Madrafs, or Fort St. George, as it is ufually called,
from the company^s fort there, is fituated in 13 deg. 30
min. north latitude. The natives give it the appellation
of China Patam. It is diftant about three miles to the
north of St. Thomas, an ancient place, famous for a num-
ber of legends and fabulous tales. As it is a fettlement of
the utmoft confequence to the India company on account
of its ftrength, wealth, and great yearly returns in calli-
coes and muflins, a minute defcription of it may be agree-
able to the reader. Within thefe few years Madrafs has
received great improvements, equally to the honour and
advantage of the company, and fatisfaction of the council
and governor there.
It is feated in a plain fandy (ituation, fo clofe to the fea^
that its walls have fometimes been endangered by the beat-
ing of prodigious furges, for here the ocean rolls higher
than on any other part of the Coromandel coaft. Behind
it is defended by a falt-water river, which adds to its fe-
curity, but takes away from its conveniency, by obf trust-
ing all frefh water fprings. This inconvenience obliges
the inhabitants to fend above a mile for water that is
drinkable. In the rainy feafon the fea threatens deftruc-
tion on the one fide, while the river is no lefs terrifying
on the other, from the apprehenfion of an inundation.
The fun, from April to September, is fcorching hot, and
without the fea breezes to moiilen and cool the air, the
place would not be habitable.
The reafon for this bad choice of a fettlement is va-
rioufly related. The perfon entrufted by the company to
build a fort on the Coromandel coaft, in the reign of
Charles 11. pitched upon this fpot as the moft likely
to ruin the Portuguefe trade at St. Thomas. Others,
again, aflert, that fir William Langhorne, for he was the
founder, had reafon s lefs politic in view, having no other
motive than its vicinity to a miftrefs he had at the Portu-
guefe colony. Be that as it will, certain it is, he could
not have chofen a place lefs commodious for a fettlement,
and the intentions of his employers. About the city the
foil is fo poor, dry, and fandy, that it produces not a
blade of grafs fpontaneoufly, nor corn with culture. The
t Hamilton's Hift.of the Eaft Indies, yoI, i< chap, »7.
rootSj
EngliJIo Eajl India Company^ • 385
ifbots, herbage, and other vegetables confumed in the
j)lace, are brought from a confiderable difhance. In fhort,
nothing caA be more unhappy than the afpe6l, more dif-
agreeable or lefs commodious than the fituation ; yet,
under all thefe difadvantages, it is the company's head fet-
tlement, and, next to Batavia, the richeil European port
in India.
The fort lies north-north-eaft and fouth-fouth-weft, in
the middle of the White, or Englifh Town. It is a re-'
gular fquare, about a hundred yards on each fide, built
with a iione they call iron- (lone, honey-combed exter-
nally, and of the colour of iron. It has no moat, and the
walls are arched and hollow within, a circumftance which
greatly diminifhes their ftrength. It has two gates, look-
ing eaft and weft ; the latter, towards the land, is large,
and always defended by two files of mufqueteers, on the
right and left ; the former, to the fea, is fmall, and
watched only by one file of foldiers. At night the keys
are brought to the governor, or, in his abfence, to the
next in council. In the center ftands the governor's
houfe, in which alfo are apartments for the company's
fervants. It is a handfome, lofty, fquare ftone building ;
the firft rooms are afcended by ten or twelve fteps, from
which another pair of flairs leads to the council-chamber
and the governor's lodgings.
The White Town, where the Europeans live, is about
a quarter of a mile in length, and near half as much irf
breadth. Captain Hamilton calls it four hundred paces
long, and a hundred and fifty broad. To the northward
of the fort are three decent flrait ftreets, and an equal
number to the fouth. 'I'he houfes are fiat-roofed, buflt
with brick, and covered with a plaifter made of fea-fhells,
which no rain can penetrate. The wails are thick, and
rooms lofty, but few of them exceed one floor, though
fome are raifed a floor above ground. What feems pecu-
liar to this country is, that the upper floors are paved with
brick, inftead of being laid with boards. From the di-
menfions of the town, it may be concluded, that .the num-
ber of houfes is not tonfiderable ; and that the gardens
and courts are far from being large. Indeed, the former
are without the town, and as to the latter they are of little
ufe, the houfes, for the moil part, ftanding clofe to the
ilreet. Oppofite to the wefl gate of the fort is a barrack,
where the company's foldiers lodge when off guard ; and
adjoining to"it is a very convenient hofpital, whither they
are conveyed and carefully attended when fick. At the
Mod. Vol. VIII. C c other
5^6 Hiflory of the
other end of the barrack is a mint, where the compan^f
coin gold and filver. North of the fort ftands the Portu-
guefe church, and to the fouth the Enghfh church, a
pretty neat building ; it has a handfome altar-piece, a gal-
lery of fine carved wood, and an organ. It is paved with
white and black marble, the feats are regular and conve-
nient, and the whole is light, elegant, and airy. What
diminifhes its beauty, but adds to its conveniency, is that
the windows are not glazed; if that were the cafe, it
would be infupportably hot. At prefent, the cooling
breezes having a thorough paflage, make it fo cool, that
perfons may go through their devotions with tolerable
eafe. There is a town-houfe, where the magiftrates af-
femble, and a court of juflice is held. The whole is en-
compafled with a ftrong wall, of the fame ftone with
which the fort is built. It is defended by batteries, baf-
tions, half-moons, and flankers *, the whole mounted with
near two hundred pieces of cannon and three mortars,
including the guns on the outworks, befides field-pieces.
Round it, on the weft fide, runs the river, by which
alone, and a battery, it is defended. South of the White
Town is a little fuburb, the refidence of the black water-
men, by whom it is wholly poiTefled. It confifts of little
low thatched cottages, hardly deferving the name of build-
ings. Beyond this is an out-guard of blacks to give notice
of any danger. In fhort, it cannot be well' attacked ex-
cept on the fouth or north fides ; for, towards the fea, the
fwcll and furges of that element are a perfect fecurity.
As to the Black Town, called Madrafs, and fometimes
Chinapatam, it is inhabited by Gentoos, Mohammedans,
and Indian Chriftians, as Armenians and Portuguefe ;
nor is It without a number of Jews. It was walled in to
the land fide, under the government of Mr. Pitt. Ap-
prehending that the Mogul's general in Golconda might
one day vifit them, he pcrfuaded the inhabitants to fecure
themfelves and their property by a fmall contribution to-
wards fortifying the place. The wall is of brick, feven-
teen foot thick, with baftions at proper dlftances, after
the modern rules of fortification. It has alfo a river on
the weft, and the fea on the call. To the north a canal
, is cut from the river to the fea, which ferves for a moat
on that fide. This town is about a mile and a half in
circumference, and might be reckoned a place of ftrength
if the garrlfon were always proportioned. Indeed, the
accident that befel the company in the lafi: French war,
has made them more attentive to its fecurity. The forti-
fications
Englifh Eafi India Company, ^Sf
fications have received great improvements ; a body of his
majefty's troops, as Vvell as of the company^s foldiers, are
generally in garrifon, at lead in time of war j nor are ftores,
provifions, or any other neceliliries wanting for its defence
and fecurity. In the Black Town the llreets are wide,
■with trees planted in fome of them, which afford flielter
from the piercing beams of the fun. Some of the houfes
are of brick ; the reft miferable cottages, without a win-
dow to be feen on the outfides, or furniture within, ex-
cept the mats and carpets they lie on. They are built
with clay, and thatched ; and of the fame materials are .
the habitations of the Indians of better condition, who
geTierally preferve the fame form, with a fquare hole at
the top to admit the light. Before their doors are little
Ihades or porches, farther than which they feldom invite
ftrangers. Here they fit morning and evening to receive
their friends, and tranfa6l bufinefs.
The town is, in general, very populous ; one of thofe
little mean cottages containing feven, eight, or ten in a
family; yet, with all this appearance of ' poverty, .few
places abound more in wealth, ready fpecie no where cir-
culating with greater rapidity. The bazar, or market-
place, is every day crouded, and exchanges of property
ofimmenfe value are made, which they transfer with the
fame faclhty with which it is done on the Exchange of
London. Upon the whole, the inhabitants of this town
have nothing poor, mean, or unclean, but the outfide
afpe£l ; all within Is neat, decent, and, if the furniture
is not rich, at leaft the landlord is generally fo. In the
Black Town ftands an Armenian church, with feveral
little pagodas, or Indian temples, to which belong a num-
ber of priefts and female choirifters. Thofe girls are early
devoted to religion, in which they fpend one part of their
time, while the remainder is given up to their gallants of
any nation, complexion, or religion. They conftitute
part of the equipage of a great man upon all public occa-
fions, and when he propofes to make a figure. Formerly
the governor of Fort St. George ufed to be attended by
fifty of them, as well as by the country mufic, when he
went abroad ; but the attendance of the ladies has been o£
late years difpenfed with.
Befides the town of Madrafs, the company have a pro-
perty In feveral of the neighbouring villages, from which
they draw a confiderable annual revenue ; the whole hav-
ing been purchafed of the king of Golconda, before the
Mogul became fovereign of his country. They have alfo
C c 2 a houfe
«88 Hijlory of the
a houfe and garden at St. Thomas's Mount. Beyond the
Black Town are gardens that extend for half a mile,
planted with cocoa-nuts, guavas, mangoes, oranges, and
the moft delicious fruits, v/hich may be bought for a trifle,
together with the liberty of walking in the gardens.
To begin with the privileges of the governor ; he has,
in the firft place, the filling up of vacancies in the Romifh
church in the White Town, and may, as. Mr. Hamilton
obferves, be called the pope's legate a latere in fpirituali-
ties. In conjunction \^ith the council, he is fupreme di-
rector of the company's affairs. They difpofe of all
places of truft and profit ; inflift punifhments on all Eu-
, ropeans in the fervice, fhort of life and member ; and,
indeed, their power may be faid to extend even to life,
fince they can comnlit to the cock-room, a no lefs fure,
though more flow death than a halter. A court of mayor
and aldermen fit twice a week in the town-hall, where
the Afiatic inhabitants fue for debts, and implead one an-
other. Suits among Europeans are generally determined
by a jury in the judge-advocate's court, to which belong
attornies, ferjeants, and bailiff's. There are alfo juftices of
the peace, who hold their feflions periodically in the
Black Town, and decide criminal matters among the In-
dian inhabitants. They do not proceed to punifliment in
capital cafes ; yet there have been inftanceS of their ordering
a criminal's ears to be cut off on the pillory. A court of
admiralty there Hkewife is for maritime affairs ; and the
governor fometimes permits the head officers to hold courts
martial for the trial of offenders. Perfons guilty of capital
offences are confined, as we obferved, to the cock-room,
dark as a dungeon, and hot as a bagnio, where their only
nourifhment is rice and water. They are fuppofed to be
fent to Europe to take their trials j but a very little of
this confinement is fufficient to render that trouble unne-
ceffary.
But what conftitutes the chief power of the governor is,
the difpenfing privilege he affumes of annulHng the deci-
' fion of the court of aldermen, and even that of the judge-
advocate. As the town is a corporation by charter, the
mayor and aldermen are chofen by the free burghers ; but
the governor, it is imagined, generally determines their
choice. Although it has laws and ordinances of its own,
a court in form, in which the mayor and aldermen fit in
their gowns with their maces before them ; yet a few pa-
godas well placed, or a meffage from the governor, turns
the fcale of juftice. In piracy, by an ad of George the
Firff;,
Engltjh Eaft Incfla Company, ^%g
Firft, the company can delegate a power over life and
death to the governor and council ; this is frequently at-
tended with unhappy confequences, fince other trefpafles
are often ftrained into piracy. It gives the governor an
undue influence over private traders, and too many op-
portunities of venting his fpleen and refentment, arifing
from intereft, prejudice, and perfonal views. la fhort,
the government, civil and military, of the fort and both
towns, is vefted firft in the governor, then in the council,
and by them parcelled out into the inferior courts, over
■which they preferve their priftine influence, power, and
authority. By a late aft of parliament, the authority of
the governor and council is rellrained, and judges ap-
pointed to adminifter juftice in India.
The governor is not only prefident of Fort St. George,
but of all the other fettlements on the Malabar and Coro-
mandel coafts, as far as the ifland of Sumatra ; for the
governors at Marlborough Fort, &c. are, in fa£l, but de-
puties, who receive their inllrudlions from him. Some
new regulations in this particular have been made, we
are informed, in refpeft to Calcutta, and the fettlements
about the Ganges. The governor is alfo captain of the
firft company of foldiers, the next in council of the fecond.
Although the governor's falary is but fmall, not exceed-
ing three hundred pounds per annum, yet trade and per-
quifites make it an extreme lucrative employment. When
he goes abroad, he has the refpeft paid to him of a fove-
reign prince. The guards are drawn out, the drums beat
as he pafi'es, and fifty or fixty blacks run before him. His
palanquin is alfo efcorted by a body of foldiers, armed
with blunderbufl^es ; a numerous train of fervants follows ^
and notice of his march is given by the country mufic,
and the harfh diflibnance of their trumpets. But the
greateft piece of luxury is his being fanned by perfons
whofe fole bufinefs it is to attend him for that purpofe,
on his vifits and excurfions. Much of this pomp is now
laid afide, and the governor of Fort St. George was ever
infinitely ihort of the pomp feen at Batavia.
The council is compofed of the fix fenior European
merchants, who have falaries from a hundred to forty
pounds per ann. according to their feniorlty. Every mem-
ber has a refpeft: fhewn him proportioned to his feat in
council, and all of thern are greatly fuperior in dignity to
any other inhabitant. They are fummoned twice or
thrice in a week, according to the urgency of affairs, and
tlie governor's pleafure. All orders, general letters, and
C c 2 weekly
29P Hijlory of the
weekly accounts, as warehoufes, fea-gate, ftorcrkecpers,
3cc. are examined, pafTed, and figned by tliem, or the fe-
cretary by their order.
There are alfo two fenior merchants, who have forty
pounds a year each, and two junior merchants with fa-
laries of thirty pounds per ann. five fa6lors at fifteen pounds
per ann. ten writers at five pounds per ann. each. Thefe
dine at the company's table, and have lodgings provided
for them ; fucceed in courfe to employments and trade if
they can raife a capital ; yet notwithflanding, no perfons in
the univerfe work harder for bread. The company allow
two chaplains of the fort one hundred pounds per annum
each, and a houfe. They are not permitted to trade pub-,
licly, yet few or none return without large fortunes. The
furgeon of the fort has forty pounds per ann. falary, but
innumerable ways befides of replenifliing his pockets. The
judge-advocate's falary is one hundred pounds, with which,
and other emoluments, he lives with the affluence of a lord
chief juftice in England. The company have alfo two
mint officers, called aflay mafters, to whom they allow
falaries of one hundred and twenty pounds per ann. each.
Here they coin their bullion from Europe and elfewhere,
into rupees, which brings a confiderable profit. They alfo
coin pagodas \ and the current money of. the town and
country is from the company's mint. The rupee is
ftamped with Perfian characters, with the Mogul's name,
year of his reign, and fome of his titles.
Cuitom on goods imported and exported, is perhaps one
of the molt confiderable branches of the company's re-
venue. They have five. per cent, on all goods brought by
fea ; with three, fix, or twelve finams fee, according to
the amount of the import. Thefe fees are divided among
the cufl:om-ofiicer, the head fearcher, and receiver. Run
goods are fined at the difcretion of the cuflom-ofiicer.
We have heard this revenue computed at fifty thoufand
pagodas per annum.
The company have befides, a number of other little re-
venues, fuch as the rents of New Town, Egmore, Old
Garden, Scavenger, Fifliing Farm, wine licence, city
quit-rents, all which they farm out for confiderable pro-
fits. The duties arifing from tobacco and betel are ftill
larger. This and the arrack farm they_let to the black
merchants at above twenty thoufand pagodas yearly. As
the tobacco, betel, and Parian arrack are chiefly confumed
in the Black Town, the place muft be extremely popu-
lous.
Wc
EnglijJo Eajl India Company, 391
We (hall clofe this account of Madrafs with a fliort vie\y
of fome ufeful eftabliihments, though by abufe and mif-
management perverted from the original intention. At
Fort St. George is a free-fchool, vdiere children are taught
to read and write. To this foundation belongs a library
of books, chiefly in divinity. The church has a flock of
four hundred pounds, ufually put out to interefl at ten
per cent, which is applied to repairs of the church, and
charity. As the intereil is feldom wholly taken up with,
thefe purpofes, the remainder is applied to the capital ;
which, together with an annual collciSlion, amounts to a
handfome fum. Orphans, the children of wealthy parents,
are frequently committed to the care of the truftees for the
church. Here they are reckoned more fecure than in pri-
vate hands. The fortunes of the children are put out to
interefl. Where no will is made, the governor and coun-
cil take upon them the care of the inteflate's efFe6ls,
which they account for to the relations of the deceafed,
whether in Europe or Afia. A college they have like-
wife ; but as no art or fcience is ftudied in it, it can only ^
be nominal.
The commerce of Madrafs is carried on to all parts eaft-
ward of the Cape of Good Hope. That of China ufed
formerly to be the moil cultivated, on account of the re-
turns of gold and fine goods ; but this the company have
reduced to nothing, by fending (hips dire£lly to China
from England. Manilla, under Armenian colours, is a
profitable voyage. Batavia, the coafls of Java, Janore,
Malacca, Bengal, Quedah, Pegu, and Arracan, together
with the ports of Achen, Priaman, Bencoolen, Bantall,
and Idriapore, are viiited annuallv. The largefl fhips go
to Mocha, Surat, and other ports of Perfia and India, with
Bengal and China commodities, touching at feveral pqrt^
on the Malabar coafl, for pepper, cocoa kernels, corn,
cardamoms, nux vomica, turmeric, &c. &c. But the
diftinguifhiag advantage to Madrafs, and what firfl brought
a conflux of inhabitants here, was its vicinity ta the dia-
mond mines of Golconda. They lie at the diflance of a
week's journey from the town. When a perfon goes to
the mines with a defign to trade, he acquaints the Mo-
gul's officers with his intentions, after he has made choice
of a piece of ground to dig. Having paid the money for
the fpot, th'e ground is immediately enclofed, and centi-
iiels placed round. All flones above fixty grains belong to
the emperor j and frauds in this particular are puuifhed
C c 4 with
jc) t Hlftory of the
With death. Some acquire fortunes, while others lofc
their money, their time, and their expectations (X),
By
(X) The diamond mines on
the coafl of Coromandel, in
the kingdom of Golconda, are
generally in the vicinity of
craggy hills and mountains. In,
among, and about thefe hills,
are the places where this pre-
cious natural produ6t is fought
for. Golkonda and Vifapore
are known to have mines fuf-
ficent to furnilh the whole
world ; but the fovereign, to
keep up the price, permits on-
ly certain places to be dug In
Golkonda are about tvvewty-
three mines. That of Quo-
lure was the firfl: opened. The
earth here is of a yellowifli
caft, abounding with fmooth
pebbles. The diamonds lie fcat-
tered two or three fathoms deep
in this earth ; although fome
falfly imagined, they are found
in a vein, or continued cluf-
ters. That it is not fo, is evi-
djent from their fometimes dig-
ging a quarter of an acre,
without having difcovered one
bit of the precious ftone to
compenfatetheirlabour. Where
the furface is covered with
great Hones, the diamonds
found here lie deep, but are
valuable on account of their
fize, pointed nefs, and lively
white water. The common
fize is about a lixth of a man-
gelin (a mangelin is four
grains) ; fome are found weigh-
ing from one* to twenty man-
gelins ; but they are extremely
rare. The diamonds found in
Quolure mine, have generally
a bright and tranfparent lullre,
inclining to a greepifli colour ;
but tjic infide of the ftone is
perfe61:ly white. This mine Is
nearly, if not altogether ex-
hauiled.
T he mines of Malabar, Pat-
tepallan, and Codawillikall,
confiil; of a reddifh earth, in-
clining to orange, which ftains
the cloaths of the labourers.
Here they dig about four fa-
thoms, and find ftones of an
excellent water, and cryflal-
line coat ; but fmaller than
thofe of the former mine. But
of all the mines in this king-
dom, that of Currure is the
moft famous. The foil is red-
difli, a good deal refembling'
the lall: we have defcribed. In
general it affords well fpread
llones, of a pale, greenifli fur-
face, but white within. The
flones are feldom fo fmall as
thofe in the other mines; and
they are all kept for the ufe of
the fovereign ; at leaft fo they
were of late years.
'Not far from hence are the
mines Lattawaar and Ganje-
conto, in the fame foil as Cur-
rure, and affording limilar
ftones. Thofe of Lattawaar^
however, are deficient in fhape,
being thick at one fide, and
thin on the other, like a gun-
iiint. In other refpe^ls, they
are at lend equal to any in fize
and beauty. The mine is aU
mod now wore out, and Gan-
jeconto folely preferved for the
ufe of the Mogul. Jonagerie,
Pirai, Anantapelle, Pagalli,
Parwilli, all of them confifling
of red earth, and now employ-
ed, afford many large Hones,
frequently of a green water.
They are, however, much in
requeft,
Englifh Eaft India Company,
By the laft eflimate that wae made, there appeared to
be between eighty and ninety thoufand inhabitants in Ma-
drafs.
393
requefl-, 6n account of the
foundnefs, fliape, fize, and
freenefs from blemifties. But
the moft abfoUue mines, and
what alone deferve that name
(the others being more pro-
perly pits) aie thofe of Wa-
zergerre and Manuemurg,
Here they (ink through rocks
of a great height, digging
fometimes forty or fifty fathoms
below the bafe. The fuper-
ficles of the rocks is compofed
of a hard, firm, friable ftone,
into which the miners cut a
pit about fix feet deep, before
they arrive at a cruft of mineral
flone, refembling iron ore.
They fill this pit with wood,
which they keep three or four
days burning with the utmoU:
violence. When they think
it fufiiciently heated, they
quench the fire, by fuddenly
pouring in quantities of cold
water. By this expedient,
they imagine they crack the
flone, and mollify the mineral
crull. When it is cold, they
dig away all they can, and re-
peat the fame operation till
they come to a vein of earth,
that ufually runs for two or
three furlongs under the rock.
The earth ihey dig away, and
if this has not fatisfied expe6la-
tion, they prooceed deeper,
till they are prevented from
going farther by water. They
fearch the earth, and break all
the cruft and mineral off care-
fully. In thefe the diamonds
are found, moil of them large,
and ^t\v weighing lefs than fix
mangelins. ConnoifTeurs com-
plain of the fliape of diamonds
found here; but they admit
the water to equal any. As
the miners are entirely igno-
rant of the ufe of engines for
drawing off the water, they are
almcfft always prevented from
purfuing their fuccefs.
Maddeburg far exceeds any
of the other mines in affording
diamonds of a delicate fliape,
elegant water, and bright pel-
lucid fkin. Manyof them are,
notwithflanding veiny and
cracked ; yet thefe cannot al-
ways be difcovered, unlefs by
a jeweller and nice artifl. This
mine produces flones of va-
rious magnitudes, from ten or
twelve in a mangelin, to fix or
feven mangelins each. The
vein lying near the furface of
the ea-rth, is purfued with little
expence and labour.
Other mines there are at La-
vagamboot, where they dig in
the fame manner as at Wazer-
gerre and Manuemurg. The
rock is not fo hard or folid ;
but the earth and flones it
produces, altogether fimilar.
Wootore, a place near Cur-
rure, affords Hones of a like
fize, fhape, and water with it.
This mine is employed folely
for the emperor's ufe ; and An-
gular in this, that the dia-
monds are found in a black
earth.
Melwillee produces flones
from five or fix in a mangelin,
to fifteen or fixteen mangelins
each. They are found in a
very red earth, which adheres
fo clofely to the diamond, that
it feems to tinge, and even in-f
dent it. This ci re um fiance
v^ould '
394 Hlpry of J he
drafs, and the towns and villages in its territory, and undcf
the jurifdi£lion of the company. Five hundred of thefe
are Europeans living in Madrafs. The town is fupplied
with rice from Ganjam and Orixa, on the fame coaft ;
with wheat from Surat and Bengal ; and with fuel, from
the ifland of Dife, near Maflulipatam. This illand the
viceroy of the coaft offered to prefent to the governor of
Fort St. George, and the inhabitants were defirous of be-
ing under the government of the company. But the pre-
would feem to prove Mr. Tour-
nefort's hypothelis of their ve-
getation, or rather, that they
had once been in a liquid form.
Moll of the ftones found here
have a thick dull coat, inclin-
ing to a yellowifh water, lefs
ftoney and lively than thofe of
the other mines. Few or none
produced at Melwillee have a
pure cryrtalline Ikin. Another
fault they have, that they are
apt to fplit in working, or to
fly off in flaws in fplitting.
Some of the diamonds that flat-
ter the mod from their vvhite-
nefs, no fooner pafs the mill,
than they difcover the deceit,
and prefent a yellow hue, to
the difappolntment of the pro-
prietor. What, however, they
want in quality, is made up in
number; for no mine in Gol-
conda produces larger quanti-
ties of diamonds.
In Viliapoure or Vifapore,
another province belonging to
the Great Mogul, are fifteen or
twenty diamond mines em-
ployed. Thefe produce flones
equal in fize, fliape, water,
and every point of beauty to
the mines of Golconda. The
large diamonds are indeed lefs
common ; and the precious
flones in general found in a lefs
quantity. The matrix, or
furrounding earth, differs in
different mines, as does like-
wife the method of working
the mine, and wafhing the ma-
trix. In both provinces, the
miners, the employers, and
the merchants, are in general
Ethnics, not a Muffulman fol-
lowing either branch of the bu-
fmefs. The merchants are ge-
nerally the Banians of Guza-
rat, who, for fome genera-
tions, have deferted their coun-
try, to follow an employment
attended with immenfe profits.
They correfpond "with their
countrymen at Madrafs, Surat,
Goa, and other maritime ports.
T he governors of the mines
are alfo idolaters. In the pro-
vince of Golconda, they were
rented by a Feulinga Bramin,
whofe agreement with the ad-
venturers is, that all the ftones
exceeding a pagoda weight, (or
nine mangelins) Ihall be his,
for the king's ufe ; the reft their
own. In general, the feverity
with which frauds and conceal-
ments are punilhed in Gol-
conda, makes thofe who have
poflelTed themfelves of a large
llone, fly to fome other coun-
try, where they may with
fatety difpofe of their proper-
ty (0.
(i) Salmon, vol. i.
ae Gujon, toiU' i.
Hamilton, vol. i.
Lockyer, pafTim. Abbe
fident
EngliJJj Eaji India Company, 395
fident and council not immediately accepting of the pro-
pofal, both the viceroy and natives altered their fentiments,
and refufed to let the company eredl a fa6lory there ".
We now proceed to the company's other fettlements. Mafuii-
Formerly they had a factory at Maflulipatam, and an- patam,
other at Narlipore, for long-cloths, both vi^hich we are
told are withdrawn, as indeed are moft of the European
fettlements on that coaft, on account of the unreafonable
exadions of the neighbouring rajahs. The Englifii had
likewife a fettlement at Angerang, a place fituated upon a
deep river, and famous for the fineft long-cloth in India ;
but the eflablifhment was foon abandoned for fome parti-
cular reafons.
At Vizagapatam the company has a fortified fa£lory, Vixaga'
with four baftions, mounting twenty or thirty pieces of patam,
cannon. This fettlement is upon the Coromandel coaft,
about 18 deg. 40 min. north latitude, having the advan-
tage of a river, the bar of which is fomewhat dangerous.
The furrounding country affords cotton cloths of all de-
grees of finenefs, together with the beffc doreas or ftriped
muflins in India. The only thing that can prevent this
fettlement from flouriihing, is too narrow a capital : moft
of the inhabitants being greatly diftrefled to procure fpecie.
In the year 1709, this factory was engaged in a petty
war with the nabob of Chizkacul. Mr. Holcomb, chief
of the fa<Sl:ory, had borrowed money from the prince on
the common feal : he dying, the fucceeding chief refufed
the nabob payment. Upon this the Indian prince applied
to the governor of Fort St. George for redrefs j but meet-
ing with no fatisfadory anfwer, he had recourfe to arms.
At laft the company compromifed the affair, and termin-
ated the war, which had been drawn out to a great length
without hardly any bloodfhed (Y).
In
« Salmon, Lockyer, Memoires pour Bourdonnais, vol. i. Ha-
milton, &c.
(Y) The following incident himfelf by force, he had re-
deferves notice: after the war courfe to the following flrata-
was ended, and the nabob re- gem : without giving notice,
turned to his ov/n dominions, he came attended by a hundred
he began relieving upon the horfe to Vizagapatam, and was
.ufage he had received from the got into the factory with twenty
fettlements of Fort St. George or thirty followers, before the
and Vizagapatam : finding that chief was apprized of hi? corn-
he was not likely to revenge ing. The alarm being given,
Mr.
2^6 Hiftory of the
In the country round Vizagapatam are many ancient
' pagods or temples. One in particular, upon a little
mountain near the fa£lory, is remarkable. Here the na-
tives worfhip monkies, who live and breed in great num-
bers within the temple. They are maintained by priefts,
whofe devotions confift in boiling rice for this tribe of
deities. At meal times the little gods affemble at the pa-
god, eat what their votaries have prepared for them, and
then retire in good order into the groves and fields. Kill-
ing a man is a crime infinitely lels heinous than deflroy-
ing one of thofe animals.
About twelve leagues north of Cunnaca {lands the town
of Balhfore, fituated about four miles from the fea, on a
river, and placed in about 20 deg. 45 min. north latitude.
There is a dangerous bar in this river, fufficiently known
to thofe who navigate the coaft, from the many lofles and
wrecks occafioned by it. Between Cunnaca and Ballafore
rivers there is one continued fandy bank, where valt num-
bers of tortoifes refort to lay their eggs. A very dehcious
fifh, called the pamplee, is catched in great plenty in this
bay, and fold for two pence the hundred. Two of them
are fufficient for a meal. The adjacent country is ad-
mirably fruitful, producing, almolt fpontaneouliy, rice,
wheat, grain, dole, callavances, a variety of pulfe, anife,
cummin, coriander, and carraway feeds, tobacco, butter,
oil, and bees wax. Their manufactures are chiefly of
cotton, in fannis, caiTas, dimmities, and mulmals : then
of filk, and filk and cotton mixed, they make romals, ga-
riahs, and lungies ; and of herba, or a fpecies of tough
grafs, they m.anufa£ture ginghams, pinafroes, and feveral
other forts of cloth for exportation. The Englifh, Dutch,
Mr. Horden, a refoluteyoung the young gendeman's fpirit
fellow, in the fervice of the and bravery, the nabob fat
company, ran down flairs with down to weigh the affair, Mr.
a fufee'and fcrewed bayonet, Horden flillkeeping the muzzle
Meeting the nabob at the hot- of his piece to the breafl of the
torn of the flairs, he prefented Indian chief, while one of the
the gun to his breail, telling nabob's attendants held a dag-
him in the Gentoo language, ger*s point clofe to his back, in
that he was welcome ; but if which fituation the conference
any of his attendants fliould held for half an hour, and at
ofi'er to advance, his (the na- lall broke up with the nabob*6
bob's) life muft anfvver for it. refolution peaceably to depart
Difconcerted and afloniflied at (i).
(i) Hamilton, vol. i. 380.
and
Englijb Eaft India Company, - 3^7
and French, had all fadlorles here, though they are at
prefent of little confi deration, fince the navigation of
Hugley river has been- fo much purfued.
The town of Ballafore dill purfues the Maldivia trade,
fupplying that ifland with rice, and other producSlions of
the country. In return, they take cowries and cayar, or
coyr, for the ufe of (hipping. From April to 06lober,
the proper feafon for entering the bay of Bengal, this town
furnilhes all the Ihipping with pilots up Hugley river, who
are kept in conftant pay by the Europeans. We ihall clofe
this relation of Ballafore with a cuftom peculiar to the na-
tives of this place. They fadiion a piece of foft clay into
the form of a fuppofitory, which they harden in the fun,
till it acquires the conliilence of foft wax, and then intro-
duce it into the intellinum reftum. This they imagine
ferves to cool the part, and every morning they renew the
operation.
The Englifti company had formerly a fa£l:ory at Piply,
feated on a river fuppofed to be a branch of the Ganges.
It is now withdrawn, for the fame caufe as the preceding.
The country dilFers in none of its natural produ£tions from
Ballafore^.
Advancing eight leagues on the weftern bank of the Defcrip^
river Hugley, you meet with the river Ganga, another ^^'^ °f
branch of the Ganges. It is broader, but fhailower than ^"^
the Hugley, and more incommodious for ihipping, on ac-
count of fand-banks. A great variety of villages and little
cottages appear below the opening of this river ; and ftill
greater numbers on thole vaft plains which extend along
the Hugley; but no town of confequence till we come to
Calcutta, a market for corn, butter, oil, coarfe cloth, and
other commodities. Calcutta and Juanpardas are both
feated on deep rivers : that by the former runs eaftward ;
by the latter, by the back of Hugley Ifland, and is in fa£l a
branch of the Ganges. This river leads up to a place
called Ruduagar, famous for manufacturing cotton, cloth
and filk handkerchiefs. Buflindri and Trafinddi, or Gor-
gat and Cotrong, are fituated on this river, and well
known for their furnifhing the beft fugars to be met with
in India. A little higher up on the eaft fide of Hugley
river is Ponjilly ; and about a league farther up ftands fort Wil-
Calcutta or Fort William, where the comp-.ny has a Ham or
fettlement, and that the largeft of all, Fort St. George Calcutta.
w Hamilton, vol. i. chap. 31.
alone
3^3 Hijlory of the
alone excepted. The fa(n:ory remaved hither, A. D. 1 690,
from Hugley, Mr. Channock being then agent in Bengal.
Having the liberty of fettling an emporium in any part of
the banks of the river below Hugley, he fixed upon this
fpot, perhaps the moft unhealthy he could have chofen (Z).
The fort is an irregular tetragon, built with bricks, and a
kind of mortar they call puckah, a compofition of brick-
' dull, lime, melafles, and cut hemp or oakum. This,
when thoroughly dry, is as hard, firm, and ftrong as any
ftone^ clofely adhering to the bricks. The town is not
more regular than the fort ; the houfes feeming, by their
fituation, to be rather a work of chance than of defign.
Every man built as he thought proper, and beft fuited his
conveniency and tafte, without regard to the difpohtion of
the whole. Some {land on a line with the ftreet ; others
feparated from it by a garden ; and not two houfes bear
any refemblance to each other in fituation or architecture.
About fifty yards from thefort ftands the church, erected
by the pious charity of merchants refiding here, and the
benevolence of mariners. When a miniller dies, one of
the young merchants officiates in his room, for which he
is allowed fifty pounds per annum, added to his other fa-
lary, during his apoftolical fervice. The governor's houfe
in the fort is efleemed the neateft and moft complete piece
of architecture in India. Befides, the faftors, writers,
and other fervants, have commodious apartments within
the fort ; together with ftorehoufes, magazines, &c. There
is alfo a good hofpital at Calcutta, a neceflary precaution,
confidering the frequent occafions there arc for it. The
company has alfo pretty gardens, which furnifh the fac-
tory with all kinds of vegetables. In the garden is a pond,
well ftored with carp, mullet, calkops, and other kinds of
fifh. All the other inhabitants of Calcutta enjoy the fame
(Z) For three miles to the with the foetid putrid exhala-
north-eaft is a fak-water lake, tions from the ooze and flime,
that overflows in the months is conveyed by the north-eaft
of September and Odober. wind to Fort William, caufmg
In November and December, a yearly mortality. Captain
when thofe floods are with- Hamilton relates, that when
drawn, the fiflies are left dry he was there, out of no more
in prodit^iousquantities. Their than three thoufand inhabit-
putrefadlon is fuppofed to af- ants, four hundred and fixty
feCt the air; which, together died in lefs than one year (i).
(1) Hamilton, vol. ii.
con-
Englljh Eajl Iniia Company. 39^
convcniencies, every fort of provifion being plentiful and
good.
On the oppofite fide of the river are docks for careening
and refitting the fhipping. Here the Armenians have' a
good garden. The garrifon of Fort William generally con-
fifls of three or four hundred men. Not many years fince,
the chief ufe of the foldiers was to efcort the fleet from
Patana, with the company's falt-petre, piece goods, raw
filk, and opium. Afterwards, as they held the colony in
fee-tail of the Mogul, they apprehended no enemies ; but
dear-bought experience has lately taught the company how
little ftrefs is to be laid on this particular, on which they
founded their fecurity.
In Calcutta there is hardly any fort of manufafbure.
The government, which is pretty arbitrary, imprudently
difcouiages indullry and ingenuity in the populace, found-
ing their fecurity partly on the poverty of the wretched
natives. By the weight of the company's authority, if, a
native has the misfortune to incur the difplcafure of the
meaneft Britifli fubje£l:, he is liable to fine, imprifonment,
or corporal punifliment.
All religions are tolerated here, the Prefbyterian ex-
cepted ; for of all perfons, a fe£larift is to them the moft
odious. The Pagans are permitted to carry their idols in
procefiion; but a Prefbyterian is not fuffered to worfhip
God, unlefs in a furplice. The company's colony is
limited by a land-mark at Governapore, and another near
Baruagul, about fix miles diftant ; the fait water lake
bounding it on the land-fide. It is reputed to contain
about fifteen thoufand fouls. The revenues arlfing to the
company are confiderable, and well paid : they proceed
from ground-rent, and confulage on all goods imported or
exported by Britifli fubjeds ; for all other nations are
free from all cuftoms.
The Englifh gentlemen and ladies live fplendidly and
pleafantly in Fort William. The forenoons are dedicated
to bufinefs,, afternoons to refi:, and the evening to recrea-
tion. They make excurfions into the fields or gardens in
chaifes or palanquins j or by water in budgeroes, a con-
venient boat, that rows fv/iftly : here they fifli and fhoot teal,
widgeon, and other wild fowl. At night they vifit in a
friendly manner, except where pride and oftentation,
which too frequently happen, fp6il fociety. The ladies in
particular are in a perpetual ftate of hoiliiities, founded
upon emulation of drefs, table, and rank. In fhort,
neither men or women are unanimous in any thing, be-
fides
j^oo Hijlory of the
fides opprcfling the natives, enlarging their fortunes by
any mea?ns, and yet maintaining the appearance of ex-
pence and grandeur *.
The city of Although the company has properly no fa£lory atHugley,
Huglj, yet being the great emporium of the trade of Bengal, a
Ihort account of it may not be impertinent. It is a town
of large extent, but ill built, ftretching for two miles
along the river. It carries bn a prodigious trade ; all
foreign goods being brought iilther for import, and thofe
of the produce of Bengal, and the neighbouring provinces,
for exportation. Fifty or fixty rich" {hips take in cargoes
here yearly, befides what is carried by fmall veflels to
feveral adjacent countries* The veflels that bring falt-
petre from Patana hither, are frequently fifty yards in
length, five in breadth, and two and a half in depth,
carrying two hundred tons. 'They fall down in the month
of 0«Slober with the ftream ; but are towed back by the
^ ftrength of men, bullocks, and horfes, for above a thou-
fand miles. To enumerate all the goods exported from
this port, would fwell into a great length. Many of them
may be feen at the company's fales ; but opium, pepper,
piece goods, tobacco, and feveral other kinds of merchan-
dize, are chiefly taken up by the India (hipping. We
fliall conclude this account of the bay of Bengal with ob-
ferving, that fince the revolution in Siam, and the expul-
fion of the EngHfh, from their own imprudent condudt,
the company's affairs have been fully reinftated ; and they
now enjoy the benefit of the commerce of the gulf
of Bengal, from the mouths of the Ganges, to the extre-
mity of the promontory of Malacca, without any dif-
burfemenfs for fettlements, forts, or factories.
Thecm- On the ifland of Sumatra, the company have two va-
^kw/Jfh ^^^^^^ fettlements, viz. Fort Marlborough and Sillebar,
theijlandof befides faftors refiding in Achen. Their trade with this
Sumatra, ifland is of early date, as may be feen by the commercial
treaties between queen Elizabeth and the queen of Achen.
Since that time, their privileges have been confiderably
enlarged by the judicious condudl of Mr. Grey, chief of
the Englifh fettlements in the ifland.
Defcrtption The city of Achen, metropolis of the kingdom of that
of the city name, is fituated in the north-wefl end of Sumatra, in
oj Achen- ^ degrees 30 minutes north latitude, and is by much
the moft confiderable port in the ifland. The town ftands
in a place furrounded with woods and marfhes, about the
diftance of half a league from the fea. It is quite open,
X Hamilton, vol. ii. chap. 33, 34, Salmon, p. 256.
without
Engllfh Eaji India Company. ijOi
H^ithout wall or moat ; the king's palace, with a ditch
drawn round, feated in the centre. There are about
eight hundred houfes in the city, mod of them built on
wooden pillars, to fecure them againft inundations and
damps. The company had formerly a faftory here, but
finding it did not anfwer, they withdrew it. The chief
produce of the kingdom of Achen, confifts of feme gold-
duft, camphor, and fapan wood, which they barter for ^
opium, of which they are exceedingly fond, rice, falt-
petre, cotton and lilk manufaftures, &c» The quantity
of gold-duft, however, merits little confideration.
On the arrival of a fhip, the Ihabander muft be ap-
plied to for the liberty to trade. At i!iiQ Great Quala, ot
river's mouth, the perfons who go firft on fhore are exa-
mined by the officer of the guard, who prefentiy gives
notice of their arrival to his fuperiors, whofe province it
is to adjuft the preliminaries, which coniift of a formal •
oath, agreed upon between the company and the fovereign
of the country.
The provifions in the bazar, or mark'Ct, are goats flefh,
- fowls, buffaloes flefh, filh, &:c. The camphor fold in
this country is brought from the Sunda Illands. It is in
general good, but the beft fort appears in fmall fcales,
white and tranfparent, worth about four fliillings and fix-
pence per ounce. The common fort refembles large fea
fand, and is fold at two fhillings and fix pence an ounce.
The bezoar found here is taken from the hog-deer, as
they call them. It is an animaf fomething larger than a
rabbit, the head like a dog, legs and feet refembling a
deer. This bezoar is valued at ten times its weight in
gold ; It is of a dark brown colour, fmooth on the ex-
ternal coat, and that taken off, the colour is ilill daiker,
with fmall fibres underneath ; It will fwim on water*
There are faid to be ftones bred in the maw of the
Nicobaw pigeon, not inferior to the beft bezoar. An-
other fort of bezoar there is, faid to be taken from the
porcupine, from which animal it has its name. It is of a
reddifh colour, full of fmall tranfparent ftrias or veins ;
it has not the bitter tafte of the Siaca bezoar we have
fpoke of, nor will it fwim in water. The monkey be-
zoar is of a light green tinge, and of a finer polifli and
luftre than the goat bezoar. Some of them weigh half
an ounce, which Is valued at forty or fifty rupees, about
three pounds twelve fliillings and fix pence : but the
bezoar from Surat, which is commonly termed monkey
bezoar, is fold for fix or feven rupees an ounce. Some
Mod. Vol. VIII. P d indeed
402 tilftory of the
indeed Kave imagined tliat what comes from both places i*
a compofition, no way meriting the high price put upon
it ; and this indeed fcems to be the opinion of the ableil
phyficians, who make no difference between it and feve-
ral fuccedaneums now fubilitutcd in its ftead.
The pepper plant is a production of this ifland, and a
great part of the company's tirade arifes from this com-
^ modity, which the natives cultivate with great care,
though without all the fuccefs which is found in other
places on the Indian coaft. As to the gold produced in
this country, it is affirmed by many writers, that, Japan
• and China excepted, ife is no where found in greater
quantities. The Dutdi, by being pofiefled of the neigh-
bouring iiland of Java, have had the addrefs to fix thcm-
felves likewife on Sumatra, where they are faid to be in
pofleffion of a gold mine.> However, it turns out but of
i» fmall account to the proprietors ^^ It is not to be doubted,
but the company a6l with more prudence in negle(Sling
the fearch after the precious metal, v/cll knowing, that
commerce is of itfelf the richeft mine j a maxim which
the empires of Japan, China, and Spain fufEciently evince.
The two former have neglcfted to dig for gold, which
they can more fecurely draw by trade ; the latter has im-
politicly neglecled trade to dig in Potofi-, though, of ait
the kingdoms in Europe, Spain retains the Imalleft (liarc
of that immenfe wealth it yearly brings from Mexico and
Peru. Induftry and pa^fimony are always the beft mines ;
and they alone have raife^ to the highell pitch of affluence
every nation by which they were caltivated.
The company know, that the mines of Sumatra muil
be worked at a prodigious expence, and the hazard of in-
curring the averfion of the natives. The Dutch have
proved the juftnefs of their reafoning. The only certain
method then of acquiring the benefit of the gold trade,
is what they have taken ; fettling colonies on the ifland,
ufing the inhabitants with gentlenefs and affability, ob-^
ferving the moft fcrupulous juflice in all deahngs with
them, and thus by degrees conciliating their efteem to the
European m^anners. This we take to be the true method
of inducing them to ufe or take cfF European commodi-
ties. Thus the inconvenience and danger of fecuring the
obedience of fo many barbarous nations with a handful
of men, will be avoided ; a correfpondence will be main-
, taincd, which will draw vaft quantities . of gold into
. 7 Hamilton, vol. ii. cap. 41—43. Salmon^ p. »s6— 275*
. . Europe,
Englijh Eafl India Company. 4^3
Europe, and will afford bread to infinite numbers of poor
at home ; the real and folid wealth of a ftate. Navigation
and naval power, the arts, the faiences, and the true
knowlege of life, will be promoted.
Proceeding through the Streights of Sunda, to the weft Siilebar.
coaft of Sumatra, and thence northward, we meet with
the Englifn fettlement at Siilebar. It lies in a bay, at the
mouth of a large river of the fame name. ihere is ^
nothing belonging to this little faftory, eitablifhed chiefly
for the benefit of the pepper trade, worth notice. Ten
miles farther to the northward is Bencoolen, where was ^f»Jo^^^
the chief Englifh colony, till it was removed at a fmall ^^//J^
diftance to Fort Marlborough. Bencoolen is known at rsugL
fea by a high flender mountain, called the Sugar Loaf, that
rifes twenty miles beyond it in the country. Before the
town lies an ifland, within which the fhipping ufuaily
ride, and with this, the point of Siilebar CAtending two •
or three leagues fouthward of it, forms a large and com-
modious bay. The town is almoll two miles in compafs,
inhabited chiefly by natives, who build their houles on
bamboo pillars as at Achen. The Engliih, Portuguefe,
and Chinele, had each a feparate quarter. The Chinefe
build all upon a floor, after the fafliion of their country.
The Englifh and Portuguefe built after their own model j
but they found themfelves under the necellity of ufing
timber, inilead of bricks or flone, on account of the fre-
quent earthquakes with which the country is alarmed.
As the town ftands upon a mofafs, the noxious vapours,
exhaled by the heat of the fun, made the air extreme
fickly to European conftltutions. Had not a more healthy
fpot been fixed upon for the faftory, it mult probably
have been entirely abandoned. We already have given a
minute account of the new fort ; it will therefore be un-
neceffary to enlarge farther upon it.
The lafl place belonging to the company is the ifland of
St. Helena, fo called by the Portuguefe, who were the
firft difcoverers of it on St. Helen's day, in the year 1502.
This ifland ought, in geographical order, to be defcribed
among the African iflands ; but as it is the property of a
company, and fo neceffary to the refrefhment of our
fhips, exhaufted with fo long a ftretch as that from their
fettlements on Coaft and Bay, as it is called, we have
here given it a place. It ftands ia 1 6 deg. of fouth lati-
tude, about fix hundred leagues north-weft of the Cape
of Good Hope, almoft half-way between the continents
pf Africa and America > but nearer tp that of the former.
^04 Hifiory of the
from wKence it is diftant about twelve hundred miles $
and tlience is accounted one of its iilands.
As the winds always blow a moderate gale from the
fouth-eaft, there canrjot be a more pleafant voyage than
from the Cape of Good Hope to St. Helena, which is
generally performed in lefs than three weeks, without
fhifting a fail, or giving the leaft apprehenfion or trouble
9 to the mariners. However, it mull be reckoned one of the
greatefl inconveniencies attending the fituation of this
iiiand, that the outward-bound Indiamen cannot touch
upon it, and are forced to proceed at one ftretch from
• Madeira, or at leaft from the Canary or Cape de Verd
iflands, where they feldom put in, to the Cape of Good
Hope. The winds blowing conftantly from the fouth--
eaft in thefe feaf?, there is no failing dire£l:ly from the
northward hither; and a fhip fent from England to St^
Helena, muft firft fail as far fouthward as the Cape, and
return* from thence to the ifland: it is indeed to be que-
fticned, whether St. Helena has ever been three times-
made in a direct courfe from Europe, though w^e have
been told of fuch accidents arifmg from ilorms, or fome
extraordinary caufes =^.
When the Portuguefe, thofe great foimders of trade
and navigation, firft difcovered St. Helena, they ftocked it
•with hogs, goats^ and poultry, and ufed to touch at it for
provifions, water, and refreftmients, in their return from
their India voyages, then deemed infinitely more hazard-
» ous and long, than experience and improvement in the
fciences have now rendered them : but there is no certainty
whether they ever eftabliflied a colony in it, though it is^
highly probable they did, for the eonveniency of preparing
all things againft the arrival of their fhipping. "Wliaii
feem^s to ftrengthen this opinion is, the obfervation of the
celebrated commiodore Roggewin, who affirms, that the
Portuguefe having one of their India fhips caft away here,
they built a chapel afterwards of the wreck, which,
though now intirely decayed, has given its name to the
£neft valley on the illand, and one of the moft beautiful
in the world ". This judicious feaman farther fayS, that,
befides quadrupeds, the Portuguefe brought hither fowls,
partridges, and pheafants, which now run about the
, mountains in prodigious n-umbers, and planted a variety
: of fruit-trees, as. lemons, oranges, and pomegranates, alt
2 Pii'ard de la Val, apud Harris, tcm, i, p. 70a, • Harn>,
^ P..3l2r
EngliJJj Eaft India Company* ^05
©f which, from the excellency of the cHmate, 'have in-
creafed fo amazingly, as to make many people imagine
they were the indigenous and native growth of the illand.
But, vrhether they planted a colony in it or not, certain it
is, that it was totally abandoned when the Dutch firfl took
pofTefTion ; and that not a Portuguefe M^as found on the
ifland, when, in the year 1600, the Englifli becam^e its
mailers.
After the Englifti had ence got polTeflion of St. Helena,
they maintained it without difturbance till the year 1673,
when the Dutch took it by furprize, but did not long
enjoy the fruits of their conqueft ; for it was retaken a '
fhort time afterwards, by the brave captain Munden, with
three Dutch Eaft Indiamen in the harbour. Upon thi^
occafion the Hollanders had fortified the landing-place,
and erected batteries of great guns there, to prevent a
defcent; but the EngliOi having knowledge of a fmall
creek, where only two men abreaft could creep up, climbed
to the top of the rock in the night, and appearing next "
morning behind the batteries, the Dutch were fo terrified
that they threw dov/n their arms and furrendered at dif-
cretion, This creek has been fi nee fortified, and a battery
' of large cannon planted at the entrance of it ; fo that now
the ifland is rendered perfecflly fecure againft all regular
approaches or fuddcn attacks.
The illand of St. Helena is about twenty-one miles in
circumference (twenty according to Lockyer, and eight
leagues in length, fays captain Funnel), and the land fo
high, that it may be difcerned at fea above twenty leagues
diitance. It confifls indeed of one vaft rock, perpendicu-
lar on every fide, like a caftle in the middle of the ocean,
whofe natural walls are too high to be attempted by fcaling
ladders ; nor is there the fraalleft beach, except at the
bay called Chapel Valley Bay, which is fortified with a .
{Irong battery of fifty large cannon, planted even with the
water, and farther defended by the perpetual dafliing of
prodigious waves againii the fliore, which, without farther
refiftance, makes the landing difficulty and a little creek
we have jufi; mentioned, where two or three men may-
land from a fmall boat, but now rendered inacceffible by
a battery. As there is no other anchorage but at Chapel
.Valley, touching here is extremely, pi-ecarious ; for the
wind always fetting from the fouth-eaft, if a ihip once
overfhoots it, it is a matter of great difficulty agair) to re-
9QV^r th^ harbour,
D d 3 NoLt-
4P6 Hijtory of the
Jsfotwithftanding St. Helena appears on every fide to be
a hard barren rock, yet on the top it Is covered with a
coat of fine rich mould, about a foot and a half deep,
which produces all manner of grain, grafs, fruits, herbs,
rcotSj and every kind of vegetable, in the utmoil perfec-
tioil and plenty. In the year 1585, when Cavendifli was
there, it was one of the moft delightful fpots in the
unlverfe. The valley, fays he, where the church (lands, is
exceedingly pleafant ; fo full of fine trees and ufeful plants,
that it appears like a fine v/ell cultivated garden, v»'hei«
are long walks of lemon, orange, citron, pomegranate,
date, fig, and other trees, loaded with fruit, green, ripe,
and in bloflbm, all at the fame time. Nothing can exceed
the plcafure afforded by this delightful fliade, not to be ex-
ceeded by paradife itfelf; a cryilal fpring rifing at a
diftance, that diffufes itfelf into a number of fmall rivulets,
watering the feveral parts of the valley, and refrelliing
every plant and every tree. In the whole, there is hardly
a fp^ce empty ; for what nature has left unoccupied,
•that art has fupplied, by a happy imitation of her
works.
After afcending the rock which borders it to the fea,
the country is prettily divernfied with rifing hills and vallies,
the firft covered naturally with a great variety of herbs,
and the latter adorned with elegant plantations of fruit-trees
and gardens, among which are difperfed the houfes of the
natives ; while herds of cattle low about the fields, fome
of which are fattened for the fupply of fliipping and of the
iflanders, and the reft kept for milk, butter, and cheefe,
and to afford a profpeft equally rich and delightful. Al-
though no country under heaven produces finer crops of
wheat, yet fuch is the indolence and ignorance of the in-
habitants (for we cannot attribute it to the quality of the
climate), that amidft afiluence they are flarved, and their
crops totally confumed by rats, which breed in incredible
numbers, and deftroy every thing with all the defolation
cccafioned by locufts in fome other countries. This, how-
ever, is an evil to which certainly a remedy might be
'applied, as well as to the fcarcity of wine, with which
commodity they are now fupplied by the company's fiiips,
and alfo with flour and malt.
As the ifland is too fandy, and the foil too thin for
large trees to take root, it is extremely deficient in wood ;
and their very houfes are fcnt ready framed from England :
j)ut with regard to underwood^ they havq as much as is
^^'anted
EnglJ/Jj Eajl India Company, 407
wanted in this warm climate. There are upon the iHand
l)etween two and three hundred EngHlh families, or at
leaft defccnded from Engliih parents, or feme way allied
to them. Some French refugees were likewile encouraged
to fettle, in order to propagate vines and make wines, a
point in >vhich they have been by no means fuccefsful.
Every family has its houfe and plantation on the higher
part of the ifland, where they look after their cattle, hogs,
goats, and poultry, fruit and kitchen gardens, without
fcarce ever defcending to the town in Chapel Valley, un-
lefs it be once a week to church, or when the iliipplng
arrives ; at which time almoft every houfe in the valley is
jconverted to a punch-hpufe, or lodgings for their gueils,
to whom they fell their hogs, poultry, and fruits, receiv-
ing in exchan^ flour, wine, and whatever necefuries they
want, but they mull fird come into the company's ware-
Iioufc;. The merchandize ufually laid in by the company
are Cape v.'ines, brandy, European or Canary wines,
Batavia arrack, beer, malt, fugar, tea, coffee, china-ware,
Japan cabinets, linen, callicpes, chints, mufiinSj, ribbands,,
woollen cloths, and fluffs,- with a variety of other particu.-
lars, which it would be unneceffary to recite.
The complexions of people born in this iiland differ
from thofe of all warm climates befides ; for here their
faces look frefh and ruddy, with all the bloom of health
and robuflnefs of conflitution, without that fallownef?
peculiar to thofe born within or near the tropics, where
white people look pale, fickly, and wan, without any of
that mixture of red and v^diite to be found in the natives of
St. Helena, which may be afcribed to the following caufes.
}-Iere they live on the top cf a mountain, ahvays open to
the fea breezes, that blow conflantly, and refrelh the air.
They are vvdioliy employed in the healthful occupations of
hulbandry and gardening. Their ifland has np fens to
annoy it, and no rivcrt; v/hich overflow their banks, and
leave a flagnating water to be exhaled by the fun's beams,
which renders the air grcfs, and charged with malignant
vapours : befides, the atmofphere is greatly cooled by
charming refreiliing fhowers, that agreeably temper the*
>varmth of the climate. To thefe circumftances may be
added, the conflant exercife the inhabitants undergo, from
the very nature of the ifland j for in going from the tov/n
in Chapel Valley to their plantations, the road is fo fleep,
that they are forced to climb a great part of the way, and
\x\ one place to ufe a ladder, which from hence is calle4
P d :f J^addcf
40 8 Hijlory of the
Ladder Hill ; nor can this inconvenience be avoided, with*
out going two or three miles round (Z).
As to the genius and difpofition of the natives, mofl
writers defcribe them to be the happieft, the mod in-
offenfjve, and hofpitable people to be met -wixh in any
country.
Near Chapel Valley is the fort, where the governor and
garrifon rcfide, which is but inconfiderable, the fituation
of the ifland forming its chief ftrength. The governor has
^Iways centinels on the higheft part of the ifland to the
Windward, who give notice of the approach of all Ihipping,
upon which guns are fired, as a fignal for every man to
repair to his po{l» Thus it is impoflible for a (hip to come
in the night, but preparations have been made the day
before, when flie cannot fail of having b^en difcovered.
This precaution, fo well known to all nations, renders
the natives fecure againft all attacks, and gives this fatis?-
faction to our mariners, that as foon as they appear in the
offing,' they are fure to find every thing ready for their
reception as friends.
The company were formerly in poflefTion of divers
fettlements on the coails of the Chinefe empire, as well
^s in the kingdom of Tonquin, all of them now withdrawn.
They flill trade largely to thole parts; but without having
any eftablifhed factories. Their houfe was formerly in the
ifland of Chufan, when the trade was carried on at
Am.eyor. From thence it was removed to Canton, where,
for about forty years it fiourifhed with fuch vigour, tha^
they were in expectation of wholly engroffing this benefi-
cial Jjranch of commerce. What defeated thofe expedla-
(Z) Mofl voyagers who have his crew, in the mofl deplorable
touched here have foon expe- fituation that imagination can
riencedthe healthfulnefsof the pidlure to itfelf, hardly a man
climate, and the falutary effeds on board being fit to hand a
pf the' refrefliing vegetables and fail or walk the deck, fo eat up
wholfome water of this ifland. and weakened were they with
The moft fickly and fcorbutic the fcurvy ; yet in the fpace of
crews have been reftored to full nine days they all recovere4
vigour and ftrength, in a time their forqier health, acquire4
incredibly fliort, Francis Pi- an additional vigour and chear-
rard de la Val, who was after- fulnefs to what they polTefTed
wards Ihipwrecked on the Mai- naturally, all owing to the
divia iflands, touched at St. climate and fanative vegetable?
Jielena in the year 1601, with of St. Helena (j).
( ) yid? hi? Voya|;e, p. 52,
Engllfh Eaft India Company. 40a
tlons, were the high dUjtieo laid upon tea, and oth^r
Chinefe commodities. This tax gave an encouragement
to fmuggling, which foon reduced the China trade far
below its natural (landard. As a part of this tax has been
taken off, it is probable that the trade is now again upon **"
» proper footing > though if we may j udge from the late
extravagant price of tea, there is flill fome defe£i-, either
in the commerce itfelf, or in the conduct of it, One
thing is certain, that the government will always find it
an imprudent meafure to tax this commodity high ; as the
revenues will conftantly rife in the proportion in which
the price of tea falls. Whether this be a natural advan-
tage, including all circumftances, it is not our bufinefs to
enquire.
The company are in a manner wholly excluded from 7he Engllfh
the Manilla or Philippine illands, at lead in a public prohibited
manner. The French, indeed, allege that they trade '^ *^^^^ ^°
there under Iriih colours ; but they bell know what ^^'^^f'*
colours thefe are •, or whether they would afford any pro- pi„g
te6lion to the fhipping. Our opinion is, that any com- IJlands.
fnerce carried on with thofe iflands, is in faft done under
Morifco, Armenian, or Portuguefe flags. The cultom
of the Spanifli nati'on in this particular is without ex-
ample : the trade is laid open, and no people on earth
excluded, except the Dutch and Englifh ; a precaution of
little confequence, where the inhabitants find it their in-
tereft to overlook it. In Japan there is not the fainteft
trace of Englifh commerce ; all the commodities of that
vaft empire, with which our company is fupplied, being
furnifhed at fecond-hand by the Chinefe and Dutch.
We fhall fum up the whole of our account of the Eng-
lifh Eafi: India company with, a few remarks, by way of
introdu6lion to the commercial hiflories of other European
nations, as they follow in this volume. And firft, it iij
obfervable, that no country was more famous and cele-
brated among the ancients, and none lefs known than the
Indies. Nothing could be more perplexed and chimerical
than the notions of this quarter of the globe, although they
were founded on the nature of a country, whofe wealth
and profufion of the luxuries of Ijfe, had rendered it above
all others remarkable. Common report had magnified
every thing into the marvellous ; the land produced men
that were giants, and the rivers were replenifhed with
monilers : fables that were believed in the moft enlighten-
ed ages of Greece and Rome. The ancients were fenfible
^hat nature afforded not ^ more abundant fource of wealth
th^n
'^1^ Htftory of the
than the Indian 'commerce, having beftowed on this hap-
py climate not only every neceflary, but every luxury of
life, in the moft profufe manner j and this it was that
drew thither the lirft fons of fame. Bacchus, in the fabu-
lous period, is fuppofed to have firft penetrated into India j
Hercules exercifed his valour on this theatre ; Sefoftris
vifited thefe countries, as far as the coafts of Japan ; and
Arabia acquired the name of Felix, or Happy, from her
commerce with India. But there are no older monuments
of an eftabliflied maritime trade thither, than that which
the Egyptians and Phoenicians afford, chiefly the latter,
the moil ancient commercial nation that exifts in the an^
nals of human affairs ^ Solomon, the moft prudent of
monarchs, efteemed this traffick the brighteft gem in his
diadem ; and hence drew fuch immenfe treafures, as ren-
dered his government the admiration of mankind. Dur-»
ing the Perfian empire, the Phoenicians fent thsir fleets
into the eaftern ocean ; but when the defpotifm of that
enflaved people had chafed commerce from Phoenicia, then
Alexandria became the mart of Indian merchandize , in
founding which noble city, Alexander propofed laying the
foundation of commerce ; a proje6l worthy of the con-*
queror of the world.
After the reduction of Perfia, this monarch fet on foot
three defigns of the utmoft confequence to hjs empire and
glory; the firft was the perfe£t difcovery of the Hyrcanian
or Cafpian fea, the greateft part of its fhore being hither-
to unknown. The fecond was a project no lefs great and
ufeful, the eftablifhing a powerful m.aritime force in the
Indian ocean ; for which purpofe he ordered forty-feven
large fhips to be built by the Phoenicians. With thefe he
propofed examining the Indian coaft more accurately than
hitherto had been done : to take an account where con-
venient ports might be made ; and laftly, to procure per-
fe6l intelligence as to the nature and value of Indian com-
modities. His third defign was the conqueft of Arabia,
with the motives for which we have nothing to do. To
thefe defigns of this hero and ftatefman, the beft geo-
graphers, the moft accurate hiftorians, and the ableft phi-
lofophers of antiquity, own themfelves indebted for almoft
all their knowlege of this part of the world. Plowever, of
all his expeditions, the voyage of Nearchus his admiral,
from the mouth of the river Indus, above the coaft of Per-
b D'Herbel. Biblioth. Orient, paflim. Hu:t Hiftoire du Com*
fpfrfc et de la Navigation des Anciens, chap. 55.
En^TifJo Eaft India Company.
fia, through the gulf, and to the mouth of the Euphrates,
was the mod remarkable and ufeful to the purpofes o£
commerce and navigation (A). But the conqueror did
not live to reap the fruits of thefe extended views, which
were afterwards carefully purfued by fome of his fuccef-
fors, efpecially the Ptolemies, who raifed Alexandria to
the liigliell pitch of commercial greatnefs (B).
The wealth which this commerce drew into Egypt, and
which, by means of this city, it continued to enjoy for
ages, was at once the caufe of its profperity and ruin ;
the Romans being invited by the former to fharc in a trade
which brought with it fuch immenfe treafures, and fo
great an augmentation of their maritime force. We may-
judge of the value the ancients put on this trade, by the
avidity with which they guarded it againft all encroach-
ments. The Romans, after numberlefs viftories, and
eilablilhing the mod univerfal empire mankind had ever
feen, were for a time deterred from entering on the Indian
commerce by the frightful tales related by the Arabian
merchants, at that time the carriers of this prodigious
treafure •, but at length the love of gold triumphed over
every other paflion, and Auguftus made fome attempts to
open a communication with India. Neither the attempts
4ti
(A) This voyage Nearchus
not only conduced in perfon,
^ but alfo wrote a very accurate
^nd diiUnft account of, which
is in a great meafure prefervcd
by Arrian, In his hiflory of
Alexander's expedition. It is
frequently quoted by Strabo
and Pliny, and was indeed
confiJered by the greateft
writers of antiquity as the moil:
authentic and curious piece of
its kind then extant.
(B) Befides this, Ptolemy
Philadelphus having confider-
ed the difficulties that attend-
ed the commerce of his fub-
jedls in Arabia and India, for
want of proper ports in the
Arabian Gulf, refolved to re-
move that inconvenience, by
pre^ting a new city nearer the
mouth of the gulf, on the fide
of the ifthmus or promontory
that projects itfelf into the Red
Sea. This turned out to be
rather a fine city than a con-
venient port for trade ; for the
harbour, called Myos Hor-
in us, was difiant one thoufand
eight hundred fladia from the
new city called Berenice, from
his mother. This wife prince
direded likewlfe various towns
to be built between Berenice
and Coptos, upon the Nile,
diftant from it about two hun-
dred and fixty miles ; but Myos
Hormus, Port of the Moufe,
afterwards called the Port of
Venus, was the flaple of In-
dian merchandize, and fromi
thence the trade was carried on
to the Indies (i).
(i) Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 815.
pf
4 IS H'tftory of the
of this prince, nor of any of his fucceflbrs, were fuccefs-
ful in eftablifhing an immediate trade.
When the Romans firft became mafters of Egypt, the
navigation was profecuted by failing down the Arabian
Gulf to a port near the promontory of Siagrus, which
Ptolemy places in the latitude of 14 deg. 40 min. This,
beyond controverfy, is the point of the Arabian coaft now
called Cape Fartak, laid down by the belt modern geo-
graphers in the fame latitude. Hence they failed to the
mouth of the river Indus, that is, to the ifland of Pattala,
fo often mentioned by Arrian. Afterwards the naviga-
tion was changed, one Hypalus difcovering a fhorter
route, under the reign of the emperor Claudius, This
perfon, by obferving when the trade-wind blew, was en^
abled to pafs at once through the llreights, and acrofs the
Indian ocean, dire£lly to Pattala, which was deemed a
navigation fo extraordinary, that the fouth-wefl wind was
afterwards called by his name ^.
In progrefs of time, the Romans made ftill farther dif-
coveries, in which, however, they met with perpetual in-»
terruptions from the piracies of the Arabians, which ob-
liged them, befides their ordinary compliment of feamen,
to carry a certain number of foldlers in each (liip, a cir-
cumftance that greatly enhanced the charges of the voyage.
At lafl the great profits, it was obferved, thi-s traffick might
\ produce, if rightly cultivated, increafmg the number of
adventurers, all difficulties were furmounted, and ah ann%
nual trade from Alexandria to the mouth of the Indus was
eftabliflied by the following route : all merchandize in-
tended for the Indian markets were fhipped at the port of
Alexandria, from whence they were carried to Juljopolis,
two miles from thence, and fo up the Nile to Coptos, in
25 deg. 20 min. latitude, according to Ptolemy's Tables,
and three hundred and three miles up the river. If the
wind was fair, this voyage was commonly performed in
twelve days. At Coptos the vefiels were unloaded, and
the goods tranfported on the backs of camels in eight days
to Berenice, at the diftance of two hundred and fifty-eight
miles, where they remained in warehoufes till tbe proper
feafon of the year for continuing their voyages, which was
about the rifing of the dog-flar; when the goods were
embarked* for the lafl time, the veflels (leered dire6lly for
the Arabian coaft, and in thirty days arrived at Ocelis,
w}ijch Ptolemy the geographer places in 1 2 deg. thougl\
y> f\ix\, J^at. Hift.Jib. vi, cap. 23.
prob^Wy
Engliflo Eajl India Company, 413^
probably tbat fituatlon Is greatly too far to the foutbward*
Sometimes the fleet failed to Cana or to Mirza, both of
them ports on the oppofite coafts of Arabia, though only
frequented by the merchants of the country ^, who here
bought frankincenfe, and took in exchange for this com-
modity, arms, knives, and toys. Ocelis was however the
principal port, becaufe here they met with Indian mer-
chants, and it lay commodioufly for profecuting their
voyage to the continent of India, where they ufually made
the port of Maziris in forty days (C). This port being
found inconvenient, from the depredations of certain pi-
rates in its neighbourhood, they fought a better ftation,
and with this view fixed upon the port of Becaha, whence
with Indian prows they tranfported their goods up a na-
vigable river, to a great trading town called Madufa,
Having completed their affairs here, they feized the op-
portunity of the trade-wind back, by the affiftance of
which they ufually returned to Alexandria towards the
end of December or beginning of January. The Indian
commodities thus brought into Egypt were tranfported by
land to Coptus, thence by the Nile to Alexandria, and
thence to Rome, by the annual fleet from Alexandria,
which was firft appointed by Auguftus.
The expence, or rather the ftock annually inverted by
the Romans in the commodities fit for this commerce,
amounted in Pliny's time to fifty millions of fefterces, or
about four hundred and three thoufand pounds flerling
money, the profits on goods being cent, per cent, an im-
menfe flock and profit, confidering the early period, and
the flrange expenfive track of this traffick.
This fhort recital of the commerce of the Romans with-
India, we imagined would not be difagreeable to many of
our readers, efpecially as it is but flightly touched upon by
modern writers, and to be found only in a confufed and
fcattered manner In the remains of antiquity.
After Conftantine had tranflated the feat of empire to
Byzantium, the eaftern trade ftill fubfifted; Alexandria
continued to be the principal emporium, while Seleucia of
Syria was the route of the more inland commerce ; and
the Barbarians dwelling on the bleak borders of the Euxine
« Ibid, lib. 23. cap. vl. Etiam Peris Marls Erythrai, p. 14.
(C) If Ptolemy's Tables have this port flood in the latitude
not received fome alteration, of 14 deg.
fea.
414 Hijlory of the Englijh £,aft India Company,
fea, felt the charms of the wealth that poured into the
Greek empire through this channel. At length commerce
fhared the fate of learning, arts, and governmeitj and
the provinces through which it flowed. The military ge-
nius of the Arabs, the fucceflbrs of Mohammed, extin-^
guiftied every fpark of the fpirit of commerce and fcience.
Fury, mad zeal, ignorance, and barbarity, feemed to be
Jet loofe to wafte every thing, to debafe the human ge-
nius, and confound mankind in a cloud of impenetrable
darknefs and obfcurity. But no fooner had the grand fon
cf that monarch, who difmembered Africa from the de-
fcendants of Mohammed, founded Grand Cairo, and fur-
nifhed protetSlion to the merchants, than the rich flow of
eaftern wealth once more returned to its ancient channel,
and with it liberty, learning, fcience, arts, and every
thing valuable and dear to men. The new-built city be-
came at once the chief mart of the weftern world, rich,
populous, and the feat of a new empire. The Venetians,
Genoefe, Pifans, Florentines, and fome other free dates
of Italy, raifed themfelves on the ruin of the Grecian em-
* pire ', and profiting by the general confufion, feized part
of its difmembered dominions ; fucceeding at the fame
time to the trade of the Indies by the channel of Egypt,
the commodities of which being diftributed all over the
North, were to them a mine of infinite wealth and power,
that foon raifed the Venetians in particular, from a mean,
defpicable handful of refugees, to the moft refpeftable
Hate of all Italy, and the chief maritime power of Europe,
perhaps of the whole world.
CHAP.
(415)
CHAP. XXXIII.
The Conquejls^ Settlements^ and Difcoveries of
the Dutch in the Eaji Indies^ comprehending
the Hijiory of the Rife, Progrefs^ and fuc-
cefsful Efiablijhment of their EaJi India Com-
pany , the Nature of their Conftitution, the
Extent of their Dominions^ the Importance
of their Commerce^ the Form of Rule ejla-
hlifhed in their Colonies^ as alfo the domeftic
Oeconomy of the Company, and how they are
fuhje6l to the States of the United Provinces.
SECT. I.
^he Motives which induced the Merchants in Holland ij
think of opening a Trade to the Eajt indies : the Pro-
jeEi of difcovering a nezv Pajfage, by pajjing round the
North-eajl of Europe and Jfia : three /ittempts made
with this VieWy which prove all of them unfuccefsfuh
THE commerce wKicK the fubje£ls of the States Qc^ 'j'/jg „y.g^^
neral of the United Provinces have carried on for importamt-
about a century and a half in the Eaft Indies, hath been fo ofttit
highly beneficial to them in every refpe6l, hath brought '^^''^^
fuch immenfe treaiures mto their country, has i^^^' in tfie E^S
plied fuch prodigious fums to their government, and India^
hath contributed fo much to that mighty naval power to
which this republic owes as well her domeftic freedom
as the figure ftie has made in Europe, that a more noble
or a more ufeful fubje£l can be hardly found, than to ex-
plain the rife, to trace the progrefs, and to fet in a clear
light the prefent fituation of that important trade of which
they are in poflefFion, and which it is both expedient and
necefiary, efpecially to the fubjefts of every maritime
power, fhould be thoroughly underftood.
As the tyranny which the Spaniards exercifed over the ^gtrae
inhabitants of the Seven Provinces, while under their do- eriginai tf
minion, gave being to that republic ; fo the fame ar- this tradu
bitrary meafures with regard to the inhabitants of the re-
maining
4 1 5 CoHqueftSy Settlement Sf and Difcoveries of
maining part of the Low Countries, which ftiii continued
in fubjedion to the crown of Spain, was the real fource of
that wealth and power to which this new commonwealth
rofe in a manner fo fudden, and fo furprifing **. i^mongft
other advantages, they furnifhed them with this of trading
to the Eaft Indies ; it is true, they meant nothing lefs, yet
the methods they took were fuch as a£lually produced it ;
and though much may be attributed to the wifdom and
fpirit with which thofe entrufted with the adminiftration
in Holland cherifhed, conduced, and prote£ted this traf-
fick in its infancy, yet ftill it muft be allowed, that the
foundation was laid by the mifmanagements and miftakes
of the Spaniards, without which the induflry of the Dutch
would have had nothing to work upon.
Mofl of the The Portuguefe had been near a hundred years in pof-
rtchmer- feffion of the only direct correfpondence with the Eaft,
driven out "^^^^^> together with the dominion of their country, was
of the Spa- "^^ transferred to the Catholic king Philip II. and as his
nijb Low fubje£ts of Spain aftd Portugal enjoyed the exclufive trade
Countries of both the Indies, fo his fubjecls in the Low Countries
ritfe7^' reaped the greateft part of the profit that arofe from the dif-
pofition of their-^produce through the more diftant parts of
Europe. This had rendered Bruges and Ghent rich and
populous j this had made Antwerp the great mart of Eu-
rope, had lodged her citizens in palaces, and filled her
port with fuch incredible quantities of (hipping, that it is
reported four hundred vefTels have come to an anchor
there at one tirtie : but as property begets the love of free-
dom, and furnifhes alfd the means of refifting what may
induce llavery, fo the minifters of that great monarch very
wifely informed him, that to render thefe people obedient,
their wealth muft be diminiftied. Thefe counfels, ofide
received, were foon carried into execution ; and after Ant-
werp was reduced by force of arms, the inhabitants were
fo treated, that they chofe rather to retire with what little
they had left, than to remain in a place where they had no
fecurity of keeping it. The fame kind of ufage had the
very fame efFeft upon the rich merchants and induftrious
inanufa£lurers in the neighbouring cities ; and to avoid
ilavery and perfecution, they fled wherever they had a
rcafonable profpe6l of living in peace, and worfhipping
God according to the di£l:ates of their own confciences :
fuch were the effedts of Spanifh policy in the firft in-
ftance !
* Memoires fur Ve Commerce des Hollandois, cliap. ii»
The
the Dutch in the Eajl Indies. 4 1 7
The vicinity of the United Provinces, joined to the Retire in^
mildnefs of the government, freedom from impofitions, to the do-
and a general toleration, drew numbers of them thither, ^,^"^^y^
and of thefe many of the wealthieft and mod experienced Qgng^-al
traders fettled at Amfterdam, v^here the States gave them and are
all imaginable encouragement, and Ihewed the greateft there re-
willingnefs to farther any defigns they might form for "^'^^l' .
augmenting their fortunes **. Thefe knowing and induf- ^°Jg^. '
trious perfons, well acquainted with each other, and hav- couragedk
ing correfpondence in mod of the trading parts of Europe,
began to fit out (hips, and to revive, as well as they were
able, that general traffick which they had formerly carried
on. But as they found this a thing impra£licable, with-
out dealing in the commodities of India, they foon fell
upon a method which anfwered that end tolerably well, by
fending veflels, under neutral colours, to purchafe thofe
commodities in the port of Lifbon. It was not long be-
fore the Spanifh minifters were made acquainted with this
correfpondence, and perfilling fl ill in their former refolu-
tion of propagating poverty to the utmoft extent of their
power, they immediately refolved to put an end to what
they called an illicit trade, without confidering eitlier the
prefent confequence of depriving their mafter's fubjcfts^
the Portuguefe, of a market for their goods *, or that which
was more remote, the forcing thofe that were now con-*
tent to purchafe them at Lifbon, to find a way of coming
at them from the firfl hand ^. Confifcating their (hips,
and imprifoning their feamxn, quickly difcouraged the
merchants of Amfterdam, and thereby anfwered the ends
of the Spanifh politicians, which Was, preventing their
acquifition of Indian commodities by that channel, which
very naturally put them upon confidering if they might
not be obtained fome other way, fince without them ex-
perience had fhewn their general aflbrtments would be in*
complete.
One would imagine that the {liortell and moft natural JDejlrous of
refolution in this cafe would have been fitting out (hips for opening a
the Indies; and fo, very probably it was; but upon a c-^^/^J/^
little confi deration, it appeared to the warmeft, as well as through th$
the warieft of thofe able merchants, a very dangerous, if north-eaji
not imprafticable fchcme. In the firft place, it was ob- f^JJ^g^'
jedled, that the paflage was long, dangerous, and di£E-
d Grot'ii Anna!. & Biftonse de Rebus Belgicis, lib, v. e Aver-
tiflement a la Tete deRecueil des Voyages qui one fervi a I'Etab-
liflement et aux Progres de la Compagnie des Iiides Orientales.
Mod. ^.^OL. VIII. Ee cult,
4lS
Keafons
*wliich in*
duced the
merchants
in Holland
to look en
this dif-
€o<very as
ad'vau'
tageoiu.
Conque/lSy Settlements, and Difioveries af
ciilt, arid they had no feamen that were acquainted v^Htll
the coafts, or factor that underlicod the method of carry-
ing on the trade : next, that their enemies had a vaft na>-
val force, which would be infaUibly employed to intercept
the {hips; and that if they were fortunate enough to reach
the Indies, they would find the Spaniards and Portiiguefe
Ittonger there than in Europe. Upon mature deliberation,
therefore, the fetting out a few fliips at the expence of
private men, to fail to the Indies without any cover, com-
miffion, or proteftion againlt thofe who were already
poiTeiTed of a vail empire there, and wei'e known to fpare
no pains to maintain and fuppcrt it, was reje6led as a thing
well defigned, but obilrufled in its execution by infur-
mountable difficulties. The next point to be confidered
was, whether fome other route might not be found, which
would ferve as efFe^lually for fupplanting the Portuguefe,
as that by the Cape of Good Hope had availed them in
carrying away this lucrative trade from the Venetians ;
which being a project free ^ from thofe difficulties that
embarrafled the former, appeared in their judgment to be
infinitely more eligible, provided, upon experiment, it
fhould be found practicable.
The feamen and mathematicians being called into this
confultation, propofed attempting fomething without de-
lay towards the difcovery of a pailage to China and Japan
by the north-eaft, which appeared to them a thing both
probable and practicable, notwithftanding the difappoint-
ments the Englilh hatl met with in their voyages on that
fide. The advantages that might be expected from this
difcovery were very obvious, as well as very great; it
would fhortcn the time in going and returning to the In-
dies one half; the navigation would be much wholfomer
and much eafier for the feamen ; they would avoid all ene-
mies in their paflage ; they would arrive firft on thofe
coafts, which, to the Portuguefe, were the moft remote
in the Indies, where they had the leaft flrength, and from
which, notwithftanding, they might bring the moft va-
luable returns. All thefe particulars being confidered, the
expence of the trial not being very great, and the expedi-
tion requiring but a fmall fpace of time, it was agreed
that no more Ihould be loft in an undertaking of fuch im-
portance s,
f Hlftory of the Voyages made for the Difcovery of a North-eaft
Paflage to China, p. 3, g DifcoursUir le Paflage park Nord-
eft de TEurope dans les Mers des Indes.
Afuf-
the Dutch in the Eafl Indies, 419
A fufRcIent flock being raifed by a fmall number of ^hygg
traders, Balthazar Moucheran, a Zealander, who was at the jruitlefs
head of the company, petitioned prince Maurice and the expeditions
States for leave to difcover a paflage to China by the northr f^^J .l-
eaft, which was readily granted him. Four veffels were pajfage by
presently fitted out ; and the chief diredlion was given to the north-
William Barentz, a very able pilot, a man of good fenfe and '^Z-
great courage. He failed with his fmall fquadron June the
5th, 1594, and proceeded ro the latitude of 78th degrees
north -, and then, not being able to prevail upon his com-
pany to continue any longer in thofe parts, returned to
Amilerdam on the 1 6th of September. Though this voyage
was unfuccefsful, yet, upon the report of Barentz, and of
others who accompanied him, the probability of difcover-
ing a paflage through the ftreights of Wygatz appeared fo •
great, that the prince and the States ordered a fleet of fix
fail to be fitted out the fucceeding year, with a bark to bring
advice of their having pafled the llreights ; which fleet, com-
manded by James Heemflcerk and William Barentz, failed
June the 2d, 1595 *, but this fleet, of which there were fuch
great expectations, performed little or nothing, returning
to Holland in lefs than five months, with an account that
the favages had informed them, that there was a great fea
to the eaftward of Tartary, into which they might enter.
This mifcarriage difcouraged the States from attempting
any thing farther at the public expence, and therefore they
contented themfelves with ofl^ering a reward of twenty-
live thoufand florins to any private perfons that fhould at- .
tempt and make the difcovery. Upon this encouragem.ent,
the city of Amft:erdam fitted out two veflTels, having on
board Heemflcerk and Barentz, who failed on the i8th of
May, 1596. Thefewere more unfortunate than the former,
the biggefl: of the two (hips being lofl; upon the coaft: of
Nova Zembla, where the crew were obfiged to winter j
and confcquently to endure prodigious hardlhips, by which
many of them perifhed, and Barentz amongfl: the refli, who
died, notwithftanding, in a full opinion that there was a
paflage. Heemflcerk and the refl: returned in two flial-
lops they had fitted up out of the wreck of their fhip, in
the month of October, 1597; and this third difappoint-
ment put a fl:op for a time to all thoughts of profecuting
difcoveries on this fide ^
» Sallengre Eflai d'une Hiftoire des Provinces-unies, p. 65.
Ee2 SECT.
^to ConquefiSy Settlements, and Dlfcoveries of
SECT. 11.
ne Accident by which they were jirjl introduced into the
Eaji Indies; the Confequences of this Introdu^iony
and the Vigour with which their Merchants profe-
cuted this new Trade.
Cornelius "XjU HILE they were thus employed in Holland in con-
Houtman^ ^ * certing means to open a paflage to the Eafl Indies,
dtfcovers which Providence did not favour, a new and unexpected
puefe route accident fell out, which turned their thoughts quite an-
by the Cape Other way. Amongft the Dutch feamen who were feized,
of Good as we have fhewn, at Lifbon, in 1594, there was one
^^P^ Cornelius Houtman, who, with a found head and flout
heart, had a bold enterprifing genius, which both inclined
him to undertake great things, and enabled him to execute
them. This man, having fome liberty allowed him, em-
ployed it in converfing with^the Portuguefe feamen, mak-
ing the bell enquiry he could into the courfe they held in
their Eafl India voyages, the places to which they traded,
and the manner of their dealing with the natives. In all
thefe particulars, by dint of his liberality, and that admir-
ation which^he exprefied at all he heard, he procured
much information before the government had any notion
of what he was about ; which they no fooner received,
than they committed him to prifon, and laid a heavy fine
upon him for his enquiries. Houtman, in thefe melancholy
tircumflances, applied himfelf to a company of merchants
at Amfterdam, to whom he propofed, that, if they would
pay his fine, and enable him to returrf home, he would
communicate to them all that he had difcovered. This
offer, coming after the firfl difappointment in their en-
deavour to find a paflage by the north-eail, was very well
received ; and, after being thoroughly canvafTed, they de-
termined to clofe with him •, and accordingly remitted a
fum fufficient to pay his fine, and to bring him home. It
may be juilly wondered at, that thofe, who were fo quick
in entertaining fufpicions when they heard of Houtman'a
converfations with the feamen, and had recourfe to pre-
cautions fo proper upon that occafion, fliould yet entertain
no jealoufy upon his paying a large fine, but fet him at li-
berty, as they did, and fuffer him to return home, where
he pun6lually difcharged his promife ^,
k Succinft Account of the Dutch Coramcrce in the E»ft Ind. p. 3 j.
- After
tie Butch In the Eaft Indies, 42 1
After having fufficiently confidered what he offered, ^ ^^^
they refolved to ere6i; another company, called the com- cotnpany
pany for remote countries \ the directors of which were ereM for
Henry Hudden, Reiner Pauw, Peter HafTelaer, &c. who '^^''^y^^S
came to a refolution, A. D. 1595, to fend four veffels to "Hade^witk
the Indies by the way of the Cape of Good Hope. Hout- whom the
man, and fome others, who had the command of the vef- merchants
fels employed in this expedition, were ordered to obferve ofAmfer-
the courfe they fleered very exactly, and to fettle with the ''^ i'
Indians a commerce for fpices, and other goods, efpecially dJte them-
in thofe countries where the Portuguefe had no fettle- y^/i;^/.
ments '. Thefe fliips returned to Holland in two years
and four months j and though they had made no great pro-
fit of the voyage, yet their fuccefs animated their owners,
and feveral other merchants, to carry on the defign with
all imaginable vigour (D); and, a member of that com-
pany
* Voyages de la Corapagnie des Indes Orientaks, torn. i. p. 265.
(D) The perfon chiefly in-
truded in the management of
this voyage was Cornelius
Houtman, to whom they were
under great obligations for the
lights he bad procured them,
as well in refpedl to the courfe
the vefl^els were to lleer, as the
manner in which their trade
was to be managed in the In-
dies. In the execution, how-
ever, of this enterprize, his
condu6t was not altogether fo
laudable or (o fortunate as
might have been expeded ;
for, by his ra(h difcourfe at
Bantam, in the iiland of Java,
he brought himfelf into con-
finement, and the whole fqua-
dron into great danger ; and,
in .their return home, he was
ftrongly fufpe^led of poifonlng
the mailer of the fhip on board
which he failed, and for which
he was confined, but at length
acquitted and releafed, though
flill held in great fufpicion. If
it had not been for thefe mif-
takes, and cei tain ads of ex-
travagance committed by the
feamen, that fquadron might
havereturnedentireinlefstime,
and with a better cargo. As
it was, they failed April the
2d, 1595, from the Texel, and
returned Auguft the 12th,
1597, having loft the Amfter-
dani, which they burnt, being
leaky, and they not having
men enough to navigate all the
four velfels (1). It was the
lofs of this veflel that abated
the value of the goods which
they brought home, the moft
confiderable of which were
cloves, nutmegs, mace, and
pepper. The laft of thefe
fpices they purchafed at Ban-
tam from the natives, the reft
they took from the Portuguefe
at the fame place. The report
they made was to this purpofe;
that the natives were every
where ready enough to trade ;
(r) Grot. Anna!. Ub. vi.
vol. 1. p. 191.
Le Clerc Hiftoire dei Provilnces-unies,
E e 3 tl^^t
422
Conquefts^ Settlements^ and Dlfcoverles of
pany being dead, they prefently put into his place Gerard
Bicker, a very confiderable merchant •". Then they had
advice that fome other merchants of Amflerdam defigned
to fit out {hips for India ; upon which, to avoid animo-
fities, they thought it necefTary to unite with thofe mer^
chants •, and accordingly the two fleets, confi fling of eight
veficls, joined under the command of James Van Nek,
their admiral, and failed from the Texel, A* D. 1596".
The Juccefs A defign of the fame nature was likewife fet on foot in
oj their ex- Zealand, where Balthafar Moucheran before mentioned.
pedittons
encourage
Adrian Hendricktzen Haaf, with fome other partners,
cliants to
form neiu
focieties.
other msr- fitted out fiiips for the Indies. The inhabitants of Rotter-
dam, excited by fuch examples, formed a company alfo,
and fitted out five fhips, under the command of James
Mahu, with orders to fail to the Molucca 1 Hands by the
flreight of Magellan and the South Sea ^ In the mean
time the Amfterdam merchants grew more and more fan-
guine j and the company before mentioned, without ftay-f
ing for the return of the fleet they had fent already, fitted
QUt three fliips more, which put to fea May she 4th, 1599,
under the command of Stephen Vander Hagan p. On the
8th of July the fame year, four of the eight fhips that
went out firft arrived in the Texel ; and, after they were
unloaded, were immediately fent back again under the
command of James Willekens. About this time alfo the
merchants, who had retired frpm Brabant to Amfterdam,
form.ed -a new company upon the fame defign, and fitted
out four vefiels, which put to fea December, 1 599, toge-
ther with four of the old company's fin'ps. Two years
after all thefe fhips came home with rich cargoes. But,
before their arrival, this new company had fent out tM^o
fhips more, which were joined by fix of the old company's,
putting to fea A. D. 1 600, under the command of James
"» AvertifTement a la Tete de Recueil des Voyages de la Com-
pagnie, &c. p 29. " Journal or Daily Regifter of this
Voyage, London, 1601, 4to. ^ Avertiflement a la Tere
Recueil de$ Voyages de la Compagnie, p. 29. p Voyages de
la Compagnie dcs Indes Orientales, toin. iii. p. 91.
that the Portuguefe and Spa-
niards were excelfively hated ;
and that there was no danger
at all in going with a compe-
tent force to the Moluccas j
which news, with the fight of
the fpices, raifed the hopes of
their countrymen prodigiouf-
iy(3).
(») Avertiflement a la Tete de Recueil des Voyages de la Cona-?
pagnie, &c. p. 29.
^ ■ ' Vw
the Dutch in the Eqft Indies. 423
Van Nek ; and in procefs of time all of them returned to
their refpeftive ports. Upon this happy fuccefs, more
iliips were fitted out from Amfterdam, Zealand, and
elfewhere ; among others, thirteen from Amfterdam,
namely, four belonging to the old, and four to the new
company, under the command of James Heemflverk and
James Grenier *, and five more of the old company, bound
for the Moluccas, under the command of Wolphart Har-
manfz ; all the thirteen failed from the Texel April, '
j6oi "3.
An ardour like this could not fail of producing prodigious Reafons
effeds, and of difFuling itfelf daily amongft all the traders '^^'^''J^ ^^j
that had taken Ihelter in the dominions of the States, and ^^lJ^i!^^nts
even of attracting others to come and fettle there likewife. /^ promote
They forefaw that all the commerce which enriched Ant- this neiv
werp mufl neceflarily retire by degrees, and that no places ^^^^^ '^''^
bid fo fair to engage it as Amfterdam, and the reft of the >^"^^ 'vens"
Dutch cities, more efpecially now they had gained the
great point, and opened themfelves a dire£l paflage to the
Indies. They comprehended alfo how much farther this
important trade might be improved in a free country, and ,
under a mild government, than hitherto it had been under
arbitrary monarchs, who valued it chiefly as furniftiing the
,means of carrying their ambitious projeds into execution,
and grudged their fubje£ls thofe little emoluments, which,
with infinite toil and hazard, they procured by their own
labour and induftry. But what impelled them more than
any other confideration, was their defire of having an
early fliare in the Indian commerce, before the value of it
was univerfally underftood ; and fuch numbers interefted
therein, as greatly to diminilh the profits. Some or all
thefe motives operated on not a few ; and their example
■with ftill greater force on many more, which increafed the
adventurers- continually. The Spaniards were enraged,
piirtly from the affront in feeing fuch petty merchants, as
they ftyled the Dutch, compafs their ends in fpite of their
power, and partly upon account of the lofs they had al-
ready fuftained, and were likely to fuftain hereafter ^ To
prevent which, they faw no better method than to employ
a fuperior force to intercept their outward-bcund fleets ;
with this view they equipped a ftrong fquadron, to fur-
prife the next Dutch finps that fliould be fent to the Indies,
This fquadron, cpnfifting of thirty nien of war well manned,
e Pays-bas, fo. 49^, r Ld
s, vol. i. p, 2}5,
E e 4 fell
, q Emanuel Meteren Hiftoire de Pays-bas, fo. 49^, r Ld
^Icfc liiilQire dps Provincqs-unies, vol. i. p, 2}5,
mtje4*
^24 Conquefts, Settlements^ and Bifcoverles of
fell in with eight of the Dutch fhips in the month of May,
in the latitude of 14 deg. The Dutch perceived the ine-
quality of their number and forces, notwithftanding that
they had fome foldiers aboard : however, they fought
bravely ; and the Spanifli admiral vi^as fo warmly received,
t^at he found it expedient to let them pafs ^
J)>fputes In the courfe of the next year, which was 1602, three
wti/i the {hips came from the Indies richly laden. They brought
^j ^^ advice that the king of Achen had attempted to feize two
theijlandof ^^ Moucheron's Ihips that failed from Holland in 1 599 ;
Sumatra^ ^nd i^hat Cornelius lioutman, the commander, had loft
'which at his life in the adventure ; in which, however, the fliips
length are efcaped, though fome of the Dutch continued prifoners
^!?w ~ in the hands of that m.onarch'3 but before this news
arrived in Holland, Paul Van Caerden, having failed from
the Indies that fame year, arrived at the port of Achen,
without knowing what had palled, and was expofed to the
like danger \ for that king, being inftigated by a Francif-
can monk, v/ho refided there in quality of the Portuguefe
envoy, and had come from the Moluccas on purpofe to
cajole him, fet all inftruments at work to feize Caerden's
fhip ". But his attempts proved abortive ; and the king
being reconciled, owned afterwards that he was feduced
by the Portuguefe, promifmg better ufage for the future.
Accordingly he gave a \ery good reception to the fleet
commanded by Laurence Bicker, vidiich had been fitted
out from Zealand in 1601 ; and^when that fleet had taken
in its loading, which was very confiderable, he fent fome
ambafladors on board it. This fleet, putting into St. He-
lena to take in frefh water, happened to meet with a Por-
tuguefe carrack richly laden, which they took, and brought
home with them. This fame year alfo George Spilbcrgen,
and the ihips he commanded, arriving at Achen, were,
by the fame king, as favourably treated (E).
The
• Avertiflement a la Tete de Recucil des Voyages de la Com-
pagnie, p. 31. * Grot. Annal lib. xi* " Voyages
de la Compagnie des Incies Orientalcs, torn. iii. p« 194.
(E) Thefefaftsareprecifely the Lion and Lionefs, two
fet down from the Dutch hi- fliips belonging to the Zealand
florians ; but, however, it is company, and to detain Cor-
neceflTary to remark, that as nelius Houtman, who com-
the Portuguefe, by their mo- manded them, prifoner ; fo
ney and intrigues, prevailed it was very unbecoming in aii-
\ipon the king of Achen, at other Dutch officer, who came
§umatra, to attempt feizing thither with a fuperior force,
frqn^
the Butch in the Eaft Indies, . 2^
The Spaniards now finding themfelves Inferior In ji^^f/^^jf
flrength, endeavoured to ruin the Dutch by all manner of praaifed
flratagems. They fent emiflaries to all the Indian kings by the Spa^
to decry the new adventurers, and to reprefent them as "''^f^^/o
pirates, and men of no faith, whom therefore they ought Kh^^Bth
to diftruft and deftroy. 1 he States General and prince
Maurice, having received advice of thefe intrigues, re-
folved, for the future, to give commiffions to the captains
of all fhips that failed to the Indies (and indeed the
commanders of thofe ihips flood in very great need of
them) to refute the many calumnies of their enemies "'.
By thefe commiffions they were impowered not only to
defend themfelves, but to attack all who fhould diflurb
their commerce. The valiant James Heemfkirk being
vefted with this authority, failed with two fhips from Ban-
tam, in order to load at Jahor, and falling in with a rich
carrack,upon her return from Macao, with above feven hun-
dred men on board, attacked, and forced the Portuguefe,
after a flender defence, to flrike,and afk quarter, which was
granted ^, This was a thing of great importance in itfelf,
and rendered of ftill greater confequence by the fkill and
addrefs of the Dutch admiral, who not only treated his
prifoners well, but fent mofl of them, except the captain
and the chaplain, without ranfom, to the Portuguefe go-
vernor in the Indies, forefeeing that this would naturally
produce a letter of thanks and acknowlegements to faci-
litate the deliverance of thofe two prifoners of rank. This
expedient had its effeii \ admiral Heemfkirk received a
couple of lettersfilledwith compliments, which he produced
w Sallengre EfTai d'une Hirtoire des Provinces Unies, p. 67.
X Avertiflement a la tete de Recuel des Voyages de la Compagnie, '
P- 33*
from the hopes of entering into ample fatisfa6lion for this out-
trade with the fubjeds of that rage; but it is no lefs true,
perfidious prince, to put that that he was fatisfied with fair
unfortunate perfon again into words ; and thus Cornelius
his hands, when he had once Houtman lofl his life unpro-
madehisefcape, andby whom, te6led and unrevenged, who
after the departure of thofe firft conducted the Dutch into
Dutch fhips, he was, with fe- the Indies, and whofe laft mif-
veral others, bafely murdered fortune was entirely owing to
(i). It nuifl be allowed that an over-forward diligence in
admiral Spilbergen demanded the fervice of his country (2),
(i) Voyages de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales, torn. iii. p.
?77. (2) Grot. Anna), lib. xi.
in
42 6 Conq^uepSy SettkmeniSi and Difcoveries of
in every port wherever he came, and thereby wiped ofF
the afperfion of pirates, and men without humanity or
honour. Befides, the cargo was immenfely rich, confift*
ing of the moil valuable commodities from different parts
of the Indies *, and the papers on board gave them like-^
wife more light into the nature of this commerce than
they had hitherto received y.
SECT.
Ill,
Oceefion on
nvhieh the
frefent
Baft India
tympany
nvas ere£l'
td hy the
States Ge-
ViraL
ne Caufes 'Which led the States to ereSl the prefent Eqfl
India Company ; the Terms of their Charter ; the
Methods taken by them to eftahlip themfelves in the
JndieSy and their Difputes with the Spaniards and
Vortuguefey who endeavoured to expel them,
T) U T while they met with all this fuccefs in the Indies,
^ their affairs at home were in great danger of taking a
wrong turn, to which this fuccefs of their's did not a little
contribute. In fhort, the fpirit of fending fliips to the
Indies grew fo flrong, and prevailed fo generally, that
new companies were formed every day. This, at the be-
ginning, had a very good efFe61:, both in Holland and in
the Indies, as it occafioned the building a great many
large fhips, employing a vaft number of induftrious peo^
pie, raifmg and hiring great numbers of feamen, and keep-»
ing fuch a force in that part of the world as prevented the
Spaniards and Portuguefe from oppreffrng this trade in its
infancy, as they would otherwife have done. In procefs
of time, however, thef^ new companies, having no right
underflanding, fitted out many fhips for the fame port, a
circumftance which funk the value of their goods, and
produced other inconveniences ^ The States General
being informed of this, exhorted thefe companies to unite,
and promifed them a charter, or, as it is iiyled in Hol-
land, an octroy. This was an affair of very great confe-
quence, as well to the public as to the perfons interefled
in the feveral companies ; and therefore it took fome time
to fettle matters, and bring them under a jult regulation,
which, however, was ^t length adjufled, to the general
fatisfadlion of all concerned ; and a charter granted for'
twenty-one years, to commence from the ?oth of March,
y Grot. Annal. lib. xi.
rrovinces-vmies, p. 69.
» Sallcngre Effai d'une Kiftpire deii
the Dutch in the Eajl Indies » 417
1602; the capital to confiil of fix millions fix hundred
thoufand florins, divided proportionably amongft the fevcral
chambers j which was a provifion invented to fatisfy
thofe interefted in the private companies that were now
diflblved ^. The reit of the fubjecis of the United Pro-
vinces were forbidden to fend fliips to the Indies, either
by the route of the Cape of Good Hope, or the ftreights of
Magellan. The ftate had, by way of gratuity for this
charter, twenty-five thoufand iiorjns in the new capital,
and a duty of three per cent, upon all goods exported,
bullion excepted 5 the number of direcftors, the method
of managing, the times and places when and where ge-
neral aflemblies were to be held, the manner of making
fales, and of ftating general accounts, were all fixed in
fuch methods as might belt provide againft frauds, and
for the emolument of the proprietors ; fo that the ca-
pital was very foon full, and the fpirit of adventuring
rather increafed than abated by this falutary eftablilhment,
which could not but give great pleafure to the States,
more efpecially as they found that it attra6led large fums
of money, and brought many eminent merchants- from
the neighbouring countries to fettle in their dominions ^,
Upon this bottom the proprietors promifed themfelves The firtt
flill greater things than had been hitherto atchieved ; and grand fleet
fitted out a fleet of fourteen large fhips, which put to {^2^ fitted out
in June, 1602, under the command of admiral Wybrant ^ '^'* '^^^
van Waerwyk. The next year, in the month of February, ^under^'^d
the yacht Wachter returned, with advice that five of the miral H^y^
other fliips would very fpeedily arrive ^. By this yacht an brant ^an
account was brought of what had pafl!ed before Bantam, ^^*^'''*'J'^«
between Wolphart Hanrjanfz, and his vice-admiral Bou-
wer, on one fide, and Don Andreas Furtado de Men-
doza on the other, who had formed a defign of no lefs
confequence than to drive the Dutch out of the Indies **.
In efi-ecl:, Don Andreas was worfted, and the Dutch vef-
fels purfued their courfe for the Moluccas, where they
arrived at feveral times, one after the other. The fame
yacht brought the news of an engagement at the Moluccas,
between admiral Van Neck and three Portuguefe fhips,
not at all to his advantage ; for after the lofs of eight or
pine men, and having fome- of the fingers of his own
a Grot. Annal. lib. xj. Groot Placaet Boek, torn. i. p. 529,
^ Le Clerc Hi(toire des Provinces-unies, vol. i. p 221, c Adver-
tiffement a la Tqte de Recueil des Voyages de la Compagnie, p. 37.
1! Hiftoue de la Conqu?te des Ifles Moluc^ues, torn iii. p. 49, 50.
^2 8 Conquejls^ Settlements^ and Difcovertes of
right hand (hot away, he was obliged to iheer off. Upon
the arrival of this intelligence, another fleet of thirteen
fliips was diligently fitted out, whichjailed December the
1 8th, under the command of Stephen Vander Hagen, to
prevent this profitable correfpondence from being inter-
rupted or loft *.
JTieSpani/h In the year 1605, the king of Spain iffued another ri-
(ourtijfuea gorous declaration, in which he prohibited the inhabitants
Ttew tleda- ^£ ^j^^ United Provinces from trading to the dominions of
Spain, or to the Eaft and Weft Indies, under pain of cor-
poral punifhment ; but the company was fo far from
being dejefted by this edidt, that it rather infpired them
with frelh courage, and animated them to purfue their
defign with more fpirit and diligence. They pre-
-fently equipped a fleet of eleven velfels, which were not
- only calculated for traffick, but for war, and gave the
command of them to Cornelius Matehef. This fleet had
fcarce put to fea, when the directors gave orders for pre-
paring another fquadron of eight fhips, which were man-
ned not only with their full complement of feamen, but
with foldiers, that were engaged to ftay, and keep garri-
fon in the Indies, if occafion required : this third fqua-
dron was comxmanded by Paul van Careden. Soon after
two fhips of the firft of thefe three fquadrons, came home,
with a rich cargo of cloves and other fpices. Th-ey brought
advice, that admiral Vander Hagen would follow very
quickly; and accordingly he arrived in July, after hav-
ing taken feveral Spanifli and Portuguefe vefTels, pofl^eilcd
himfelf of the fort of Amboyna, demolifhed that of Ty-
dore, and, in a great meafure, diflodged thofe two nar
tions out of the Molucca iflands^ This expedition gave
rife to a difpute between the Dutch and the Englifli,
which laft favoured the , Spaniards, and, by fupplying
them with powder, enabled them to hold out longer.
Next Oftober three other veflels arrived in Holland, with
intelligence that Wybrandt van Waerwyck, being home-
ward-bound, was obliged to put in at the ifland of Mau-
rice, becaufe his ftiip was leaky, and that he had taken a
earrack at Patana. This admiral arrived in the fpring of
16C7 ; but, in the preceding winter, the company had
fent two fhips more, under the command of John Janfz
Moldie, who foon reduced the fort of Tydore ; the news
of which gave the company, and indeed the whole Dutch
e Sallengre EflTai d'une Hiftoire des Provinces-unies, p. 69.
1 Voyages de la Compagnie des Iiidcs Orientales, torn. v. p. 103.
nation,
the Butch in the Eafl Indies. 429
nation, very high fatisfa6):ion ; the monopoly of fpices be-
ing an obje£l they long had in view, and which they have
at length compafled s (T).
At this time a negociation was fet on foot for conclud- Their pru*
ing a peace between the republic and Spain, or, at lead, ^^»^ ^<^-
a truce for a confiderable number of years, which was be- A'"^-^'^^''
come a thing equally neceflary to both nations. Upon fg^^p^ace,
this occafion the Eaft India company took a wife and vi-
gorous ftep, equipping a fleet of thirteen large (hips at once,
under the command of admiral Verhoeven, that the world
might take notice, the States did not mean to give up this
trade. The Spanifh miniflers were, however, very warm
upon this head ; and fometimes went fo far as to declare,
that they could yield to nothing in this particular ^. On
the other hand, the company prefentcd feveral memo-
rials to the States General, fettjng forth what numbers of
perfons, of both fexes they employed and maintained ;
what immenfe fums had been brought in by their fales,
and how fair a profpe61: they had of extending their com-
merce, and augmenting their profits ; all which made
fuch an imprefTion on their High MightinefTes, that they
promifed never to abandon them. When, therefore, the
negociation was in danger of breaking upon this fingle
point, the States propofed, that one of thefe three expe-
^ Sallengre EfTai d'nne Hidoire des Provinces unies, p. 71.
^ AvertilTement a la Tete de Rccueii desVoyages de la Compagnie,
p. 39-
(T) It was at this juncture ed and admired at Madrid.
that their affairs in the Indies On the other hand, to fo great
were brought into a very cri- a degree are the eyes of all
tical fituation, fo that it feem- mankind dazzled by fuccefs,
ed to depend upon a fingle ac- that the Dutch aiFaIrs declin-
tion, whether they {hould be ing, the natives almoll every
able to maintain themfelvesin where declared in favour of *
the Indies, or not. While their old mafters, and would
Cornelius Matellef befteged have concurred very heartily
Malacca to no purpofe, Don in driving thefe new comers as
Pedro d*Acuna, in 1606, with fuddenly out as they came in,
a Spanllh fleet from the Phi- ifvidory had not once more
lipplnes, recovered the Mo- declared on their fide, and
luccas. Which conqueft, tho' thereby occafioned an altera-
it fcarce lafted a year, gave tion in the fentlments of the
occafion to Argenfola's hiftory; Indians in their favour (3)*
fo much was that a6lion eileem-
(3) Conqueltadc las Iflas MaJucas, lib. x.
dients
430 Conquefls, Settlements, and Difcovmes of
dients might be accepted ; firft, to allow of a free trade,
in general terms, under which this Ihould be comprehend-
ed ; fecondly, to permit it for a Hated number of years
certain ; and laftly, to regulate things in Europe, and to
leave matters beyond the tropic of Cancer to the decifion
of arms. The Spaniards finding from hence that nothing
was to be done, confented to a truce, and agreed not to dif-
turb the Dutch trade in the Indies with other nations ;
excluding them, however, from all the ports in their pof-
feffion ^
A nett) at' In the mean time the company went on, fending every
tempt for year frefh fquadrons to the .Indies ; and before the news
the ^(/'"'- of the truce reached that part of the world, they had made
north-eafi^ themfelves mafters of the ifland of Machaian, aud had
pajfage. difpofleiied the Spaniards of all the Molucca illands, ex-
cept Ternate. Yet feeling fome inconveniences from the
great length of the voyage, they were ftill very defirous of
finding fome fliorter paflage to the Indies ; with a view
to which they contrafted. In the year 1609, with a fa-
mous Englifli pilot, Henry Hudfon, who promifed them
great things in that relpe6l ; but performed nothing more
than attempting a paiTage firft by the north-eaft, and then
by the north-welt, in one voyage, without fuccefs in
either ^'. This was the fame perfon who, the year fol-
lowing, in the fervice of his own country, difcpvered that
famous bay, which ftill bears his name ; and in which,
by the malice of fome of his crew, he was expofed in an
open boat, and was either fwailowed by the waves, or
perifhed by hunger.
Some alte- The victories obtained by the Dutch fleets, in the In-
ration in dies, had already altered their dlfpofitlons, and taught
the com- them to exchange that modefty and moderation, which
Pj^^yf "^'* had fo highly recommended them to the potentates of the
manase- Eaft, for that haughty air and arbitrary temper, which had
mentof rendered the Portuguefe infupportable. They had, at
their af- this time, fifty ftiips, of the burden of eight hundred tons
fairs in the ^j. upwards, in this fervice, and were fo fecure of carry-
Inates. -^^ ^jj [^^f^j-g them, that they gave out, the war would be
carried on in that part of the world, whatever might be
llipulated In Europe : but things fuddenly changed. Don
Juan de Sylva, the Spanifh governor of the Philippines,
being informed that a Dutch fquadron, after having funk
a rich fhip upon the coaft of China, was cruifing at fome
1 Negotiations dePrefident Jeannin, p. 135; ^ Avertifle-
xncnt a la Tete de Recueil des Voyages dc la Compagnie, p. 40.
diftance
the Dutch in the Eajl Indies, 42 ^
diHance from Manilla, in hopes of intercepting the home-
tvard-bound fleet from Japan, fitted out immediately what
veflels were in his port, and having embarked the few re-
gular troops under his command, failed in queft of the
Dutch fquadron, which he attacked, and defeated ; ad-
miral Wittert, who commanded it, having his head fhot
off in the beginning of the action, in which three fhips
out of four were taken, with a confiderable number of
prifoners, and plunder to the value of two hundred thou-
fand crowns*.
Don Juan refolved to pufh his fuccefs to the utmoft, Don JutiH
and immediately attacked the Moluccas, where he met de Syiva
likewife with the fame good fortune. And ilow the Spa- *'l^°'^^'
niards, in their turns, pretended, that the peace was not ^^^l^as^from
to be obferved on the other fide the line. However, the Dutch.
when a Dutch fquadron, of thirteen fail, commanded by
admiral Peter Borth, arrived in thofe feas, things once
more altered their afpeft. The Englifh alfo in Ternate,
who had hitherto favoured the Spaniards, finding them
very infolent, upon this favourable turn of fortune, quitted
their party, and reconciled themfelves to the Dutch ".
An ambalfy was alfo fent, in the name of the prince of
Orange and the States, to the emperor of Japan, where,
through the folly of the Spanifh management, rather
than any great wifdom in their own, they procured all
their requefts to be granted ; when the Spanifli ambalTa-
dor was allowed an audience only to affront him, and was
fent away without any anfwer given to the propofals made
by him, as they were, to fpeak impartially, equally im-
pertinent and unreafonable. Both parties being in this
difpofition, the reader will eafily apprehend, that the truce
was but ill obferved on either fide ; the Dutch complain-
ing of breach of faith in the Spaniards, and the Spaniards
echoing the fame complaint again the Dutch, with an
equal degree of reafon on both fides " ; but it is now re-
quifite to fpeak. of their difputes with a third nation in
the Indies.
1 Argenfola Conquifta de las Iflas Malucas, lib. xii. ^ Sallengre
EiTai d'une Hiftoire des Provincts-unies, p. 73. " Hift. de la
Conquete des Ifles Moluques, torn, iii, p. 15*, 153.
SECT.
A 92 Conqueftsy Settlements^ and Bifcovertes of
SECT. rv.
ProjeB of eliaUifhing a South Sea Company , by Ifaac
k Mairey and his AJfociates ; and how they came to
fail Difputes with the Natives, and with the Eng*
liJJj, in the IJland of Java, Ihe Dutch expelled
from that IJland,
George HT H E dire£l:ors of the Dutch Eaft India company hav-
Spilber- ^ ing ftill very much at heart the making an effectual
gensvoj- voyage through the ftreights of Magellan to the Eaft
tie ^'luorld ^^^^^^^J ^^^^7 ^^ ^^ fpring of the year 1614, granted a
in the fer- commiffion, for this purpofe, to George Spilberg, or
<vice of the Spilbergen, a man of eftabHfhed reputation for his know-
Dutch Eaft lege \y^ maritime affairs ; and ordered fix fliips to be
^pt"^. ''"^' equipped for that purpofe j viz. the Great Sun, the Full
Moon, the Huntfman, a yatcht called the Sea Mevr, all
four from Amfterdam ; the iEolus, of Zealand ; and the
Morning Star, of Rotterdam. They vi^ere all equipped
in the beft manner poflible \ and the admiral had, in a
great meafure, the choice of his own officers ; M^hich, in
long voyages, is a thing of the utmoft confequence, in
order to prevent unneceffary difputes °. The Ihips were
ready a little after Midfummer ; but, the adiniral having
declared his opinion, that they fliould, in cafe they failed
then, arrive at an improper feafon in the ftreights of
Magellan, the directors thought proper to poftpone the
voyage till the month of Auguft j and on the 8th, the
fleet failed out of the Texel, with a ftrong gale at fouth-
eaft P. It was believed that the States General were alfo
concerned in this expedition ; the true defign of which
was, to examine, and, if a fair opportunity offered, to
weaken, the ftrength of the Spaniards in the South Seas,
and to make fome trial of the advantages which many
fpeculative people thought might refult from taking this
route to the Eaft Indies. The fleet very happily paffed
the ftreights, engaged, defeated, and deftroyed, the Spa-
nifh navy in the South Seas ; and, after a Ihort and pro-
fperous navigation, arrived on the coafts of Java, after
vifiting and fupplying the Dutch fettJements in the Mo-
luccas.
o Sallengre Eflai d*une Hiftoire des Provinces-unies, p. 73;
P Voyages de la Compagnie des Indes Oiientales, torn. viii. p. i.
A very
the butch in the Kqft Indies; * ^^^
A very little time J.fter this fleet put to fea, a new pro- TTie frojeSi
ydX was formed in Holland, for fupplanting, in fome °^^f^^^ ^'
meafure, the Eaft India company; fo at leaft, that company fj^^^-/'^^
would have it underftood, though the parties concerned ^'^^^^^ ^^^
afhrmed the dire61: contrary. Ifaac le Maire, a rich mer- company in
chant, was the author of the proje<fi, and William Cor- Holland.
iielifon Schouten, an able and experienced feaman, who
had made three voyages to the Indies, the perfon who un-
dertook to carry it into execution. Their true defign
"was to difcover the unknown fouthern continent, and
iflands, by fome other paliage than that of the freights
of Magellan ; believing, that as thofe fEreights were
named in the EaR India company's charter, fo, if they
could find another paiTage into, and out of, the South
Seas, they fliould do an acceptable fervice to their country,
without incurring any of the penalties threatened to fuch
as iliould interfere with the trade granted to that com-
pany °'. Several rich merchants joined wirh them in thia
cnteprize ; and two fhips being fitted out, the command
was given to Schouten, and the diredtion of the trade to
James le Maire, a young man of great courage and ca^
pacity. They failed from the Texel, June the 24th, 1615,
pafled through thofe ftreights between Cape Horn and
States Ifland, which have fince born the name of Le
Maire ; and, after making many important difcoveries,
agreeable to their own projeft, found themfelves under »
necefFity of returning by the Eaft Indies, where, putting
into a port of the ifland of Java, their vefl^el was confif-
cated by the Dutch Eaft India company, and both Schouten
and Le Maire were fent home prifoners, on board of the
fleet of George Spilbergen, in which paflage James le
Maire died '".
In the years t6i8 and 1619, the company had very-
good fortune ; for they received from the Indies, at fe-
veral times, no fewer than ten fliips, with rich cargoes,
valued at fix or feven millions. This new and extraordi-
nary fuccefs infpired them with frelh coufage, not only in
refilling the attempts of the Spaniards, but in concerting
their ruin, by way of reprifal ; a defign which was car-
ried a great way, by the diligence and refolution of Lau-
rence Reael, a very knowing and prudent man, who
ferved nine years in the Indies, where the company ho-
q Voyages de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales, torn. viij.
p, 115. f Saliengre Eflai d*une Hiftojre des Provinces-
unies, p. 74.
Mo D. Vol. VIII. f f noured
A^ Conqiiejhy Settlements^ and Jblfcoverks of
noured him with the moQ. confiderable poft, and then he
returned to Holland '. By this time, the abufes, and un-
warrantable pra6licesi relating to the fale of the company's
itock, began to revive •, upon which the States found
themfelves obliged to renew the placard of 1610, with a
few amendments, fuitable to the circumftances of the
time, and the artifices, which, to elude former provifions,
had been newly invented.
*fkeirjari It is eafy to perceive, from thefe particulars, whicli are
in the In- all taken from Dutch authors, that the company had all the
dies iviifi favour and countenance fliewn them, by the States Gene-
ihe fer- ^.^j^ ^^y^x could be de fired j fo that whatever they alked
the EngliOi was granted, whatever they called a grievanee removed^
companyy and whatever narratives they publiflied of their tranfac-
and confe- tions in the Indies, were received, and infiRed upon, as
^TT%r^ authentic j yet, from the time they became powerful in
^tutes. '^^^ P^^'^ °^ ^^^ workl, they had been continually picking
quarrels with the Englilh ^ notwithftanding the many
obligations they owed them, and that the firft pilots they
carried out in thefe long voyages were of this nation *.
The captains, and other fervants, of the Englifh company^
employed their time chiefly in trade, and in procuring
as quick ladings as might be for the ihips of their mafters^
but the Dutch following the exam.ple of the Portuguefey
took pains to ereft, in the mcft convenient places, ftrong.
fortreiTcs, well furnifhed with cannon, military (lores,
and competent garrifons ". As- th'sir power increafed,
their pride augmented ; and they could not bear to fee the
Englifli beloved by the natives, and trading with them^
without making ufe of force ; fo that, prompted partly
by avarice, partly by ambition, they often hindered, and
fometimes oppreiTed them. The Englifti company, as we
have ihewn in its proper place, applied to king James
for redrefs ; upon which two treaties were itt on foot in
Holland, for compromifmg thefe differences, but without
fuccefs*, and though,, at length, in the year 1619, a treaty
was concluded, by which the concerns both of the Englifli-
and Dutch company were regulated, and certain meafurcs
agreed upon for preventing new difputes, yet this had
very little effeft. The Diitch, foon after, making them
fenfible of their fuperiority, treating their Complaints
with contempt, and aggravating the fufferings of the
company's fervants, by telling them, they had abetter
» Sallengre Eflai d'une Hiftoire desProvinces-unies,p. 75. » Har-
ris's Voyages, vol. i. p. 37. « Conqucte des Ifles Moluques, toift.
iii p. i9>
ill-
the Dutch m the Eafi Indies. 43^
snterefl than they at the Englifh court ; and that, while
they had plenty of money in Holland, they knew very
well how to make, or purchafe, friends in England w.
When the Dutch firft vifited the Coafts of Java, they
found, on the north fide, a commodious port, with a ^fuccinSt
town adjacent, then called Kalappa, but, about the year ^/"^''^^^ 9f
1607, ^^ inhabitants changed that name for Jacatra. It ^^^^yj^"^.'^
was built, according to the manner of that country, with of ^hich
2, pretty good wall, compofed of rough, red, and durable Bata'vicr
ftones, but indifferently put together; the houfes were "^^-^ ^Z^^'*
built with a fort of reeds, each furrounded with wooden T^^'T.
pales. Though it was far from being large, or populous,
yet it had a king, as well as the reft of the towns upon
the coaft. The palace of this monarch, none of the moft
fplendid, and yet, the foil and climate confidered, con-
venient enopgh, and not contemptible, was built of canes.
His power was fmall, and his wealth not great *, notwith-
ftanding which, he endeavoured to make a figure in war,
as well as trade. His maritime force confided in four
large gallies, in the bottom of which fat the rowers, and
on the decks ftood the foldiers ; and as for his commerce,,
it confifted entirely in the fale of the little pepper his
fmall territory produced*. The Eaft India company con*
traced with him for the whole ; but, either finding him
guilty, or fufpe£ling him, of breach of faith, they
thought proper to build a fort, to keep him in awe. This
enterprife gave fome umbrage to the Englifh, who corref*
ponded likewife with the people of Jacatra ; and this jea-
loufy betv/een the two nations broke out, before it was
long, into an open war ^. Their fleets, to end the difpiite,
engaged, at a fmall diftance from the port, and fotight
gallantly for feveral hours, till at length the Dutch, who,
as they fay, were much inferior In force, were thoroughly
beaten, retired to Amboyna, in order to refit, and pro-
cure a reinforcement. Moved by this event, Vidark
Rama, king of Jacatra, Immediately renounced his treaty
with the vanquiflied, and entered into a clofe and folemn
aUiance with the Englifh ; but our writers affirm, that he
made a treaty with them long before that with the Dutch ^
At this time the Dutch had two fortreffes in the neigh- ^P°^ ^^'
bourhood of the town, one on the fouth fide, called the j-^^lj °[r
Lodge of NaflTau ; the other on the north, which they ^ ^^^ ^^y^,
irjh- the
w Hiftoire de la Conquete des Ifles Moluques, torn. iii. p. liS^ former re-
« Neuville Hift. van Holl. i deel. p. aoi. y Hiftoire de la Con- ii:ejtod4L'
quete des Ifles Moluques, torn. iii. p. 195. » Puichas's Pilgriras, bojndi
vol. it p. 676.
F f a called
/
^o6 ConqueJlSy Settlements, and Dlfcoverles of
called Fort Maurice, newly built, but not entirely finiflie^.
Thefe were neither of them very ftrong, and the latter
had but feven pieces of cannon, with a garrifon of two
hundred and forty men, fourfcoreof which were Negroes*
On the other hand, the town of Jacatra was v/eii providet^;
and, upon an eminence in the middle of it, the Englifli
had a magazine, tolerably well fortified, with a confider-
able number of heavy cannon. Thefe they employed to
fire upon the Dutch forts, and the natives followed their
example *. The Dutch, looking upon thefe hoftilities as a
declaration of war, made a vigorous fally, burnt the
Chinefe quaiter, made themfelves mailers of the Engliih
poft, and blew up their magazine. The Englifli fleet,
under the command of Sir Thomas Dale, coming at this
junOiure, before Jacatra, John Peter Koen, the Dutch
commodore, found it requifite to put t© fea, with feven
fail of (hips, which was all he had j whereas the Englifh
fquadron was compofed of eleven. They fired upon each
other, on New-year's -day 1619 ; but the Dutch finding
the difpute a little unequal, retired to Amboyna, leaving
the Englifh in the port of Jacatra •, where they were
joined by feven fliips more, and by a body of four thoufand
auxiliaries frOm jpantam, which is but fifteen leagues
diftant ^
^he Dutch By this time, the Dutch fort Maurice was in a manner
governor complete, with four good baflions, well fupplied with ar-
of Fort tillery •, fo that Peter Vanden Broecke, who commanded
Maurice \m\iQ abfence of commodore Koen, though befieged by
by the k.ng ^^J^^ and fea, thought himfelf in a condition to make a
of Jacatra, good refiftance. He began with thundering upon the
and made town of Jacatra ; which had fo good an effect, that the
^rifoner. \iir\a immediately defired to treat *, and at length agreed to
pay eight thoufand patacons, in order to purchafe peace.
This being concluded, he prevailed upon the Dutch go-
vernor to pay him a vifit**^. After a fhort conference, he
felzcd, and threw him into prifon, where he threatened
him with death, if he did not order the fort to furrender.
He went ftill farther, he carried him, with a cord about
his neck, under the walls of the Dutch fort, and bid him
give his orders •, which he did, to thofe who were within
hearing, to defend themfelves to the lad man ; upon which
the king carried him to prifon. Sir Thomas Dale then en^
a Voyages de la Compagnie des Indes OrientJiles, torn. vii. p. 509.
fc Neuville Hift. van HoU. i deel. p. 101. Voyages de la Com-
pagnie des Indes Onentales, torn. vii. p« 541.
tcrcd
the Dutch in the Eaft Indies, 35^
tcred into a treaty with the people of the fort ; and they,
being almoft without powder, agreed upon a capitulation ; ^
by which the place, with the artillery and ammunition,
was to be given up to the Englifli, and all the merchandize
and effe6ls therein to the king of Jacatra ''. But at the
very inftant that this fiiould have been carried into execu-»
tionj a new and very unexpected fcene opened, which en-
tirely changed the face of affairs.
The Dutch governor found means to fend a mefienger AJa^va^
to Bantam j who reprefented to the governor of that place, nefe gene*
how advantageous it might be to him, if he became his, ^^^f^om
inftead of remaining prifoner to the king of Jacatra, or the ^^^^^^
Englifh ; that propofition was accepted, as foon as made, jacatra,
and an officer, with two thoufand men, detached, to take anddepofes
Vanden Broecke out of the hands of king Rama. That '^^^ ^^^^»
officer coming to Jacatra, demanded audience of the king ; ""^■'^ -^'^^^
when, without ceremony, he clapped a dagger to his
throat, and bid him divell himfelf of all enfigns of royalty,
if he defired to efcape with his life. The poor prince com-
plied without hefitation, fled, with his family, into the
heart of the country, and getting from thence on the other
fide of the ifland, earned his bread as well as he could,
for many years after, in the humble condition of a fiflier-
man. The Bantamefe immediately quartered themfelves
about Fort Maurice, to which Peter Vanden Broecke re-
turned, and the war broke out afrefh j but, with the af»
fiftance of their new allies, the Dutch found themfelves in
a condition to defend the fort, till they could be relieved.
Vanden Broecke, before he went to Bantam, which he
was obliged to do, in virtue of his promife, changed the
name of the fortj-efg tp B^tayia, which b? infcribed over
the gate %
«i Purchases Pilgrims, vol. \. p. 656, « Voyages ^le I^
Cpmpagnie, ton), vii. p. 548.
Ff3 SECT,
43^
Conqueftsy Settlements^ and Difcover'tes^ of
SECT.
V.
The Du'ch
affairs re-
Jiort'd by
John Pe-
terfcn
Koen, and
Jacatra
Juh've.rted
and de-
frojied.
Immed'f
^tely after
'whichy the
gO'vernor-
general
Koen lays
out the new
^ty of Bar
^avia.
^helr jiffairs refiored in Java^ Foundation of the City
of Batavia^ zvh'ich becomes the Capital of their Set-
. tlements. Cruel Ufage of the Englijb at Amboyna^
Batcivia twice befteged, and gallantly defended. Speedi^
ly repaired, vajtly augmented, and rendered the j aire fh
andjtrongejt City in the Indies.
r\^ the 25th day of March, commodore Koen arrived
^■^^ in the road, with a fleet of feventeen fail, and a con-i
fiderable body of troops on board. Next day, he landed
twelve hundred men, took, ravaged, and entirely deilroy-^
ed the town of Jacatr^ ; and, at the fame time, either dif-?
liking the liberty that Van den Broecke had taken, or hav-
ing already laid the plan of what he afterwards executed,
he can fed the word Batavia to be defaced, He next march^
ed with all his forces to Bantam, and, as foon as he came
before the place, fignified to the governor, he expedled
that Peter Vanden Broecke, and feventy other prisoners,
fhould be immediately fet at liberty. The governor being
in no condition to refift, thought it bell to comply; and
the Dutch commander, having done what he propofedj
marched back again to Fort Maurice ^ The Englifli had^
by this time, reimbarked their artillery, and failed away i
and peace being concluded between the two companies,
was proclaimed on the 9th of June.
The next day, Koen ordered a new city to be laid out,
comprehending both the forts NaiTau and Maurice. The
flreets were drawn ftrait, and very fpacious, with commo-
dious canals of running water, planted with trees, the
fhade of which might be enjoyed by thofe who pafled back-?
wards and forwards in boats, which advantage was derived
from two fine rivers, one running through the city, and the
other encompafling its walls, A ftrong citadel, being a
fquare regularly fortified, was ere6led on the eaft, and a
fifth ballion added, to cover the bridge that leads into the
city. The place itfelf alfo was quickly put into a flate of
fccurity, and, by degrees, environed with a thick brick
wall, defended by eighteen baftions, at proper diftances.
To this noble and commodious place, John Peterfon Koen,
\j whofc dircdlion the foundations were laid, guve the
( l^euville Hift. Van HoU, i 4eel. p. 295.
^.a^i?
th Dutch in the Eafi Indies, 450
name of Batavia^ and declared it the capital of the Dutch
fcttlements, though .then very inconfiderable in point of
Itrength and beauty to what it now is, as thofe fcttle-
ments were in a manner nothing in comparifon of what
they now are 2. But his choice in this refped: was fo juil,
his plan fo well contrived, and every thing throve fo faiT
under his care, that future governors have on]y executed
his project, and carried as well the city of Batavia as the
Dutch empire in the indies, to that magnificence and ex-
tent, of which he feemed to have a previous conception.
Thus, within the firft term granted to the Eafl India
company, (he faw the outlines drawn of that greatnefs,
which hath fince ailonifhed both Afia and Europe *.
The news of this eftablifhment could not but be very P^jVcy of
welcome to thofe who had the direction of the company's the Eafi Irf
affairs in Holland, and were very defirous that fome ac- ^'^ ^^-"'y;
quifitions might be made in the Indies, where they might rope^\s ^"
raife magazines, keep up a eonftant military force, and nveUasihi
the face of a regular civil governm.ent, without which they Indies*' "'
knew it was impollible they (hould fupplant the Portuguefe
in thofe parts, fince they were well allured, that the luftre
of the viceroy's court, and the luxuries of the city of
Goa, enchanted t\\Q Oriental nations, and kept them in a
eonftant ftate of dependence. They rcfolved, therefore,
to improve this circumllance, and to raife Batavia ta a de-
gree of fplendor and magnificence. But it was not only
the Chinefe, the Japanefe, and the Indians, they judged
it neceffary to amufe ; on the contrary, they found play-
ing off the fame fcheme very requifite at hom.e. They had
befoie caufed an ambaflador from the king of Siam to b6
introduced to the prince of Orange with great pomp and
ceremony j and now they brought over five young princes,
as they were ftyled, to be educated in Holland ; of thefe
Don Andreas de Coftano was the fon of the king of Soyan,
and Don Marcus of the king of Kielan, both in the illand
of Amboyna \ though fome writers, either through igno-
rance, or, which is much more propable, with a defign of
magnifying the power of the company at this juncture,
thought fit to llyle thefe the fons of the kings of Siam and
Ceylon. The other three were perfons of lefs confidera-
tion '. The two young princes brought each of them a
letter from his father to prince Maurice, who received
s Relation de la Ville de Batavia, par Nicolas de Graaf,
*» Hiiloire Metallique des Pays Bays, par Gerard Vanloon, torn,
\\. p. 294, * Baudart, lib. xiii. p, 40.
F f 4 , them
4^0 Conqueftsy Settlements^ and Di/coveries of
them very gracioufly, and ordered due care to be taken o$
their education. This artful management had a double
efFed ; for as it recommended the intereils of the com-
pany very ftrongly to the prince, vt^ho, with many great
virtues, had a tincture of vanity, fo it lerved to confirm in
the Indies the notion they had fpread of a king of Hol-
land; which was very requifite amongft nations who had
very high fentiments of monarchy, and fcarce any idea
that there could be another fort of government. By thefe
, methocis they obtained from the States General edift af-
ter edicl in their favour, and all the advantages and af-
iiitanee that they could defire ''.
By ivnkh In the fpring of the year 1622, two fhips richly ladeu
they pro- returned tO Holland, with news that the war was Hill car-
cure thir j-jgj Qj-^ jjj Java, as well as againft the Spaniards in the
teVeneZd Moluccas, and in the Manillas ; and that the iHand of
hy the Banda was again recovered, which had been taken from
States Ce- them by the laft mentioned nation ; as alfo that the laft
neral, flggt from Holland arrived there fafely in four months and
three days ^ This favourable intelHgence came very fea-
fonably, as the company was now foliciting for a new
charter. In this they met with fome oppofition ; for, in
the firft place, the proprietors were difiatisfied, as appre^
hending they had not a full fliare of the profits ; and, to
ilill this clamour, the directors were obliged to make a di-
vidend in cloves, of twenty-five per cent. On the other
hand, there wanted not fome who fuggefted, that the ex^.
clufive privilege they enjoyed was detrimental to the fub-r
je6ls of the republic in general ; and that the commerce of
the Indies would bring far more money into the United
Provinces if it was laid open. In anfwer to this afTertion,
the friends of the company alleged, that it was not only a
very imprudent, but a very dangerous thing, to put cout
jedlures in balance with fafts *, that the company, in the
fpace of twenty-one years, had divided four hundred and
' fifty per cent, upon their capital, vt^hich amounted to near
thirty millions of florins, befides the immenfe fums they
had laid out in building and equipping (hips, military and
naval ftores, feamen and foldiers pay, merchandize which
they exported, and other things almofl beyond the reach
of calculation ^ *, to which if they had added a clear ac-
(:ount of the co^npany's flock, it would h^ve ^one much
* Avertiflenient a la Ttte de Recueil des Voyages de la Com-
pagnie, p. 45. ' E-nanuel Meteren Hiltoire de Pays-bas.,
3ib. xxviii. m Sallcngre Eflai d'une Hiltoire des Province?-
the Butch in the Eaft Indies > 4^1
credit to their management ; but this, for many reafons,
it was thought prudent to conceal. However, upon thefe
allegations, in confequence of their great credit with prince
Maurice and the States, and refpe£l being had to the war's
breaking out again with Spain, their demand was compli-
ed with ; and a new charter, dated December the 22d,
1622, was granted them for the farther term of twenty-
one years, to commence from the firfl day of the fucceed-
jng year ".
By the next fhips from the Indies they had a full ac- AJhort
count of what had been done at Amboyna, where, under '^^^'^ °f^^^
pretence of a confpiracy againll the Dutch governm.ent by J^JtsI/a^'
Mr. Gabriel Towerfon, and others, they feized, tortured, boynay and
and put them to death \ which rigorous and extraordinary proofs from
proceeding was not at firil openly divulged in Holland, ^«'<^^
where it was only faid that there had been fome commo- '"^^^^^^^'
tions in iVmboyna, which, by the vigilance and prudence
of the governor, had been totally extinguifhed ° : but when
the whole affair began to take air, and make a noife in the
world, they were forced to publifh defences of their ov/n
conduct, in which they allege, that the confpiracy being
deep and dangerous, the governor of Amboyna was ob-
liged to take the mofl expeditious and effeftual methods ;
and after examining and convi<Sl:ing the criminals, as well
by their own confeflion as by witnelles, to proceed to exe-
cution : but it was impoffible to juftify this fa£l to impar-
tial enquirers, or even to palliate it, fince it was felf-evi-
dent that the Dutch were very powerful in thofe parts, and
the Enghfli very weak, fo that there was no neceffity for
proceeding fo haftily to the lafl: extremities, and yet ne-
ceiFity was their only plea. It was inconfiftent with the
treaty concluded between the two companies, by which
a joint council of defence was erefted at Batavia, that
ought to have had cognizance of this matter p. The fame
kind of arguments had been urged in fupport of former
a£ls of violence ; and yet, by the late treaty, they con-
fented to pay a very large fum of money, which they never
w^ould have done in their own wrong •, and after doing
this, in fo fhort a fpace as four years, to commit a new
a6l of violence, far exceeding all that was paft, and to
avail themfelves of that acl: to difpoflefs the Englilli en-
tirely of their trade in the fpice iflands, to which they had
n Leo Van Aitzema Taken van ftaet en oorlogh, torn. i. p. 159.
Hiltoire de la Conqnefe des Ifles Moluques, torn. iii. p. 225.
p See the Reply of the Eaft India Company to the Dutch Account
pf the Affair at Amboyna.
as
442 Conquejts^ Settlements^ and Dlfcovertes of
as good a title as the Dutch, and for their own enjoyment
of which the Dutch flood indebted to them for their af*
fiflance, was contrary to the rules of natural equity, and
to the law of nations ^. But notwithftanding all this, what
between the intereft of the Prince of Orange at the Eng^
lifti court, the friends made there by the Dutch Eaft India
company, and the influence the States General had over
fome, who at that juncture took upon themfelves the title
of patriots % this affair was for the prefent llifled, to the
great difhonour of both nations, to the irreparable lofs of
the Englifh Eaft India company, and to the fatal over-
throw of that fincere and cordial correfpondence which
had fo long fubfifted between the proteftant and maritime
powers.
The yiajfau After long and mature deliberation, the States General
pet fail determined to attempt another expedition into the South
■^J° '^^ Seas by the ftreights of Le Majre, with an intention to
ihentolhe "^^^^ ^ fettlement in Chili or Peru, or to ftrike fuch a
J^ajl i»- blow as fhould fpread terror and confufion through the
^tefp whole extent of the Spanifli dominions in America ; after
which their fleet might fail to the Eaft Indies, and give
fuch afljftance to the company as the ft ate of her afl^airs
fhould demand. In order to execute thefe great views,
the admiralties of Amfterdam, Zealand, Holland, and
Weft Friezland, equipped a fleet of eleven fail of large
ihips, having upwards of one thoufand mariners on board,
befides fix hundred regular troops, and carrying in the
^ whole three hundred pieces of cannon '. To the large ex-
pences which fuch an armament demanded, the company
liberally contributed, as did prince Maurice, who was the
great patron of the expedition, in honour of whom this \%
generally ftyled the Nafl'au fleet ^ April 29, 1623, this
great force failed under the command of James Le Her-r
mite, entered the ftreights of Le Maire on the 2d of
February following, and on the I oth of May came before
the port of Lima, which they attacked, and did incredible
mifchief to the Spaniards, though without any advantage
to themfelves ; and much the fame fate attended the reft
of their attempts in the South Seas, where their admiral
died. Thefe difappointments ftiarpened their refentment^
to fuch a degree, that upon the Spanifli viceroy's refufing
Xo ranfom their prifoners, they made no fcruple of hang*
q Harris Voyages, vol. i. p. 855. ' Hiftoire de la Conqiiefe
deslfles Moluques,tom.iii. p.238. » Neuvillc Hid van Hol-
lander I deel, lib. v. « Voyages de U Compagnie des Indeq
Pfi^iitales, toqi, ix. p. i,
H
the Dutch in the Eajl Indies. 4^j
ing them up at the yard-arm, an a£lion defervedly con-
d^emned by all Vv'ho mention it. They proceeded next to
Acapuico •, from whence, towards the clofe of the year,
they failed for the Eaft Indies, where, upon their arrival,
the fleet fcparated, and did the company confiderable fer-
vice ; though taking it altogether, this bufinefs was very
far from anfwering the great expectations which it had
raifed. By the help of fo itrong a reinforcement the com^
pany's affairs were very much mended, the Portuguefe
every-where diftrefled, and the communication between
their colonies much interrupted ; all which circumftances
had a ftrong effect upon the minds of the Indian nations,
and, as it was natural, taught them to flight the declining,
and to court the rifing power ",
By thefe \^ife and prudent meafures, and by the per- Surprifim
petual attention of their directors to whatever might con- juccefs of
duce to the company's advantage, their commerce at this '^^ ^''^'»
time fiourifhed fo much, that they were obliged to enlarge ^^^»
the number of their fhips every year ; and the company
being fenfible their profperity was chiefly owing to the
good conduCl of their admirals and commanders in chief,
folicited John Paterfon Koen to make a fecond voyage to
the Indies in quality of governor-general : he accepted the
commiflion, and put to fea in April, 1627, foon after the
Rotterdam came home, and was followed by four other
vefl^els, under the command of John William Verfchoer,
The rich cargo of thefe fhips was fcarce unloaded, when
Adrian Block Martfen was ready to fail with a fquadron
of eleven fhips ^. He put to fea in OcSlober, and lofl two
of his fhips in a florm, but faved the men and the cargoes.
In the fame month of October, John Karflenfz of Embden
brought with him fafe into the Texel three fhips laden at
Surat : in his pafTage he had been obliged to put in at
Portfmouth, where an embargo was laid upon his fhips
forfome time. In June, 1628, five other fhips came home
under the fieur Carpenter, who had been the company's
general io the Indies j and the cargoes of thefe fhips were as
valuable as the former. Notwithflanding thefe lucky ad-
ventures, the company were perplexed by fome crofs ac-
cidents, which were very detrimental to their affairs, ocr
cafioned by feveral political difputes in which the Repub^
lie was engaged ^^
u AvertiflTement dcs Voyages de la Compagnie, p. 48. w Lq
Clerc, Hirtoire des Piovinces-unies, torn. ii. p 97. x AvertifTe-
^j?nl a la T4te de Recueil des Voyages de la Compagnie, p. 50.
The
444
IkUafures
furjued to
froteil the
hemeivard
hound
fpiaUrons,
Account of
ike difcQ-
•venes
made in tfie
Jouikem
t»atw£fit,
ttnd ly
Conquejls^ Settlements^ and Difcoveries of
The Englifh Hopped their fhlps as often as they thought
proper, and the Dunkirk privateers never failed to give
them chace. Thefe hoftilities obliged them to refolve up-
on fitting out a ftrong fquadron every year, which was
employed in the German Ocean, to cruife for their home-
ward-bound fhips, and conduft them fafe to their ports.
The firft fquadron thus Rationed was commanded by John
Dierkfz Lam j and upon his approach the Dunkirk pri-
vateers retired. Soon after a fquadron of eleven fliips
failed for India in Odober, under the command of James
Specks, accompanied by John Valbeck, a famous mathe-
matician. On the other hand, the company had by the
Viana the unwelcome news that they failed from Batavia
the foregoing January, in hopes to pafs the ftreight of
Baly in time ; but being difappointed, they ran afhore in
the latitude of 21 deg. upon the fouth-fide of the Terra
Auftralis, and were obliged to throw over-board a great
quantity of their rich effecSts, and fo got afloat again, yet
not without great difficulty and danger. In their paiTage
they fell in with Block's fquadron, which had likewife met
with very ftormy weather. By this (hip they had notice,
that the people of Java had formed a confpiracy to aflaf..
iinate John Paterfon Koen, which was difcovered by a
poor Chinefe boy, and thereby the execution of that de-.
teHable defign was entirely defeated y.
It was within this period that mod of thofe great dif-
coveries were made by the Dutch officers pn the fouthern
continent, which are depi6led in the fiadtrhoufe of Am^
fterdam. The large country of Carpentaria, now better
known by the name of New Holland, was fo called from
general Carpenter, who difcovered it in 1628. The
weftern part of the fame country, which lies to the fouth
of Java, was difcovered the fame year, and from the name
of the commodore was ftyled De Witt's Land : but all the
fouthern coaft lying towards that feji which feparates thisi
continent from that clofe to the fouth pole, was difcover-
ed in January, 1627, by Peter de Nuyts, of whom we
fhall have occafion to fpeak at large, and who had thereby
an opportunity of bellowing his name on one of the fineft
countries in the world*. All thefe difcoveries, together
with a juft report of their affairs, the company received
from general Carpenter ; and upon his return it was thafe
the dire£lors refolyed to fend a fcjuadron of eleve.n fail in^,
y Avertiflement a la Tete de Recuell des Voyages de la Com-
Pf»fnie,p, 50, » Nciuville Hift, van HoUande, \ deel. liv. vi.
the Jbutch in the Eajl Indies. 445
to tliofe parts, under the command of commodore Francis
Pelfar't^ It may not be amifs to obferve, that while the
company was doing all thefe great things, their own coun-
try was torn with civil difleniions •, fo that if the trade of
the Indies had not been under a direction diflincl from
that of the civil government, it is fimply impoffible that
they fhould have fucceeded as they did, or brought fiich
advantage to the Dutch nation, at lead fo their directors
infinuated when a renewal of their charter came to be fo-
licited.
Yet wc are now advanced to a point of time, when, if Batavia
there had been a force fuflicient in the ifiand of Java, the t'wicebt^
Dutch power would have met with a fevere fliock. This J-^J^^^ hf
was owing to the envy and refentment of the emperor of p^^^^ ~r
that ifland, who with indefatigable pains drew together "i^n Java, and
army of two hundred thoufand men, which, under the g<iUant}y
command of one of the principal lords of his court, he <^^.Unded by
fent to inveft Batavia. This fiege, or rather blockade, con- ^i^^^H^^
tinued fome months ; and though the Javanefe aftually
difcovered great refolution, and expofed themfelves as
much as their officers could defire, yet it was to no pur-
pofe, for the Dutch works were too ftrong for them to
make any imprefTion upon ; fo that after the lofs of a valt
number of men, they were obliged to retire ^ The prinqe
of Madura, which is a fmall ifland at a very little diftance
from Java, fuggefted to the emperor, that this difappolnt-
ment muft be owing to the bad behaviour of his general,
who with a third lefs force m.ight have eanly reduced that
place, if he had been a man of capacity. The emperor re-
folving to put that affair to the trial, raifed a frelh army
of one hundred and fifty thoufand men, of which he gave
the prince of Madura the comm.and, notwithftanding he
went in perfon to the fiege. They came before the citadel
of Batavia, Auguft the 22d, 1629, and in the fpacc of a
month made feveral aflaults, that ferved only to diminifii
their own forces, of v/hich they loft fo many, that their
bodies choaked up and corrupted the river, and the flench
fpread an epidemic difeafe through the camp, and in the
place. At length finding his army almoft dwindled to no-
thing in comparifon of what it was, the emperor having
firft maflacred the prince of Madura, and about eight
hundred, of his men, raifed the ficgeon the 2d of 0<Slober,
with much greater lofs both in reipeft to honour, and of
a Harris Voyages, vol. i, p. 320. ^ Neuvilie Hift. van Hol-
lander I deck iiv. vii.
his
44^ Conquejis^ Settlements, and Difcdi^erles of
Iiis troops, than he had fuftained in the former ^, It wa»
towards the clofe of this fiege that the governor-general
John Peterfon Koen, who with great courage and con-
du6l had defended the place, ended his hife, and was in-
terred with the greatefl folemnity* James Specks was
appointed provifionally governor, who caufed the river
and canals to be cleanfed, and in a furprifing fhort fpace
of time reftored every thing to its original condition, by
which he did the company good fervice, and highly raifed
his own reputation.
SECT. VI.
The Intercourfe and Dtfputes of the Dutch with the Ja-^
panefe, to whom they are conjlrained to deliver up
Peter Nttyts^ their Governor at Formofa : unexpeBed
good Confequences of this /^6l of Subm'ijfion, which en-
abled them to fix their Commerce with that Nation^ .
Some ac-
1 N the year 1630, Peter Vander Broecke, who had been
tount oftfie -* long in India, and was the firfl who carried the Dutch
■^^'^ veflels into the Red Sea, and the adjacent countries, re-
fa the Red ^^^^^^ home. He failed with feven fhips, the cargoes of
Stay and which were valued at eight millions, yet he brought home
thtempire but fix, one being loft by fire under the Azores iflands,
•f Japan, and the other ftraggled from the fleet ; however, the laft
went round by Ireland, and at length came home fafe.
Broecke acquainted the company, that General Koen died
fuddenly two days before the arrival of James Specks, who
a£led as general by way of provifion. Anthony Van
Diemen returned in the year 1631, with feven vefiels,
which brought the company incredible treafures "*. Thefe
mighty advantages enabled them to profecute their de-
figns to their utmoft extent, to enlarge their commerce in
the Indies by every method poflible, fometimes making
ufe of force, and fometimes of fair means, to compafs
their ends, and to fecure to themfelves the largeft fhare of
trade, which, by experience, they found of fuch won^
derfui concern. They began likewife to entertain fome
hopes of ingrofling entirely the lucrative trade of Japan, a
notion which they had conceived from their firft entrance
into that empire, and with a view to which they had from
« Voyage de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales, torn. ix. p. 139,
* AvertifTement a la Tcte de Rccueil de Voyage dcs la Compagnie,
P53«
time
ih Butch hi the Eajl Indies* 447
time to time taken feveral fteps to ingratiate tliemfelves at
the court of the emperor, and to perfuade his minillers
that they were an humble, peaceable, well-difpored people,
who had nothing in view but difpofing of their goods and
manufa£lures, and who thought themfelves obliged in gra-
titude to promote the welfare and profperity of a country,
where they had been fo kindly received, and fo well enter-
tained ; and for the government of which, on that account,
they had the highefl veneration and efteem. Profeffions
which were fo well received, that when the Portuguefe
were fliut up in that little ifland which the Dutch now in-
habit, this laft nation had the port of Firando given them,
and were treated with very particular marks of confidence
and favour, which induced them to have a good opinion
of their own negociations '^.
Before we leave this place, it is neceffary to give the P^ter NuyU
reader an account of a very extraordinary tranfa6lion which appointed
happened at this time between the Taponefe and the Dutch, ^^'f^Jf^'^'^
1 -1 r ' ■ r \.-L ^ T ' to thi court
which, from its importance, from the extraordinary cir- of Japan,
cumftances that attend it, and more efpecially as it affords ami after^
us the bell pi6lure polhble of both nations, claims a part 'ivarc/sgo-
in this hiftory. Mr. Peter Nuyts, who arrived in Batavia p^''"°^'' ^^
from Holland in 1627, was appointed the fame year, by ^^'"^■'^
the governor and council of Batavia, ambafTador to the
emperor of Japan ^ He repaired to that empire in 1628 ;
and, being a man of a haughty difpofition, and extremely
vain, he believed it practicable to pafs upon the natives for
an ambalTador from the king of Holland. Upon his afTum.-
ing this title he was much more honourably received,
carefled, and refpedled, than former minifters had been.
But he was foon detected, reprimanded, and reproached in
the fevereft manner, fent back to the port, znd ordered to
return to Batavia with all the circumflances of difgrace
imaginable *" -, notwithilanding which, his intereft was fo
great, that, inllead of being puniflied as he deferved, he
was immediately afterwards promoted to the government
of the ifland of Formofa, of which he took poffeffion the
year following s.
He entered upon the admlniftratlon of affairs in that Caaf/;s fvm
ifland with the fame difpofition that he had fhewn while ^^''S^ '^<- .
ambafl^ador, and with the moft implacable refentment ■y':' ^^ f
againft the Japanefe 5 neither was it long before an oppor- ^^^ pg^t of
. that iflanif
d P. Charlevoix Hiftoire du Japon, torn. ii. p. 326, e Voy- belonging
ages de Chardin, torn iii. p. 229. *" P. Charlvoix Hiftoire de iq the J^t*
Japon, torn. ii. p, 361. g Recueil de Voyages au Nord, pantfe.
torn, iii, p. 224.
tunity
^^8 Con^uejis, Settlements^ and DifcoVertes of
tunity offered, as he thought, of revenging himfelf to the
full. Two large Japanele fhips, with upwards of five
hundred men on board, came into the port ; upon which he
took it into his head to difarm and unrig them, in the
fame manner as the Dutch veiTels are treated at Japan.
The Japanefe did all they could to defend therafelves from
this ill ufage ; but at lail, for want of water, they were
forced to fubmit. Governor Nuyts went flill farther.
When they had finifhed their affairs at Formofa, and were
defirous of proceeding, according to their inftrudions, to
China, he put them off with fair words, and fine promifes,
till the monfoon was over. They began then to be very
impatient, and defired to have their cannon and fails reftor-
ed, that they might return home •, but the governor had re-
courfe to new artifices, and, by a feries of falfe promifes^
endeavoured to hinder them from making ufe of the feafon
proper for that voyage ''.
The Ja- At length, perceiving plainly his purpofe, and more
pane/e re- exafperated at the affront offered their country than by the
Jo 've 10 ay jj^j^j-y Jone to themfelves, they refolved to rifque all, and.
hanUs en . ■> J . . . .1111 1 i • • •
tie go'ver- ^J ^"^ hold attempt, either break through then- captivity,
tior in his OX perifh with honour. As no nation in the world poffeffes
palace, either a more aftive or a more determined courage than
the Japanefe, fo they concerted this enterprife as coolly as
they executed it with fpirit. They fent nine pf the moft
confiderable amongll them, with a rcafonable number of
attendants, to expcilulate with the governor at his palace;
and, having agreed upon the proper fignals they were to
make, divided the reft of their crew into feveral detach-
ments, which moved at a certain diflance, fo as to come
up in due time. Thofe who went to the palace made ufe
of fair means at firfl ; but finding thefe utterly incffe6lual,
they feized the perfon of the governor, that of his fon,
and one of his counfellors, and then, making their fignals,
their feveral parties ftormed the houfe, and maffacred
every creature that was in it. The garrifon in the citadel,
as foon as they were informed of what had happened,
brought their artillery to bear upon the palace ; which
they might have eafily beat to the ground, if the Japanefe
had not compelled tlie governor to give his orders to defifl
from firing, which, out of refpeci to his danger, were
obeyed '.
l» P. Cbarlvoix, torn. ii. p. 3CZ. ^ PeGueil des Voyages au
Nord, torn. iii. p. 231, ^\^,
This
the Butch In the Eaji Indies,
This tranfa6^ion happened In the month of Juiy> 1630*
The Dutch were very prelTing to have the affair accommo-
dated j but the Japanefe were in no fuch hafte. They forti-
fied themfeh'es in the palace ; and next morning produced
a treaty to the governor, and the counfellor, confilling of
a few articles for fecuring their liberty, free departure,
and indemnity ; which they told them they mult fign, if
they expelled to live ; an argument of fo much weight,
that they fubfcribed without lofs of time. They told the
Japanefe, however, that this treaty would be of no ufe if
it was not approved by the whole council, which, at his
requeft, they permitted the governor to fummon ; and the
members, confidering that this affair might pofiibly prove
the lofs of that lucrative commerce which the company
enjoyed with Japan, ratified the treaty, abje£l and fcan-
dalous as it was, when they found it impofiiblc to engage
the Japanefe to vary fo much as a fingle letter ^ (U). Yet
they wanted not ftrength to have cut off thefe people to
a fingle man, as they had fix hundred regular troops
In the citadel and forts, and i^wtn fliips in the har*
hour ^
449
Force him
and one of
his council
to fign a
treaty,
nvhich af-
terwards it
ratified by
the ivholt
counciL
^ Chardin Voyages, torn. lii. p. 251.
Hiftoire du Japon, torn. i\. p. 365.
1 P. CharlevoiJC
(D) This treaty which they
obliged the governor and coun-
cil to fign, was to the following
cfFe6l : I. They acknowledged
the whole enterprize to be juft,
lawful, and neceflary, fo;- the
prefervation of thofe concerned,
and for vindicating the honour
of the Japanefe. II. That they
ihould be at liberty to return to
Japan when they thought fit ;
and that every thing (hould be
reftored that had been taken out
of their fhips. Ili.Thar, to
prevent the Dutch Ihips from
following, infuking, or bringing
them back, they fhould bring on
Ihore their rudders and fails the
evening before their departure,
which they fixed for the firftof
Auguft. IV. That, for their
farther fecurity, and that they
might with fafety releafe their
Mod. Vol. VIII.
prifoners, they fliould receive
as hofiages fi.ve of the principal
Dutch inhabitants in the ifland*
V. That as the ufage they had
met with was unjulllfiable and
inexcufable, and by which the/
had loft the opportunity of re-
ceiving twenty-five thoufand
pounds weight of filk, which
they had bought and paid for,
they fliould receive the like
quantity out of the company's
warehoufe, of whatever kind
they thought fit tochufe. By
this laftarticle they indemnified
themfelves for the expences of
the voyage; but at the fame
time they delivered the compa-
ny's officers the Chinefe mer-
chants receipts, that they might
be able to recover the like quan-
tity the next year from their
correfpondents.
g
According
450 Conquejls^ Settlements y and Difcoveries of
On the ar- According to the terms flipulated, five of the principal
rival of inhabitants of the illand were delivered to the Japanefe for
the/eve/' hoftages, with five thoufand pounds weight of filk, the
y^^ '"z/^' rudders and fails of the Dutch (hips brought on fhore, the
JJutch ef' Japanefe veflels put in a Condition of failing, vidlualled,
jeSsand and fupplied with all neceflarics. Thefe articles being
^<fZ(7r> <?rtf executed, the Japanefe fet the governor, the counfellor,
fei9:.ed, ^^^ ^j^^ b^^y^ ^t liberty, marched out of the palace, em-
barked, weighed anchor, arid profecuted their voyage
happily to Japan. Immediately after their arrival they gave
notice to the court of all that had happened ; upon which
all the Dutch effects were immediately feized, and the
guards about their faftoty doubled, but without giving
them the leaft notice of the caufe, or doing the fmalleft
injury to their perfons. On the contrary, they were fur-
nifhed more plentifully, ufed with more civility, and
treated with greater refpedl than ever. The Dutch chief
and fa6lory were notwithftanding in the utmoft confter-
tiation, prefenting memorial after memorial, to know their
offence ; to which they were fometimes anfwered, that
the council had affairs of great importance upon their
hands ; at others, that the emperor was ill, and they mull
have patience '".
Titer Kuyls By the help of the Portuguefe and Ghinefe fhips they
f>J} confined ^^^^ advice to Batavia of their ftrange fituation, which
and after- alarmed the governor-general Spex and his council ex-
nvards de- ceedingly, who at firfl knew not what to do, nor how to
livered up proceed. At length they refolved to fend a (hip, in the
to the Ja- name of a merchant of Batavia, with a cargo, in order to
faneje, ^^^ what this would produce. The (hip arriving, peti-
tioned, in the merchant's name, for leave to fell their
goods ; which they were allowed to do with all the kind-
i nefs imaginable, permitted to embark the produce of their
goods, and to return, but not a jot wifer than they came ".
The governor-general in the mean time had been inform-
ed of what pafl'ed at Formofa, and had fent for Peter Nuyts,
then a prifoner, which hitherto had been all his punifhment.
Three years ran on in this manner, when Anthony Van
Diemen, becoming governor-general, afTembled the coun-
cil j and prevailed upon them to take the only ftep that
was left, which was,, to deliver up Peter Nuyts to the
Japanefe, to do with him what they pleafed. This fen-
tencc being notified to the prifoner, he behaved like a man
m Voyages de Chardin, tom. iii. p. 235. " P.Charlevoix
HiHoire du Japon, torn* ii. p. 367.
diflraaed;
the Dutch in the Eaft Indies* 45 1
diftra£led ; he protefted againfl this judgment, he appeal-
ed to the people, he delired to be tried there, and to
iuffer any kind of death. But it was all in vain; the
council were deaf, the people faid it was his own fault 5
in fhort, a new fleet was equipped m 1634, and Peter
Nuyts fent aboard it, with inftrudlions to the chief to de^
liver him up as foon as he fhould arrive °.
On the arrival of the vefTel at Firando the chief and his Proceedings
council, who had by this time procured from the court the ^/^^^ ^^^^^
caufe of the interruption of their commerce, prefented a ^^^^^^J
frefh memorial, fetting forth, that the perfon who had delinjerin^
offended his imperial majefty was put into the hands of his up of Peter
officers ; and therefore defired that they might be reftored ^^yts*
to his favour, and to their privileges of courfe. In confe-
quence of this intimation, commilTaries were fpeedily
difpatched to Firando, carrying with them fome of the
perfons who were in the fhip detained at Formofaj that
they might fee whether this man was the governor Peter
Nuyts, or not. Thefe people having certified that it was
the governor, the commiflioners received frefh inftru£lions,
iDy which they were directed to require from the Dutch
factory an anfwer to the following queflions : firft, whe-
ther the governor came of his own accord, or whether
he was fent by the governor-general at Batavia p ? Second-
ly, if Peter Nuyts came of his own accord, whether he
intended to juftify his own condu£l:, to charge the Japariefe
with any mifbehaviour, and to bring the affair to a clear
and open trial ; or fimply to confefs his fault, to teflify
his repentance, and to implore the emperor's pardon ?
Laftly, if the chief and his council were content that the
criminal fiiould be broiled alive upon the coals, or nailed
to a crofs, if fuch Ihould prove the fentence of the empe-
ror and his council? To thefe queflions they were t6
anfwer plainly, and without referve, and within the
compafs of three days. The Japanefe commiffaries left
them, during that fpace, free liberty to confer amongft
themfelves, to fend whom they pleafed to Peter Nuyts ;
and to take any other fleps that they thought convenient,
in order to give that fatisfa6lion upon which the govern-*
ment inlifled *J.
The chief and his faftory, after mature deliberation,
tefolved to flick precifely to the form prefcribed by the
« Recueil de Voyage au Nord, tpm. iii. p. 239. P Voyages
de Chardin, torn. iii. p. 436. "^^ P. Charlevoix Hiftoire du
Japon, tom. ii. p. 3(9.
G g 2 governor-
deli'vered
up Peter
Nuyts to
the Ja-
panefe*
452 ConqueftSy Settlements^ and Dtfcoverles of
Mavner in governor-general and council at Batavia, notwithftanding
which tne they had received permiffion to make whatever alterations
^//f.^/w^ they fhouid think neceffary at the time of their delivering
o ..,...- j^.^ ^^ ^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ alteration^ of circumftances
that required any fuch change, and as the prefcribed form
feemed more fuitable than any they could devife, they
fluck to it clofely. The fubflance of this form was, that
the perfon now delivered up, Peter Nuyts, was the very
perfon who, five years before, being governor of For-
mofa, had incurred the difpleafure of the emperor, to
whom the general fent him to fuffer wliatever punifhment
he thought fit ; that however the Dutch were fully per-
fuaded of the equity of his imperial majefty, even in the
exercife of juflice ; that he was far from adjudging people
to fufferings without a thorough enquiry into the caufe,
fo far from it, that out of his natural clemency, he par-
doned faults in his ov/n fubjecSts, whence they prefumed
to hope his indulgence towards a ftranger, whofe crime
was rn fome meafure qualified through ignorance, and
who had no intention to give the lead offence to his im-
perial majefty 5 that, in this difpofition, they delivered
the prifoner, defiring, that whatever became of the guilty,
the innocent might no longer fuffer, but that fuch as had
been already detained five years, mi^ht have leave to de-
part^ together with the company's veflels and effe(9:s.
The commiflaries having received the prifoner and this
anfwcr, fet out for the court ^
The leaving Peter Nuyts to the emperor^s dlfcretion put
an end to this affair, and gave the Japanefe court entire
fati&fadion. The fadlory was immediately fet at liberty,
the emperor's feal upon their effefts was removed, the
guard upon their fhips withdrawn, and the prohibition of
commerce recalled. As for Peter Nuyts, after remaining
a few days in prifon, he was put under what the Japanefe
call a* free cullody^ that is, he had a few guards, with
whom he might go where he pleafed, vifit whom he
pleafed, and do what he pleafed, provided he re-
inained in their piefence ; and this without being put \.o
any expence, farther than he might be inclined to from
their civility. He was therefore, from this time, fecurc
from the fear of broiling or crucifixion, and had nothing
farther to apprehend than pafTing the remainder of his
4ays^ in, Japan, in no very unealy fituation, being every
wjierp v^y well received, and, upon the whole, very
The court
of Japan
JeHisfied
nvith this
fubmij/ian*
' Rccueil de Voyage au Noxd, torn. iii. p. 2^1, 243.
kindly
the Butch in the Eaft Indies^ 453
kindly treated. He bore this confinement very patiently,
as being infinitely better than he could expert, and looked
on himfelf as a prifoner for life ^
The governor-general and council at Batavia were In- ^'neof
preflibly pleafed at feeine: their nine fhips arrive fafe from ^^'^^'^J^^Pj
T • 1 11 1 • ° 1 11 1 r arrive at
Japan, vi^ith all their people on board, even the hve^^^^^^
hoftages from Formofa, and an immenfe cargo, which, Batavia.
from being fo long detained, came to a much better mar-
ket j and, what was flill more grateful, bringing alfo ad-
vice that the Japanefe government was thoroughly paci-
fied with refpe£i to the company, the nation, and even
to the author of all this dilturbance. As the company
fend annually prefents to the emperor of Japan, fo they
very prudently refolved, that thofe fent the next year fhould
be richer than ordinary, the better to exprefs the fenfe the
company had of this favour : but, however, it is very
certain, that this was their general intention, and that
they had not at all in view that favourable circumllance
which afterwards happened, and towards which indeed it
was impolTible, in the nature of things, they could have
any fore fight \
Amongft thefe prefents there was a chandelier of A lucky in-
brafs, of thirty branches, fourteen feet high, and ex- cident opens
quifi'tely wrought ; it fo fell out, that this came jufl as^^^/^^'
they were about to folemnize at court the funeral of ^^^ fj^ytsto
€mperor's father, for which prodigious preparations had merit his
been made ; notwithllanding which the luftre of the ce- enlarge'
remony was greatly heightened by the happy effeft which «^"'*
this chandelier had, when hung over the funeral trophy.
His imperial majefty was prodigioufly ftruck with it ; he
declared he had never feen any thing like it; aflced from
whence it cam'e, and for what purpofe it was intended ?
A minlfter of his who had taken the Dutch under his pro-
te£lion, anfwered of his own accord, and without the
leafl inflru(?l:ion from them, that it was fent by the Dutch,
on purpofe to add to the magnificence of this ceremony,
for which they were informed his imperial majefty was
preparing. The emperor immediately added, " Have
they any requeft ? Is there any thing they want ? Can I do
any thing to oblige them ? " Nothing (replied his minifter),
unlefs your majefly would have the goodnefs to itt at
liberty a Dutch governor who is imprifoned here, not for
any offence againft your majefly's laWs, but for an invo»
•Voyages de Char(^ in, torn. iii. p. 235. « P, Charlevoix
Hiftoirc du Japon, torn. ii.p. 369.
G g 3 iuntary
454 Conqueftsy Settlements^ ^and Difcoveries of
luntary breach of the cufloms of Japan, with which he
was not well acquainted." The emperor caufed him to
be fct at liberty that moment, and gave the company, be-
fides, a very confiderable fum in filver, as a mark of that
kindnefs with which he received their prefent j and far-
ther permitted fome valuable indulgences in the fending
abroad commodities for that year ".
Somipoli' When, after his releafe, Peter Nuyts came down tQ
tical ma- the fattory in order to prepare for his return to Batavia,
Avwj of the Dutch who were there, could not help expreffing their
great con- amazement; and the rather, becaufe they knew that, ac-
^llllch7h( cording to the laws of Japan, a prifoner of ftate mud be
hutch de- at leall nine years in cuftody before any of the minifters
diuedfrom dare intercede for him, and therefore they had not fo
thf tranf- j^upi^ as flattered themfelves with the hopes of procuring
%cim» ^j^jg gentleman's releafe, who had not been in Japan above
two. His arrival Was no lefs welcome at Batavia, v/here
having, in a great meafure, forgot his offence, and the
troubles which it had occafioned, they long before began
to regret his misfortune ; and the rather, becaufe they
looked upon him as a man cut off from his country and
relations, and who ought to efleem it a favour that he
was fuffered to wear out the remainder of his life in exile
and imprifonment. The company, however,, from this
tedious tranfa6lion, adopted two maxims with rcfpecft to
their conduct towards the Japanefe, which no doubt have
, gone a great way in protecting them from accidents of the
like kind ever fince. The firfh is, that it is a good thing to
have a friend at court, and therefore they never fail to
have at leafl one of the Japanefe minifters entirely in
their intereft ; an aim which they accomplifh by an
^ffiduous application, by a ftudious compliance with his
defires, and a conftant intercourfe of prefents, by which,
however, they are no lofers ; for, exclufive of the benefits
they receive from his intereft, they feldom fail of meeting
with fuch returns, in things little regarded by him, and
yet highly valuable to them, that more than compenfates
the value of their prefents. The other is to proceed
• frankly with the court upon any difpute, arid to give im-
rnediately fuch fatisfa£lion as is required *, for the Japanefe
arc a people of fuch addrefs, of fo lofty a temper, and fp
jealous in point of honour, that there is no way of
pvercoming their diftafte but by a quick and profound
f^bmifliQii \ a doctrine^ w?iich, as they have |irft learn?d;|
l^ec^eil Vpyage ^uNord, torn, iii, p. 25.
tie Butch in the Eaft Indies. 455
^ has it been confirmed to them by long experience, nei-
ther is it very probable that they will ever venture to de-
viate from it again ".
We fee from hence the true fource of that fuperiority
with which the Japanefe a6l towards this nation upon all
occafions. They are perfe6lly fenfible of the advantages
drawn from that limited commerce which is ftill per*
mitted, and which therefore they keep entirely in their
own power. They have a jufl conception of the dangers
to which their conftitution muft be inevitably expofed by
a conflux of ftrangers to the ports of Japan 5 and there-
fore they admit none but fuch as they can entirely con-*
trol, or fuch as they abfolutely defpife, keeping their
own fubje<^s, at the fame time, under fo ftricl a difci-^
pline, as fcarce leaves them a (liadow of an apprehenfion
of any nevy revolution ^.
SECT. VII.
^he Company y on paying a large Fine, are indulged in a
.third Charter ; ah with great Addrefi in the Indies ;
terminate their parrels with the EngliJIo by a Treaty
with the Commonwealth^ and apply themfehes to over*
turn the Portuguefe in all their Settlements.
T F we may believe what mofl writers fay, and indeed *rhe dex-
"■' what fome of the Dutch M^riters themfelves confefs, '''<'«•' «»«-
there was a great deal of policy praftifed in the manage- «^-?^^^»'
ment of their affairs throughout the Indies •, for, by inter- £)utch Eafi
fering in all their little quarrels, whether foreign or do- India com"
meftic, and furnishing them with afTiftance, fometimes panj*
againft their more potent neighbours, and at others againfl
their fubje6ts, when they had driven them into rebellion
by oppreflion and ill ufage, they fcrewed themfelves into
the favour of the Indian princes ; obtained liberties, firft to
eftablifh factories, and then forts ; after which permiffion
they feldom made any more requefts, but on the contrary
gave laws ; and thofe monarchs whom they had before ^
honoured with high titles, and much of that fervile fub-»
miflion which is the common language in all oriental
cpurts, foynd, to their coll, that their old friends were
• P. Charlevoix Hiftoire du Japon, torn. ii. p. 371. ^^ Voyage
^g U Qompagnie {jesliides Orientales, torn. x. p. 29.
G g 4 , become
45<^
Conquefts^ Settlements^ and Difcoveries of
become their new mailers ^ This arrogance indeed was
fometimes refented, and no endeavours were fpared to
Ihake off the yoke ; which, however, was very feldom to
any purpofe, for the company had fuch a fuperiority of
power in refpe6t to any of thefe princes, taken fmgly, and
were fo well fkilled in the arts of diflblving and break-
ing alliances to pieces, that in the end they were always
gainers by fuch difputes, though, for a time, perhaps,
their trade was interrupted, and they were put to the ex-,
/pence and trouble of a war y. In excufe of thefe proceed-
ings the company would fometimes plead, that it was
only deceiving the deceivers ; and that without the help of
thefe arts, it was fimply impoffible to manage their con-
cerns, or to maintain their power, moft of the Indian
kings being equally cunning and faithlefs, and never let*
ting flip any opportunity of gratifying their ambition or
their avarice, though at the expence of treaties which
they had themfelves propofed, and of the moft folemn
alliances.
As the company's charter drew towards an end, they
4id not fail to adduce to the States General fuch arguments
as they thought moft likely to procure them another ; and,
' as the direftors of the company had a great intereft, and
fome points of real merit to allege, fuch as affxfting the
public with money in its greateft exigencies,- and fupply-*
ing large quantities of falt-petre gratis for making gun-
powder during the courfe of the war, their propofitiona
met with attention and approbation *. At the fame time,
however, they were given to underftaud, that the States
were very fenfible of the value of what they aiked, and
that therefore they were not to expect the leafe of their
exclufive commerce for a new term without advancing a
confiderable fum by way of fine, which, after mature de-^
liberation, was fixed at one million fix hundred thoufand
florins j in confideration of which prefent, their charter
was renewed for twenty-one years, in 1644 *.
It might have been expedled that the defection of Por-
tugal from Spain, and the fetting up the duke of Bragan9a .
for king, by the name of John the Fourth, would have
yuuation of givcn 3 chcck to the Dutch conquefts in the Eaft Indies,
things^ tkej
. X Tavernier Voyage de* Indies, p. vA'w. iii. chap. ao. ^ Hi-
ftoire de la Cbnquete des Ifles Molvques, torn. iii. p. 349* ^ ^j^"
tionaire de Commerce, tom.ii. col. 1091. * Le CiercHiftoiie
de5Proyij*ces-uai£i, torn, ii, p. 231.
' ■ ' inafmuch
Tlie com'
pany ob-
tain^ but
in conjider-
ation of a
large fine t
a third
(harter*
Advan
iages
nvhuh,
from the
had over
the Portw
$ueff.
the Dutch in the Eaft Indies. 457
inafmu-ch as they had no quarrel with the Portuguefe, in-
dependent of their being i"ubje<^s of his Catholic majefty ;
and, on the contrary, had great reafon to acknowlege and
affift the new king of Portugal, as the fituation of his Eu-
ropean dominions rendered him a natural and neceflary
ally. Yet it happened otherwife ; for though, foon after
his fucceffion, he fent Don Triftan de Mendoza Hurtado
to the Hague, where he was owned by, and treated with
the States, who, after a pretty long negociation, at length
concluded with him a truce for ten years, during which
both parties were to keep what they pofleffed in the Eaft
Indies and in the Weft, this had very little effect ^ ; for,
under pretence that in Brazil this truce was not well ob-
ferved by the Portuguefe, and that in the ifland of Ceylon
the fpirit of it was no:, ftridly complied with, the Dutch
Eaft India Company proceeded in augmenting their domi-
nioub. The opportunity, it muft be owned, was very in-
viting ; for as, under the Spanifh government, the Portu-
guefe fettlements v/ere but very ill provided, fo, upon re-
turning to the duty they owed to their natural prince, they
not only loft the afliftance which fometimes they received
from the Spaniards, but had them alfo for their enemies.
In fo diftreiTed a fituation they could have little hopes of
relief from home, where the king was obHged to employ
his whole force in the defence of that crown which he had
afliimed •, no wonder, therefore, if the Dutch Eaft India
company, who knew ail thefe particulars perfectly well,
and their own great fuperiority alfo, made ufe of the
cccafion to aggrandize themfelves, taking care at the fame
time to give the beft colour they could to thofe a£l:ions
which flowed, at the bottom, only from their avarice and
ambition '^, In a few years, peace was made with Spain,
in which fuch care was taken of the company's concerns,
that they obtained, fo far as that peace could give, as good
a title to tbeir poiTeffions as the States themfelves had to
their independence and freedom ^.
But it M'as not the Portuguefe only who fuffered in this J» "-vhat
juncture j it was no lefs unfortunate for the Englifti. The ^^p*^^^
civil war gave a fatal blow to their commercial interefts in c^J^l^lg^.,
the Indies, which their neighbours did not fail to improve, minatedbe*
by taking their fliips upon frivolous pretences, and by plun- tween the
company
^ Hiftoire Generale de Portugal, torn. vii. p'l'^y. c Nei!- ^"^ ^^^^
ville Hift. Van Holl. i deel, lib. xi, d Le Clerc Hiftoire des 'omm<)n-
Provinces-unies, toiji. ii. p. 458. nx!e^ilth of
* ^ England,
dering
45 S Conquejlsy Settlements^ and Difcoveries of
deiring their factories under colour of their being at wai^
with thofe in whofe dominions they were fettled. This is
a point neceflary to be touched on here, as itfhews what a
feries of lucky circumftances concurred to give the Dutch
Eaft India company room to fpread her power and influence
in fo fudden and furprifmg a manner. But to examine
thefe matters more minutely belongs to another part of our
work -, and therefore we fhall content ourfelves with add-^
ing here, that on the treaty between the proteftor Oliver
2nd the States General, there was a commiflion fettled for
hearing and determining the difputes between the two
Eaft India companies, when, on the part of the Englifh,
there was brought in a long enumeration of their lofles,
to the amount, in the whole, of near two millions feven
hundred thoufand pounds ^. The Dutch, on their fide
alfo, brought in a long account, which they fwelled to an
immenfe fum ; however, the arbitrators on both fides, by
their final determination, dated Auguft the 3Cth, 1654,
awarded the fum of eighty-five thoufand pounds to be paid
to the Englifh company, in full fatisfa£l;ion for their lofles;
and the farther fum of three thoufand fix hundred fifteen
pounds to be paid, in the proportions fpecified in that pub-
lic a£l:, to the reprefentatives of the perfons that were
murdered, thirty-two years before, in Amboyna ^ It was
alfo ftipulated in the treaty, that the ifland of Poleron
fhould be reftored to the Englifh ; but by the help of the
fame addrefs which prevented an immediate enquiry into
the barbarous expulfion of the Englifh from the Moluccas,
the reftitution of this ifland was diverted and poftponed ;
for Cromwell, having had the honour of inferting the ar^
tide concerning it in the peace, fufl^ered himfelf to be pre-^
vailed upon, by certain arguments, not to infift on the ex-
ecution of it s. This, however it was brought about, was
a prodigious advantage to the Dutch, as it prevented any
diminution of their fame in the Indies, and left them in full
poffeffion of all that they had acquired by thofe practices
for which they made a pecuniary fatisfa£l:ion j which was
In tKt€i nothing, when compared with the reputation
which naturally refulted from the methods, in which they
had manifpfted their fuperiority in thofe parts ; to which
« Corps Univcrfelle Diplomatique, torn. vi. part. ii. p. 8?.
f Ibid. g Hiftoirede 1^ Conquete des Iflcs Moluques,
Ipm. }u« p. 274,
the Dutch In the Eajl Indies, ijjj'
rio check either was or could be given at this time, though
the naval power of England was actually fuperior to thejr's
in Europe *'.
SECT. VIII.
The Caufes of the War of Ceylon ; the Progrefs of that
fVary the great Succefs of the Dutch in that Iflandy
in which they not only render themfelves fuperior to
the Portuguefe, but alfo force the Natives to a Suh^
mij/ion, and abfolutely defeat their whole Force, whefi
exerted to Jhake off the Toke*
'T*HE benefits fpringing from thefe, and other tranfac- AfucchH
-* tions of a like nature, though confiderable in them- ^^fo^y of ^
felves, were not however to be named with another vaft ^wZf *^ '*
acquifition, that of the ifland of Ceylon, by which the
Dutch added to the pofleffion of the nutmeg, mace, and
clove trade, already in their hands, that of cinnamon,
whereby they obtained a complete monopoly of one of the
moft confiderable branches of the Indian commerce, that
of fpices *.
Rajah Singa was king of Candy, or Gandy 5 and hav- TheflaUt^
ing been educated with his brother, the prince of Uva, <^ff^\^^ '«
amongft the Portuguefe, had, as their own writers fay, ^^^^ °^
2l great affection, as well as a high efteem, for their the time the
nation ; but,^ not being able to bear the repeated oppref- company
fions and jnfolencies of the governor, he had been forced began her
into a war, in which he obtained a great viftory; but being ^P^rations^
informed, that the Portuguefe had fent confiderable fuc-
cours from Goa, were taking all imaginable meafures to
carry on the war, and in the mean time burnt his towns,
and plundered his fubje6ls, under the protection of
the fortrefles they had built upon his frontiers, he re-
folved, as his laft refource, to make an alliance with the
butch, and to drive this imperious nation out of the
ifland ^. Accordingly, in the month of March, 1638, he
fent two embaffador? to Batavia, who were received with
all the refpeft ipaaginable \ they declared to the general
^ Neuville Hift. Van Hpll. 1 deel. lib. xi. ' Jani^on
]ptat prefentde la Republique desProvinces-unies, torn. i. p. 309.
^ Hiftoire ^sTIflede Ceylgn, par RibeyrO| liv.ii. chap. 5,
9n4
^5o Conquejlsy Settlements^ and Dlfcovenes of
and council, in the name of the king their mafter, tliat
thc'Portuguefe, in diredt violation of treaties, and with-
out any juft caufe whatever, had attacked, and carried
the flame of war into the very heart of his 'dominions,
which he had no hopes of extinguifhing by any meafures
that he could pollibly take, fmce the quiet of the ifland de-
V pended entirely on the caprices of the governors-general,
■who never wanted pretences, when they had a mind to
difturb it ; a confideration which induced the king to dc-
fire the afiiftance of the company againil the common
enemy. To this remonftrance it was anfwered, that they
were very well apprifed of the truth of this rcprefentation
in all its circumftances j that there was fcarce a country in
India from which they had not received the fame com-
plaints ; that the company took a pleafure in efpoufing the
caufe of injured nations •, and that they were willing to
exert their whole force for the afiiftance of the king of
Candy, without any other view than that of doing him
juftice, and fetting him free from the tyranny of their
common enemy K Upon this declaration an alliance was
concluded, by which the Dutch undertook to furnilh an
army and a fleet for the fervice of the king, to reduce the
fortrefles in the pofleiTion of the Portuguefe, and, when
difmantled, to put them into his hands, fo that he might
be at liberty to correfpond and trade with whom he pleafed.
On the other hand it was ftipulated, that the king fliould
alfo bring as great a force as he was able into the field ;
that he (hould pay the Dutch the expence of their expe-
dition, and for any lofTes they might fuftain therein, ac-
cording to certain rates that were fettled, and that they
fhould be allowed to keep a (ingle place for a fecure re-
treat,
Cmclujion j^ confequence of this treaty they fitted out'from Batavia
y ^ ^ Ij ^ fquadron of fix men of war, with a body of land-forces
ijite of the ^n board ; and in the month of February, 1 639, they made
jirfi war. a defcent on the weft coaft of the ifland of Ceylon, where
they made themfelves mafters of the fortrefles of Batecalou
and Triquinimala, which, agreeable to their treaty, they
demoHfhed immediately, and put into the hands of the
king, who was not a little pleafed with their pun£luality
in performing the conditions of their alliance. Some-
what earlier the next year the Dutch fent double the force;
and, having landed upwards of three thoufand men, and
I Baidaeus Defciiption of Ceylon, chap, xviii. xix.
reduced
the Dutch in the Eafi Mies.' 461
reduced Negombo and Gallo, places of great fl:rengt!i,
which might have made a confiderable refiftance if they
had been tolerably well fupplied, or if the Portuguefe had
not foolifhly ventured an engagement in the field, in which
they lofl the beft part of their forces "". The Portuguefe,
extremely alarmed at this progrefs of the Dutch, fent
over Don Philip Mafcarenhas, with the title of governor,
and a fmall reinforcement, in the autumn of the fame
year, who immediately befieged, and retook Negombo by
capitulation, in which ifr was promifed that the Dutch
ihould have velTels given them, with every thing requifite,
for tranfporting them to their own fettlements, and they
engaged not to land again on the ifland of Ceylon : but
when they came to put to fea, the Dutch found the veflels
that were given them fo leaky, that it was not without
great difficulty they got into the port of Gallo. This
circumflance the Portuguefe refenting as a direft breach of
faith, gave no quarter for the future ; a practice which
proved of very bad confequence to themfelves, as it
ferved to juftify all the feverities which the Dutch afters-
wards exercifed upon them. At this jun6l:ure, however,
the former thought the war near an end, for they made no
doubt of taking Gallo as eafily as it had been taken from
them ; but they were quickly convinced of their miflake ;
the Dutch defended it with fo much refolution, that, after
the lofs of a great number of men in a fiege of a confider-
able length, they were obliged to turn it into a blockade,
which lafted two years ". At length there came advice of
the revolution In Portugal, and of the truce made be-
tween king John the Fourth and the republic of the
United Provinces ; upon which it was agreed that each ^
fhould continue poflefTed in the Indies of what was a£lu-
ally in their power at the cbnclufion of this treaty. The
Dutch, therefore, demanded that the diftri6l: belonging
to the fortrefs of Gallo Ihould be left to them •, a demand
which the Portuguefe refufed, pretending that they were
entitled to no more of the country than was under the
command of their artillery, which was in efFe6l continu-
ing the blockade in a time of peace ; and, being Infatuated
with their own notions of fiiperiority, they would' needs
continue the war, which proved in the end, as it inight
m Hiftoire de Tide de Ceylon, par Ribeyro, liv. Hi., cip^";<.
6, 7. Baldasiis, cap. xxiii. xxiv. " Hiftolre de Wfle" de
Ceylon, par Ribeyro, liv, iii. chap, 8,
have
^Sz Conquejls^ SeitiemeHfs, and Bifcoveriei of
tave been eafily forefeen it would, the total ruin of the!^
affairs °.
^hejlrange But they were guilty of a far ftranger adt of infatua-
tonduS of tion ; for the prince of Uva, brother to the king of Candy,-
tke PortU' wJio was always in their intereils, carried things at lall
fS J" ^° ^^^* ^^^^ ^^^ ^^"S declared war againft him ; and, falk
/ence of i"g fuddenly with a great army into his country, forced
iAat ijland. him to fly for fuccour to his friends the Portuguefe p.
They received him indeed with all the honours imagin-
able, and had now an opportunity put Into their hands of
retrieving all they had loft by their paft miftakes ; for
that prince was infinitely beloved by his brother's fubje£ls
as well as his own, and, as he was elder than Rajah
Singa, who fucceeded only by his father's will, had a fair
pretenfion to the crown. All he defired was, an efcort
of one hundred and twenty Portuguefe to the frontiers
of his own country, where his fubjects were ready to
rife, and to receive him. This motion, however, was
but coolly entertained ; and when an old nobleman, who
had been the prince's governor, expoftulated the point a
little warmly with an inferior ofEcer in the troops of Por-
tugal, he ordered his head to be cut off-, an order which
was executed immediately, notwithftanding ail his unfortu-
nate mafter could do to fave him. They afterwards
feized upon the perfon of the prince, and . fent him
over to Goa, where he was converted to Chriftianlty, and
paffed the remainder of his days in a prifon •, while the
king of Candy, by the addition of his dominions, whicli
confifted of fome of the beft provinces in the illand, and
by the afliftance of his fubje6ls, who were the braveft
and beft foldiers in it, became fo much the more power-
ful, and continued the war againft them with indefatig-
able diligence, at the fame time that he received and
protected all who deferted from them ''. This fending
the prince of Uva to Goa happened before the news of
the truce ; and, in refpe6t to their conduct upon both
occafions, one cannot but acknowlege, that they feemed
to take as much pains to lofe this fine ifland as the Dutcfi
took to obtain it, and therefore it is no great wonder that
both completed their ends '.
• Hiftoire Generale de Portugal, torn. y'n. P Hiftoire de Tlfle
de Ceylon, par Ribeyro, liv. ii, cap. lo. q Le Clerc Hift. Pro-
vinces-unies, torn, ii, p. 231. ' Ribeyro Hift, dei'Ifle de Ceylon,
liv, ilcap. II.
The
th Butch In the Eaji Indiesl ^Sg
The Dutch commodore Peter Borel, who had been jjTifg ^i,„.
feat with a fquadron to Ceylon, to notify the truce, per- ^^.^ ^f thw
ceiving how little he was able to obtain from thofe who Dutch^ utiJL
had the adminiftration of the Portuguefe affairs in that ^^tr^me
illand, proceeded to Goa, in ordcK-to treat with the^'^''?^^
viceroy 5 and, meeting with exa6^1y,the fame ufage from in ike iP#r*
liim, contented himfelf with difembarking five hundred iu^uefs^
men at Ponte de Gallo, with inftru^tions to the Dutch
governor to fupport and defend himfelf as well as ke
could ^. Upon this intimation, he marched part of his
garrifon out of the place, in order to cover fuch of his
people as were employed in collecting provifions ; which
detachment, without any regard to the truce, the Portu-
guefe attacked and defeated, and then turned their forces
againft the king of Candy, who continued to give them,
all the difturbance in his power. The Dutch general and
council at Batavia, being well apprlfed of the fituatioa
things were in, and that the Portuguefe had nothing lefs
in view than driving them entirely out of the illand,
equipped a flrang 'fleet, with a body of between three
and four thoufand men on board, which appeared before
Negombo in the beginning of the month of January,.
1644. The Portuguefe army, which confifted of about
five hundred of their own troops, befides the Lafcharins
or Indian foldiers in their pay, was in the neighbourhood:
of that place, under the command of Don Antonio Maf-
carenhas, brother to the governor j and, according to
rheir ufual vain and ridiculous cuilom, refolved to fight
the enemy as foon as poffible, let their force be what*
it would. On the fourth of that month, the Dutch, un--
der their general Francis Caron, landed their forces, which
confifted of feven battalions, each as ftrong as the Portu-
guefe army j and, as foon as they were difpofcd in proper
order, marched to find out the enemy. Don Antonio,
with his troops, was in full march towards them, and,
finding their two firft battalions embarrafied in their paf-
iage between two mountains, briQcly attacked and routed
them ; but continuing his purfuit into the plain, quickly
found himfelf furrounded by the other five battalions
Some of the Lafcharins faved themfelves by flight ; but
not a man of the Portuguefe, either officer or foldier
cfcaped ; fo that nothing could be more decifive than this
3k£tion > in confequence of which, Negombo fell imme-
« Baldsus Defcription of Ceylon, cap, 42, I
diately
464 Conquejiiy SettlementSy and Difcoveries of
diately "into the hands of the vigors ; but finding that the
Portuguefe had drawn their whole ftrength into Columbo,
they contented themfelves with leaving a ftrong garrifon
in their new conqueft, and then reimbarked their troops,
and failed back to Batavia *.
Prudent As foon as the Dutch had retired, the Portuguefe ge-
interpofi' neral having received a confiderable reinforcement from
iion of Goa, invefted Negombo in the month of April. He con-
4"ohtt If. ^^^^^^ ^o"^^ *^"^^ before the place, without making any
in cafe the great progrefs ; at length he carried a fort, in which there
Portuguefe were fifty men, whom he put to the fword. This cruelty
had im- made the garrifon of the place defperate ; fo that in two
pro'ved it, general afl'aults the befiegers loft half their army, and were
at length glad to retire with the reft to Columbo ". In
the month of December of the fame year, arrived the
Dutch general, John Maatzuyker, with an order from the
king of Portugal, to put the Dutch immediately into pof-
feffion of the dill;ri6ts belonging to the fortrefles they then
held, or which they had been in pofleflion of a year be-
fore *. This gave great difguft to the Portuguefe, though
without any reafon, for they were now fo weak that the
Dutch could eafily deal with them.
Surprifing ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ country was evacuated, the Dutch gave
froke of notice to the king of Candy of the treaty they had made,
fohcy in and that by a claufe therein he might become a.contraft-
the emperor j^g party, if he would ; an offer which that prince readily
r.^,7. °!l!° accepted y. It feems, however, that he was far enough
lecure the - *,. iri !• ro« •• t°..»
confidence "Om bemg plealed at this traniaction, conceivmg, that if
of the thefe two nations came to have a right underftanding to-
Dutck, gether, the confequences could not be favourable to his
interefts, a confideration which made him ftudy to renew
the war. He adled in this refpe£l like a great politician,
encouraging fuch of the natives as were by this treaty be-
come fubje^ts to the Dutch t6 defert their habitations,
and retire into his dominions ; to prevent which defertiori'
the governor of Ponte de Gallo caufed a fmall detachment
to take poft upon his frontiers. Rajah Singa pretended tO'
take this flep extremely ill, and privately defired leave of thc^
Portuguefe to pafs through their territories, in order to at-*
tack that detachment. This being readily granted,his troops,
t BaJdseus, cap. 41. n Hiftoire de I'Ifle de Ceylon, Hv. iif,
clvap. 15 * Hiftoire Generale de Portugal, par Monf de la
Cfeyde, torn. vii. p. 99. Hiftoire de la Conquete dcs Kles Molu-
quts, torn, jii.^ p. 318. y Hiitoire de i'lfle de Ceylon, par
Kibeyro, liv. iii. chap. 15,
by
tU Dtttch in the Eajl Indies, 4^5
by a quick march, furrounded the Dutch, and made them
prifoners, but without bloodilied. The governor of Pontc
de Gallo, much furprifed at th&fe hoflilities, fent an officer
to the king of Candy's court, to reclaim the prifoners,
Vt^hom he entertained with great civility and refpeft.
When he opened td him the fubjeft of his commiffion, the
king told him frankly, that he had no defign to prejudice
the Dutch, but that he had a mind to fee what the difpo-
fition was of the Portuguefe, and how far he might truft
to their new peace. He then gave him cdnvincing proofs,
that they had not only granted him a {)afrage, but offered
him their alfiftance ; and then he fet the Dutch at liberty ^
The Dutch governor of Ponte de Gallo took care to let l^e war
the king know how much he thought himfelf obliged to ^l^n^^dtate-
him in this tranfadion, by which he plainly difcovered, gj^^^fU'^rmg
that it never entered into his intention to betray them to expiring^
the Portuguefe. The governor Ukewife ordered all of that onivhich
nation) who continued to Hve in the provinces yielded to ^^^ Portu*
the Dutchj to quit them without delay ; but, in other re- f]"^y-^^jjf
fpe6ls, obferved the truce very puhftually, nlaking, how-* <u(rnQr%
ever, the beft prepai'atidn he could for renewing the war,
as foon as it fliould be expired. The Portuguefe on the
other hand, though they might have been eafily informed
of the Dutch preparations, were equally carelefs and in-
aftive ; fo that in the month of October, 1652, whert
twd Dutch officers arrived at Colombo, to acquaint the
governor that he was no longer to confuler them as friends,
all things fell into confufion, the people having no confi-
dence in Don Manuel Mafcarenhas Homen, who thett
enjoyed that pofl, put him under arrefl, as a ftep necef-*
fary to their fafety ^.
Don Gafpar Figueira, who was at the head of the ^yi^^^if
troops, had the goodluck to defeat a fmall detachment of *'^J^"^^^
the Dutch, and afterwards to beat the king of Candy, ex- azainflthe
ploits which raifed their cdurage extremely* He was (till Dutcht by
more fucccfsful next year, both againft the Dutch and the 'which theif
king of Candy, whom he routed in a general engagement, Joyf^ y ^^^
in which there fell more of this king's fubje£is than in any l"f^^J^
difpute he ever had with the Portuguefe ^. The Dutch at
Batavia having a juft fenfe of the importance of this war>
fent Gerard Hulft, with a good fleet and army, to Gallo,
2 BaldjEUS, cap. 4^. a Hiftoire Generale de Portugal, par
IjgClede, torn. vii. p. 512, 513. «> Hiftoire de I'lfle de Cey-
lon, par Ribeyro, liv. iii. chap. 17.
MoD.VoL.VIIL Hh ift^itb
466 Conquejlsy Settlements^ and Dlfcoverks of
with an abfolute power to aft as he thought fit, in order
to bring things to a condufion as foon as poflible. He ar-
rived the laft of September, 165^, and found the Dutch
army before Calitura, which furrendered on the 14th of
0£lober. Two days after arrived Don Gafpar Figueira,
with his fmall but viftorious army, who, forgetting that
he had to do with Europeans, and regular troops, and not
reflefting on what had happened to other officers of his
nation, who had engaged ralhly, gave the Dutch battle,
though much inferior to them in all refpefts. General
Hulft was furprifed at the courage or rather confidence
of this hero j but having fuftained two attacks, in which
the Portuguefe loft the beft part of their men, he foon dif-
perfed the reft, and obliged the fmall remains of their
army to take flicker in Columbo. That place was next
attacked, and, partly by force, partly by famine, reduced^
fo that on the 10th of May it was furrendered *^. The king
of Candy affifted in perfon at this fiege, with an army of
forty thoufand men ; and therefore infifted, that purfuant
to treaties it ftiould be put into his hands; a demand which
the Dutch pofitively refufed, alleging, that he had not
complied with the terms ftipulated, and that there was a
very large debt due to them, for which they meant to
keep Columbo as a fecurity •^.
7he king of If the affairs of the crown of Portugal in this ifland had
Caxdy, or not been in a manner defperate, and their power in the
emperor of j^^igg almoft brought to nothing, they might now have
breaks ^^^ feme chance for reftoring them ; fince a war prefently
ivit/i the broke out between the king of Candy and the Dutch, in
Dutcht to which there was much blood fpilt on both fides. But a con-
m purpofe* fiderable reinforcement coming from Batavia, they firft
fwept the places which the Portuguefe had upon the coaft
of Coromandel ; then made themfelves mafters of the ifland
♦ of Manar, between Ceylon and the main ; and, at lalt,
befieged the fortrefs of Jafanapatan, which, after holding
out three months, furrendered, June 24th, 1658, and
the garrifon being made prifoners of war, were tranfport-
ed to Batavia *. Thus the conqueft of Ceylon was en-
tirely finiflied : and the king of Candy, after having often
hazarded his own perfon, and loft, in. the fpace of twenty
years, many thoufands of his fubjefts, found, at length>
c Hiftoiie Generale de Portugal, par La Cleyde, torn. vii. p.
60s — 6j8. d Hirtoire de Tide de Ceylon, par Ribeyro, lir,
iii« chap, au ^ Baldscus Dercription of Ceylon, chap. 44.
that
the Butch in the Eajl Indies. 4^7
that he had only fought to change his matters ; and that
the Dutch, by fubduing the Portuguefe, thought they had
a good title to fucceed to all their rights ; a claim to
which the king and his fucceflbrs have been forced, ever
fince, to fubmit. But as hitherto they have not been very
fuccefsful in that refpect, they have of late made a virtue
of neceffity, fent ambafladors occafionaliy to Batavia, and
lived upon as good terms with the company as any of the
princes of India : and yet it is very doubtful, whether
they have altogether conquered that averfion which all
men have, and princes more than other men, to be kept
in a ftate of abjedl llavery and dependence.
END OF THE EIGHTH VOLUME.
3
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