r v
[AMINING A TORTOISE ON DECK. DRAKE AND DAMPIER'S VOYAGES.
(Frontispiece.}
A
VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD
BY
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE
AND
WILLIAM DAMPIER
to the Text of the Original Narratives
EDITED, WITH NOTES, ETC., BY
D. LAING PUEVES
Special lEtu'tt'on.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED BY THE LI-QUOB, TEA COMPANY,
5 GEORGE STREET, TOWER HILL.
1879.
MORRISON AND GIBB, EDINBURGH,
PRINTERS TO HER MAJESTV'S STATIONERY OFFICE
CONTENTS.
BlOGEAPHICAL NOTICES, .
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
PAGE
Dedication, . . . .9
Equipment of the Pelican, Eliza-
beth, Marigold, Swan, and the
Christopher for the voyage, . 10
Set sail from Plymouth, . . 11
At Mogador, . . .11
Among Cape Verd Islands, . 13
Volcanoes of Fogo and Brava, . 15
Off the coast of Brazil, . .17
Severe storms, . . .19
Barbarous customs of the natives, 21
In Port St Julian, . . .23
Trial and execution of Thomas
Doughty, . . . .26
Islands of St George and Elizabeth, 29
Passage through Straits of Magellan, 30
On the coast of Peru, '. .35
Help received from the Indians, . 37
Cruelty of the Spaniards, . . 39
The Llama, . .''.'
The Catholics of Lima, .
Earthquake off Nicaragua, .
AtGuatulco, . .
Sufferings through extreme cold
In Bay of San Francisco, .
Customs of the natives, .
A visit from the King, .
Courted by the natives, .
Departure from the Calif orni an coas ,
Molucca or Spice Islands, .
AtTernate, . . .
At anchor off Crab Island, .
Helpless on a shoal, .
Off the coast of Celebes, .
Visit from the Rajahs of Java,
Voyage home, . .
At Sierra Leone, . .
Arrival at Plymouth, . .
DRAKE 5 S LAST VOYAGE.
Expedition to the West Indies,
Quai'rel with Sir John Hawkins,
Death of Sir John Hawkins,
Rio de la Hacha taken,
Burning of La Rancheria, .
Treasure taken at Nombre de Dios,
73
74
76
77
77
80
Death of Sir Francis Drake,
The homeward voyage,
At anchor in the Channel, .
Remarks on Spanish possessions
the West Indies, .
End of Maynarde's Narrative,
PAGE
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55
57
59
60
65
67
69
71
71
71
72
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
The Author's account of himself, . . "*'; .'' . . 87
The Epistle dedicatory, . . . . . . . .93
Preface, .......... 94
The Introduction, containing the Author's departure from England into the
West Indies and the South Seas to the time of his leaving Captain Sharp, 95
CHAPTER I.
His return out of the South Seas to his landing at the Isthmus of America, . 97
CHAPTER II.
His return by land over the Isthmus, . . . . . 101
CHAPTER III.
His traverses among the West India Islands and coast, and arrival in Virginia, 107
CHAPTER IV.
His departure for the South Seas again ; his touching at the Islands of Cape
Verd and the African coast, and arrival at the Isle of Juan Fernandez, . 123
4 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V. TAOB
His course thence northward to the Isles of Lobos and Gallapagos, to Caldera
Bay, Realejo, and Amapalla, in the kingdom of Mexico, . . .132
CHAPTER VI.
He goes back towards Peru to the Isle Plata, Point Santa, Hellena, Manta,
Paita, Lobos, Puna, Guayaquil, and Plata again, .... 145
CHAPTER VII.
His progress northward again to the River Santiago, Toinaco, the Isle Galleo,
Isle Gorgonia, the Pearl Islands, etc., in the Bay of Panama, . . 156
CHAPTER VIII.
He proceeds along the Mexican coast to the keys of Quibo, Realego, and the
harbour of Guatulco, ........ 171
CHAPTER IX.
He coasts along to Acapulco, Petaplan, Estapa, Couma, Sallagua, Cape Cor-
rientes ; thence to the Isles of Chametly, Bay of Valderas, Isles of Pon-
tique, other Isles of Chametly, Massaclan, Rosario, River Santiago, Santa
Pecaque, Isles of Santa Maria, Valderas, and Cape Corrientes again, . 179
CHAPTER X.
He stands over the Southerr Ocean for the East Indies, and arrives at Guam,
one of the Ladrone Isles, . . . . . . .194
CHAPTER XI.
His arrival at Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, and of its natural state, 199
CHAPTER XII.
The political state of Mindanao, . . . . , . .204
CHAPTER Xlil.
Occurrences during the Author's stay at Mindanao, .... 212
CHAPTER XIV.
He departs towards Manilla in the Isle of Luconia; touching at Bat Island
and the Isle of Mindora, and leaving Luconia, he goes to Pulo Condore,
on the coast of Cambodia, to Pulo Obi, in the Bay of Siam, and to Pulo
Condore again, ........ 223
CHAPTER XV.
He goes to the Island of St John on the coast of China, to the Isles Pesca-
dores near Formosa, and the Bashee or five islands between Formosa and
Luconia, called Orange, Monmouth, Grafton, Bashee, and Goat Isles, . 231
CHAPTER XVI.
He coasts along the east side of Luconia, Mindanao, and other of the Philip-
pines, and touching at the Islands of Celebes and Callasusung in the
Island of Bouton, he arrives at New Holland, .... 246
CHAPTER XVII.
He goes thence, touches at the Island Trieste and another, and steering along
the west coast of Sumatra, arrives at the Island of Nicobar, Avhere he stays
ashore, and the ship departs, ...... 257
CHAPTER XVIII.
He stands over from thence in an open boat to Passange Jonca, and thence to
Achin ; and after several traverses comes to Bencoolen, all on the Island
of Sumatra, ......... 264
CHAPTER XIX.
He ships himself for England, and arrives at the Cape of Good Hope, . . 276
CHAPTER XX.
His departure thence to St Helena, and arrival in the Downs, . . .282
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES
OP
SIR FEANCIS DRAKE & WILLIAM DAMPIEE.
AMONG the voyagers and naval heroes nourishing in the times of
Queen Elizabeth, a high place must be given to Sir Francis Drake
for his courage and persevering bravery, displayed in almost every
enterprise, successful or unsuccessful, with which he was identi-
fied. His father is said to have been a poor yeoman, inhabiting a
humble cottage at Tavistock, Devonshire, where his son, Francis,
was bom in or about the year 1539 or 1541; but having embraced
the Protestant religion, he was compelled to fly into Kent, where,
for some time, the family are said to have inhabited the hull of a
ship on the sea coast. His family being in poor circumstances,
and Francis being the eldest of twelve sons, he was early inured to
hardihood, and was trained as a sailor from earliest youth. He
was apprenticed to the master of a bark trading on the coast, and
making occasional voyages between Zealand and France, in which
employment he is said to have proved himself so painstaking and
diligent, that his old master, having no children of his own, at his
death bequeathed to him his bark and all its belongings. He
continued this coasting trade for some time, but these narrow
seas proving insufficient for his adventurous spirit, and fired with
the idea of the possible wealth to be gained from an expedition to
the New "World, he gladly took advantage of an opportunity to
join Captain John Hawkins in a voyage to the Spanish Main.
Selling his vessel, he embarked his fortune and his person in this
expedition at Plymouth in 1567. Drake's ship was called the
Judith (50 tons), and which, notwithstanding the perils of the
voyage, by skilful seamanship, he brought safely home. Thi?
expedition proving unfortunate, and losing all he had, he returned
with an enlarged experience, and an increased and growing hatred
towards the Spaniards. On the 24th of May 1572, he sailed from
Plymouth in command of the Pasha, of 70 tons, and the Swan, of
25 tons, the latter commanded by his brother. In the end of
July he came in sight of Santa Martha, and a few days afterwards
was unexpectedly reinforced by another English bark, the Lion,
6 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES,
commanded by Captain Rouse, and with thirty men 011 board-
The Lion willingly joined the Pasha and the Swan, when they
sailed together for Nombre de Dios. Leaving his ships in charge
of Blouse, he selected three-and-fifty men, and with these he landed
under cover of the night of July 22d, and made his attack upon
the town, which proved successful.
After this voyage his thoughts were directed to the best means of
realising his dream of ploughing the Pacific Ocean with English keels.
While gathering help and enlisting supporters, he served with the
Earl of Essex in an Irish campaign ; and his tactics and brilliant
valour secured him the patronage of Queen Elizabeth. He was
thus enabled, towards the close of 1577, to sail from Plymouth,
with five vessels, the largest of which was 100 and the smallest
15 tons. This was destined to prove his great voyage of circum-
navigation, which occupied about two years and ten months. The
execution of Thomas Doughty in the course of this voyage has
been regarded as one of the most doubtful acts in "Drake's life,
although he is represented as being perfectly honest and straight-
forward in the act, regretting Doughty's death, but looking upon
it as necessary for the safety of the expedition. On his return he
was knighted by Queen Elizabeth.
Drake was next employed as commander-in- chief of the great
fleet despatched in September 1585 against the Spanish West
Indies. They made a successful attack on San Domingo, and,
after a desperate struggle, carried Carthagena. Then, after doing
infinite damage, and securing immense booty, Drake brought back
his fleet to England in perfect safety. At this time he is said to
have visited Virginia, and it is stated by Camden with regard to
this voyage, that he was the first to bring tobacco to England,
though Raleigh was the first to make its use popular. On the
same authority it is stated that from the books, papers, and charts
which were taken from an East India ship which he captured off
the coast of Spain in 1587, originated the first suggestion for
undertaking our East Indian trade, and suggested an application
to the Queen for liberty to establish an East India Company
Drake played a high and honourable part in the defeat of the
" Invincible Armada " of Spain.
In Ap\ il 1589 he took the command of the naval portion of a
joint expedition against Spain. Corunna was captured, but owing
to disease appearing among the land forces, little else was done or
attempted, and Drake returned to England. For some time he
addressed himself to civil pursuits, and in 1592-3 sat in Parlia-
ment as the representative of Plymouth. In 1594 he was again
called to active service, Queen Elizabeth's government having
determined on a new expedition against the Spanish colonies. It
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 7
consisted of six royal and twenty private ships, and Drake and
Hawkins were associated in the command.
The narrative of this ill-fated expedition, written by Thomas
Maynarde, is given in the present work. When they had taken
and plundered in succession Rio de la Hacha, Santa Marthaf and
Nombre de Dios, it became evident that Drake's career was nearly
ended. He was seized with a severe illness, which, acting fatally
on an already weakened frame, terminated in his death on the
20th December 1596. His body was placed in a leaden coffin, the
solemn service of the Church was read over it, and then it was
lowered into the deep.
In Stowe's Annals Drake is described as "low of stature, of
strong limbs, broad breasted, rounde headed, broune hayre, full
bearded ; his eyes round, large, and clear, well favoured, fayre,
and of a cheerfull countenance. His name was a terror to the
French, Spaniard, Portugal, and Indians."
The incursions of the buccaneers on the Spanish settlements in
the South Seas, though undertaken in the first place for gain and
plunder, helped to familiarise our English seamen with the geo-
graphy of the South American coast, and the other islands in the
South Seas. The derivation of the word " buccaneer " is ascribed to
the method which prevailed in Cuba at that time of killing, and
curing the flesh of the cattle, according to the Carib method, 011
hurdles raised a few feet above the fire. This apparatus, the meat,
and also the method of preparing it, the Indians called boocan, and
hence those sailors who were engaged in supplying it to the cruisers
and others were called buccaneers. Many of these adventurers
were Englishmen, carrying on a smuggling trade both by sea and
land. They all, without exception, plundered the Spaniards, and
under this bond and unity of aim, they were sometimes called the
brethren of the coast. Those who did their plundering on shore
were called freebooters, and those who mainly cruised against the
Spaniard were called buccaneers. If, in the case of a war with
>pain, a commission could be obtained, these buccaneers became
privateers. The ordinary buccaneer set propriety at defiance by
lirtiness and negligence in dress. Every buccaneer leader had a
mate, who was heir to all his money, and in some cases they held
a community of property.
Among the more notable of the buccaneers who have left a record
of their doings in the South Seas, we must place the name of
Captain William Dampier, whose Yoyage Hound the World is
given in the present volume. While reading this narrative, we
feel that he was one of the most acute of observers, readily remark
ing anything which at that time would be counted new or extra"
8 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES,
ordinary, although these details at the present time, with our
amazingly increased facilities of travel, and increased familiarity
with the places and people described, may be ranked as more com-
monplace. In the " author's account of himself " we have a con-
cise narrative of his early training and way of life, with a graphic
sketch of logwood cutting in Campeachy Bay, till the date of his
joining with the buccaneers in 1679. His Voyage Round the
World may be considered as a natural continuation of the story of
his life, as it deals with all the public and personal affairs in which
lie was concerned up till the date of his return to England on Sep-
tember 16th, 1691,
Dampier having recommended himself very favourably to public
attention by the publication of his " Voyage Round the World," at
the instance of the Earl of Pembroke he was given the command of
an expedition, ordered by King William in 1699 for the discovery
of new countries, and the examination of New Holland and New
Guinea. A vessel called the Roebuck was equipped for this pur-
pose. After visiting New Holland, he sailed for New Guinea,
which he descried on January 1st, 1700. He had explored the
west and north-west coasts of Australia, and gave his name to a
small archipelago, east of North-west Cape. After exploring the
coasts of New Guinea, New Britain, and New Ireland, he returned.
In the homeward voyage the Roebuck sprang a leak off the
Island of Ascension, Dampier and his men were forced to stay
ten weeks on the island, but they were eventually picked up by
three English ships of war, and conveyed to England.
Although his last voyage had been partially unfortunate as far
as the loss of the vessel was concerned, we find that he was next
given command of the St George, a vessel of 26 guns, which, with
the Cinque Ports of 16 guns, had been fitted out by English
merchants on a privateering expedition to the South Seas. He
did not shine as a commander, being, it is said, at times too
familiar with his men, at other times iising injudicious severity
with frequent bursts of ill temper. The story of the crew of this
somewhat mutinous expedition contains the incidents in the life
of Alexander Selkirk, which form the groundwork of De Foe's
world-famous " Robinson Crusoe."
Little is known of Dampier's personal history after this voyage,
although he remained at sea up till 1711. After forty years'
wandering over the world, he seems to have sunk into obscurity,
ns no record remains of how or when he died.
THE VOYAGE ABOUT THE WOBLD
BY SIE FEANCIS DEAKE.
TO
THE TRULY NOBLE
ROBERT EARL OF WARWICK.
RIGHT HONOURABLE,
FAME and envy are both needless
to the dead because unknown ; some-
times dangerous to the living when
too well known ; reason enough that
I rather choose to say nothing, than
too little, in praise of the deceased
author, or of your Lordship my de-
sired fautor. 1 COLUMBUS did neatly
check his emulators, by rearing an egg
without assistance. Let the slighter
of this voyage apply. If your Lord-
ship vouchsafe the acceptance, 'tis
yours ; if the reader can pick out either
use or content, 'tis his; and I am
pleased. Example being the public,
and your Lordship's favour theprivate,
aim of
Your humbly devoted,
FRANCIS DRAKE.*
EVER since Almighty God command-
ed Adam to subdue the earth, there
have not wanted in all ages some
heroical spirits which, in obedience to
that high mandate, either from mani-
fest reason alluring them, or by secret
instinct enforcing them, thereunto,
have expended their wealth, employed
their time, and adventured their per-
sons, to find out the true circuit
thereof.
Of these, some have endeavoured
to eifect this their purpose by conclu-
sion and consequence, drawn from the
proportion of the higher circles to this
nethermost globe, being the centre of
the rest. Others, not contented with
school points and such demonstrations
(for that a small error in the begin-
ning groweth in the progress to a
great inconvenience) have added there-
unto their own history and experience.
All of them in reason have deserved
great commendation of their own ages,
and purchased a just renown with all
posterity. For if a surveyor of some
few lordships, whereof the bounds and
limits were before known, worthily
deserve his reward, not only for his
travel, but for his skill also in mea-
suring the whole and every part
thereof, how much more, above com-
parison, are their famous travels by
all means possible to be eternized, who
have bestowed their studies and en-
1 Favourer, patron.
2 Nephew of "the General," as
Drake is called throughoiit Mr Flet-
cher's narrative.
10
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1577.
deavour to survey and measure this
globe, almost unm easurable ? Neither
is here that difference to be .objected
which in private possessions is of
value: "Whose land survey you?"
forasmuch as the main ocean is by
right the Lord's alone, and by nature
left free for all men to deal withal, as
very sufficient for all men's use, and
large enough for all men's industry.
And therefore that valiant enter-
prise, accompanied with happy suc-
cess, which that right rare and thrice
worthy captain, Francis Drake, achiev-
ed, in first turning up a furrow about
the whole world, doth not only over-
match the famous Argonauts, but also
outreacheth in many respects that
noble mariner, Magellan, and by far
surpasseth his crowned victory. But
hereof let posterity judge. It shall
for the present be deemed a sufficient
discharge of duty to register the true
and whole history of that his voyage,
with as great indifference of affection
as a history doth require, and with
the plain evidence of truth, as it was
left recorded by some of the chief and
divers other actors in that action.
The said Captain Francis Drake,
having in a former voyage, in the years
1572 and 1573 (the description whereof
is already imparted to the view of the
world 1 ), had a sight, and only a sight,
1 It was written by Philip Nichols,
preacher, and subsequently published
by the navigator's nephew, heir, and
godson, Sir Francis Drake. In the
course of an expedition to intercept a
convoy of treasure from Panama to
Nombre de Dios, Drake was conducted
by a friendly native chief to a "great
and goodly tree" upon the ridge of
the hills, from a bower or look-out in
the top of which both the Atlantic
and the Pacific could be seen. When
Drake had beheld that sea, "of which
he had heard such golden reports, he
besought Almighty God of His good-
ness to give him life and leave to sail
once in an English ship in that sea."
Calling up his men, he acquainted
them, John Oxenham especially, with
his resolve, which all approved. Ox-
enham, indeed, more than kept his
of the South Atlantic ; and thereupon,
either conceiving a new, or renewing
a former, desire of sailing on the
same in an English bottom, he so
cherished, thenceforward, this his
noble desire and resolution in himself,
that notwithstanding he was hindered
for some years, partly by secret envy
at home, and partly by public service
for his Prince and country abroad
(whereof Ireland, under Walter Earl
of Essex, gives honourable testimony),
yet, against the year 1577, by gracious
commission from his sovereign, and
with the help of divers friends ad-
venturers, he had fitted himself with
five ships :
1. The Pelican, Admiral, burthen
one hundred tons, Captain -General
Francis Drake.
2. The Elizabeth, Vice-Admiral,
burthen eighty tons, Captain John
Winter.
3. The Marigold, a bark of thirty
tons, Captain John Thomas.
4. The Swan, a fly-boat of fifty
tons, Captain John Chester.
5. The Christopher, a pinnace of
fifteen tons, Captain Thomas Moon.
These ships he manned with one
hundred and sixty-four able and suffi-
cient men, and furnished them also
with such plentiful provision of all
things necessary, as so long and dan-
gerous a voyage did seem to require ;
and, amongst the rest, with certain
pinnaces ready framed, but carried
aboard in pieces, to be new set up in
smoother water when occasion served.
Neither had he omitted to make pro-
vision also for ornament and delight,
carrying to this purpose with him ex-
pert musicians, rich furniture (all the
vessels for his table, yea, many be-
longing even to the cook-room, being
of pure silver), and divers shows of
all sorts of curious workmanship,
whereby the civility and magnificence
promise to follow his chief, for two
years later, crossing the Isthmus with
a devoted band, he built a pinnace,
launched it on the South Sea, and took
two Spanish ships ; but being made
prisoner on his return, he was execut-
ed at Lima.
1577.]
AT MOGADOR.
11
of his native country might, amongst
all nations whithersoever he should
come, be the more admired.
Being thus appointed, we set sail
out of the Sound of Plymouth x about
five o'clock in the afternoon, Novem-
ber 15, of the same year 1577, and
running all that night SW., by the
morning were come as far as the
Lizard, where meeting the wind at SW.
(quite contrary to our intended
course), we were forced, with our
whole fleet, to put into Falmouth.
The next day, towards evening, there
arose a storm, continuing all that
night and the day following (especially
between ten of the clock in the fore-
noon and live in the afternoon) with
such violence, that though it was in
a very good harbour, yet two of our
ships the Admiral, wherein our
General himself went, and the Marigold
were fain to cut their mainmasts
by board ; and for the repairing of
them, and many other damages in
the tempest sustained (as soon as the
weather would give leave), to bear
back to Plymouth again, where we
all arrived the thirteenth day after
our first departure thence [November
28]. Whence, having in a few days
supplied all defects, with happier
sails we once more put to sea, Decem-
ber 13, 1577. As soon as we were
out of sight of land, our General gave
us occasion to conjecture in part
whither he intended, both by the
directing of his course, and appoint-
ing the rendezvous, if any should be
severed from the fleet, to be the
Island Mogador. And so sailing with
favourable winds, the first land we
had sight of was Cape Caulin 2 in
Barbary, December 25, Christmas
Day, in the morning. The shore is
fair white sand, and the inland
country very high and mountainous ;
it lies in 32 30' N. latitude : and so
1 To throw the Spaniards off their
guard, the destination of the fleet
was given out as Alexandria ; and to
give countenance to the report the
course first steered was towards the
Straits of Gibraltar.
2 Inlat. 32 K, long. 10* W.
coasting from hence southward about
eighteen leagues, we arrived the
same day at Mogador, the island
before named.
This Mogador lies under the dom-
inion of the Xing of Fesse, 3 in 31 40',
about a mile off from the shore, by
this means making a good harbour
between the land and it. It is unin-
habited, of about a league in circuit,
not very high land, all overgrown
with a kind of shrub breast high, not
much unlike our privet, very full of
doves, and therefore much frequented
of goshawks and such-like birds of
prey, besides divers sorts of sea-fowl
very plenty. At the south side of
this island are three hollow rocks,
under which are great store of very
wholesome but very ugly fish to look
to. Lying here about a mile from
the main, a boat was sent to sound
the harbour, and finding it safe, and
in the very entrance on the north
side about five or six fathoms' water
(but at the south side it is very dan-
gerous), we brought in our whole
fleet, December 27, and continued
there till the last day of the month,
employing our leisure the meanwhile
in setting up a pinnace, one of the
four brought from home in pieces
with us. Our abode here was soon
perceived by the inhabitants of the
country, who coming to the shore,
by signs and cries made show that
they desired to be fetched aboard, to
whom our General sent a boat, into
which two of the chief of the Moors
were presently received, and one man
of ours, in exchange, left aland, as a
pledge for their return. They that
came aboard were right courteously
entertained with a dainty banquet,
and such gifts as they seemed to be
most glad of, that they might thereby
understand that this fleet came in
peace and friendship, offering to
traffic with them for such commodities
as their country yielded, to their own
content. This offer they seemed most
gladly to accept, and promised the
next day to resort again, with such
3 Fez, the northern portion of the
Empire of Morocco.
DRAKE'S VOYAGE HOUND THE WORLD.
[1577.
things as they had, to exchange for
ours. It is a law amongst them to
drink no wine, notwithstanding by
stealth it pleaseth them well to have
it abundantly, as here was experience.
At their return ashore, they quietly
restored the pledge which they had
stayed; and the next day at the hour ap-
pointed returning again, brought with
them camels, in show laden with
wares to be exchanged for our com-
modities, and calling for a boat in
haste, had one sent them, according
to order which our General (being at
this present absent) had given before
his departure to the island. Our
boat coming to the place of landing,
which was among the rocks, one of
our men, called John Fry, mistrust-
ing no danger nor fearing any harm
pretended by them, and therefore in-
tending to become a pledge, accord-
ing to the order used the day before,
readily stepped out of the boat and
ran aland ; which opportunity (being
that which the Moors did look for)
they took the advantage of, and not
only they which were in sight laid
hands on him to carry him away with
tli em, but a number more, who lay
secretly hidden, did forthwith break
forth from behind the rocks, whither
they had conveyed themselves, as it
seems, the night before, forcing our
men to leave the rescuing of him that
was taken as captive, and with speed
to shift for themselves.
The cause of this violence was a de-
sire which the King of Fesse had to
understand what this fleet was, whe-
ther any forerunner of the King of
Portugal's 1 or no, and what news of
certainty the fleet might give him.
And therefore, after that he wns
brought to the King's presence, and
had reported that they were English-
men, bound to the Straits under the
conduct of General Drake, he was sent
back again with a present to his Cap-
tain, and offer of great courtesy and
1 King Sebastian was then prepar-
ing that expedition into Mauritania,
the calamitous result of which, on the
fatal day of Aleazar-Seguer, will after-
wards appear.
friendship, if he would use his country.
But in this meantime the General, be-
ing aggrieved with this show of injury,
and intending, if he might, to recover
or redeem his man, his pinnace being
ready, landed his company, and march-
ed somewhat into the country, with-
out any resistance made against him,
neither would the Moors come nigh
our men to deal with them any way ;
wherefore having made provision of
wood, as also visited an old fort built
sometime by the King of Portugal but
now ruined by the King of Fesse,
we departed, December 31, towards
Cape Blanco, in such sort that when
Fry returned he found to his great
grief that the fleet was gone ; but yet,
by the King's favour, he was sent
home into England not long after, in
an English merchant ship.
Shortly after our putting forth of
this harbour, we were met with con-
trary winds and foul weather, which
continued till the 4th of January ; yet
we still held on to our course, and
the third day after fell with Cape de
Guerre, 2 in 30, where we lighted on
three Spanish fishermen called caun-
ters, whom we took with our new
pinnace, and carried along with us
till we came to Rio del Oro, 3 just under
the Tropic of Cancer, where with our
pinnace also we took a carvel. From
hence till the fifteenth day we sailed
on towards Cape Barbas, where the
Marigold took a carvel more, and so
onward to Cape Blanco till the next
day at night. This cape lies in 20 s
30', showing itself upright like the
corner of a Avail, to them that come
towards it from the north, having be-
tween it and Cape Barbas, low, sandy,
and very white land all the way. Here
we observed the South Guards, called
the Croziers, 4 9 30' above the horizon.
Within the Cape we took one Spanish
ship more riding at anchor (all her
men being fled ashore in the boat save
2 Cape Ghir, in about latitude 31 ;
it marks the end of the Atlas moun-
tain-chain towards the Atlantic.
3 Rio do Ouro.
. 4 The constellation of the Southern
Cross.
1573.]
AMONG THE CAPE VERB ISLANDS.
13
two), which, with all the rest we had
Torrnerly taken, we carried iiito the
harbour, throe leagues within the
Cape. 1
Here our General determined for
certain days to make his abode, both
for that the place afforded plenty of
fresh victuals for the present refresh-
ing of our men, and for their future
supply at sea (by reason of the infinite
store of divers sorts of good fish which
are there easy to be taken, even within
the harbour, the like whereof is hardly
to be found again in any part of the
world), as also because it served very
fitly for the despatching of some other
businesses that we had. During the
time of our abode at this place, our
General, being ashore, was visited by
certain of the people of the country,
who brought down with them a wo-
man, a Moor (with her babe hanging
upon her dry dug, having scarce life
in herself, much less milk to nourisli
her child), to be sold as a horse, or a
cow and calf by her side ; in which
sort of merchandise our General would
not deal. But they had also amber-
gris, with certain gums of some estima-
tion, which they brought to exchange
with our men for water, whereof they
have great want ; so that coming with
their alforges* (they are leathern bags
holding liquor) to buy water, they
cared not at what price they bought
it, so they might have it to quench
their thirst. A very heavy judgment
of God upon the coast ! The circum-
stances whereof considered, our Gene-
ral would receive nothing of them for
water, but freely gave it to them that
came to him, yea, and fed them also
ordinarily with our victuals, in eating
whereof their manner was not only
uncivil 3 and unsightly to us, but even
inhuman and loathsome in itself. 4
1 Probably the Bay du Levrier,
which runs up into the land north-
wards behind the peninsula-promon-
tory that Cape Blanco forms.
2 Spanish, " Alforja," a saddle-bag.
3 Barbarous, uncivilised.
4 These people were worshippers of
the sun; they never quitted their
abodes until he had mounted above
And having washed and trimmed
our ships, and discharged all our
Spanish prizes except one caunter (for
which we gave to the owner one of
our own ships, the Christopher) and
one carvel, formerly bound to St lago,
which we caused to accompany us
hither, where she also was discharged ;
after six days' abode here, we departed,
directing our course for the Islands of
Cape Verd, where (if anywhere) we
were of necessity to store our fleet with
fresh water, for a long time, for that
our General from thence intended to
run a long course, even to the coast
of Brazil, without touch of land. And
now having the wind constant at NE.
and ENE. , which is usual about those
parts, because it blows almost con-
tinually from the shore, January the
27th we coasted Buenavista, and the
next day after we came to anchor
under the western part, towards St
lago, of the island Mayo ; it lies in
15 high land, saving that the north-
west part stretches out into the sea
the space of a league, very low j and
is inhabited by subjects to the King
of Portugal. Here landing, in hope
of traffic witli the inhabitants for
water, we found a town, not far from
the water-side, of a great number of
desolate and ruinous houses, with a
poor naked chapel or oratory, such as
small cost and charge might serve
and suffice, being to small purpose,
and as it seems only to make a show,
and that a false show, contrary
to the nature of a scarecrow, which
feareth birds from coming nigh ; this
enticeth such as pass by to haul in
and look for commodity, 3 which is
not at all to be found there ; though
in the inner parts of the island it is
in great abundance.
For when we found the springs and
wells which had been there (as ap-
peared) stopped up again, and no
other water to purpose to be had to
serve our need, we marched up to
the horizon, and then paid their adora-
tion prostrate, or kneeling upon a
liillock or stone.
5 Accommodation, convenience of
supply, etc.
14
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
seek some more convenient place to
supply our want, or at least to see
whether the people would be dealt
withal to keep us therein. In this
travelling, we found the soil to be
very fruitful, having everywhere
plenty of fig trees, with fruit upon
most of them. But in the valleys
and low ground, where little low cot-
tages were built, were pleasant vine-
yards planted, bearing then ripe and
most pleasant grapes. There were
also tall trees, without any branch
till the top, which bare the cocoa
nuts. There were also great store of
certain lower trees, with long and
broad leaves, bearing the fruit which
they call plantains in clusters to-
gether like puddings, a most dainty
and wholesome fruit. All of these
trees were even laden with fruit,
some ready to be eaten, others coming
forward, others overripe. Neither
can this seem strange, though about
the midst of "Winter with us, for that
the Sun doth never withdraw himself
farther off from them, but that with
his lively heat he quickeneth and
strengtheneth the power of the soil
and plant; neither ever have they
any such frost and cold as thereby to
lose their green hue and appearance.
We found very good water in divers
places, but so far off from the road, 1
that we could not with any reasonable
pains enjoy it. The people would by
no means be induced to have any con-
ference with us, but keeping in the
most sweet and fruitful valleys among
the hills, where their towns and
places of dwelling were, gave us leave
without interruption to take our plea-
sure in surveying the island, as they
had some reason not to endanger
themselves, where they saw they
could reap nothing sooner than
damage and shame, if they should
have offered violence to them which
came in peace to do them no wrong
at all. This island yieldeth other
great commodities, as wonderful
herds of goats, infinite store of wild
hens, and salt without labour (only
the gathering it together excepted),
1 The roadstead.
which continually in
[1578.
marvellous
quantity is increased upon the sands
by the flowing of the sea, and the
heat of the sun kerning 2 the same.
So that of the increase thereof they
keep a continual traffic with their
neighbours in the other adjacent
islands. We set sail thence the 30th
da
y [of January].
Being departec
ing departed from Mayo, the
next day we passed by the island of
St lago, ten leagues west of Mayo, in
the same latitude, inhabited by the
Portugals and Moors together. The
cause whereof is said to have been in
the Portugals themselves, who, con-
tinuing long time lords within them-
selves in the said island, used that
extreme and unreasonable cruelty
over their slaves, that (their bondage
being intolerable) they were forced to
seek some means to keep themselves
and to lighten that so heavy a bur-
then ; and thereupon chose to fly
into the most mountainous parts of
the island ; and at last, by continual
escapes, increasing to a great number,
and growing to a set strength, do
now live with that terror to their op-
Eressors, that they now endure no
;ss bondage in mind than the for-
catoz did before in body ; besides the
damage that they daily suffer at their
hands in their goods and cattle, to-
gether with the abridging of their
liberties in the use of divers parts of
the fruitful soil of the said island,
which is very large, marvellous fruit-
ful (a refuge for all such ships as are
bound towards Brazil, Guinea, the
East Indies, Binny, 3 Calicut, etc.),
and a place of rare force, if it were
not for the cause afore recited, which
hath much abated the pride and
cooled the courage of that people,
who under pretence of traffic and
friendship at first making an en-
trance, ceased not practising upon
the poor islanders (the ancient re-
2 Granulating, forming into corns
or kernels.
3 Apparently Benin, on the west
coast of Africa, is meant, though in
the list of places it is geographically
out of order.
THE VOLCANOES OF FOGO AND BRAVA.
1578.]
mainder of the first planters thereof,
as it may seem from the coast of
Guinea), until they had excluded
them from all government and liber-
ty, yea almost life. On the south-
west of this island we took a Portugal,
laden the best part with wine, and
much good cloth, both linen and
woollen, besides other necessaries,
bound for Brazil, with many gentle-
men and merchants in her. 1 As we
passedby with our fleet, in sight of three
of their towns, they seemed very joyful
that we touched not with their coast ;
and seeing us depart peaceably, in
honour of our fleet and General, or
rather to signify that they were pro-
vided for an assault, shot off two
great pieces into the sea, which were
answered by one given them again
from us.
South-west from St lago, in 14
30', about twelve leagues distant, yet
by reason of the height seeming not
above three leagues, lies another
island, called of the Portugals ' ' Fogo, "
the burning island, or fiery furnace
in which rises a steep upright hill,
by conjecture at least six leagues, or
eighteen English miles, from the
upper part of the water ; within the
bowels whereof is a consuming fire,
maintained by sulphury matters,
seeming to be of a marvellous depth,
and also very wide. The fire showeth
itself but four times in an hour, at
which times it breaketh out with
such violence and force, and in such
main abundance, that besides that it
giveth light like the moon a great
way off, it seemeth that it would not
stay till it touch the heavens them-
1 Command of this prize was given
to Thomas Doughty, who afterwards
figures so prominentty in the narra-
tive ; "but being found appropriating
to his own use the propitiatory pre-
sents made by the prisoners, he was
superseded by Thomas Drake, brother
of the Admiral. The pilot of the
"Portugal " ship, Nuno da Silva an
expert mariner and well acquainted
with the coast of Brazil was de-
tained by Drake, and afterwards
liberated at Guatulco.
selves. Herein are engendered great
store of pumice-stones, which being
in the vehement heat of the fire car-
ried up without the mouth of that
fiery body, fall down, with other gross
and slimy matter, upon the hill, to
the continual increasing of the same ;
and many times these stones falling
down into the sea are taken up and
used, as we ourselves had experience
by sight of them swimming on the
water. The rest of the island is fruit-
ful, notwithstanding, and is inhabited
by Portugals, who live very commo-
diously therein, as in the other islands
thereabout.
Upon the south side, about two
leagues off this Island of Burning,
lieth a most sweet and pleasant
island ; the trees thereof are always
green and fair to look on, the soil
almost set full of trees, in respect
whereof it is named the Brave Island, 3
being a storehouse of many fruits and
commodities, as figs always ripe,
cocoas, plantains, oranges, lemons,
cotton, etc. From the banks into
the sea do run in many places the
silver streams of sweet and whole-
some water, which with boats or
pinnaces may easily be taken in.
But there is no convenient place or
road for ships, neither any anchoring
at all. For after long trial, and
often casting of leads, there could no
ground be had at any hand, neither
was it ever known, as is reported,
that any line would fetch ground in
any place about that island. So that
the top of Fogo burneth not so high
in the air, but the root of Brava (so
is the island called) is buried and
quenched as low in the seas. The
only inhabitant of this island is a
hermit, as we suppose, for we found
no other houses but one, built as it
seemed for such a purpose ; and he
was so delighted in his solitary living,
that he would by no means abide our
coming, but fled, leaving behind him
the relics of hie false worship ; to wit,
a cross with a crucifix, an altar with
his 3 superaltar, and certain other
idols of wood of rude workmanship.
2 Ilha Brava.
ItS.
16
Here we dismissed the Portugals
taken near St lago, 1 and gave them
in exchange of their old ship our
new pinnace built at Mogador, with
wine, bread, and fish for their pro-
vision, and so sent them away, Feb-
ruary 1.
Having thus visited, as is declared,
the Islands of Cape Verd, and pro-
vided fresh water as we could, the
2d of February we departed thence,
directing our course towards the
Straits, 2 so to pass into the South
Sea ; in which course we sailed sixty-
three days without sight of land
(passing the Line Equinoctial the
17th day of the same month) till we
fell with the coast of Brazil, the
5th of April following. During
which long passage on the vast gulf,
where nothing but sea beneath us
and air above us was to be seen, as
our eyes did behold the wonderful
works of God in His creatures, which
He hath made innumerable both
small and great beasts, in the great
and wide seas : so did our mouths
taste, and our natures feed on, the
goodness thereof in such fulness at
all times, and in every place, as if
He commanded and enjoined the
most profitable and glorious works of
His hands to wait upon us, not only
for the relief of our necessities, but
also to give us delight in the contem-
plation of His excellence, in behold-
ing the variety and order of His pro-
vidence, with a particular taste of
His fatherly care over us all the while.
The truth is, we often met with ad-
verse winds, unwelcome storms, and,
to us at that time, less welcome
calms ; and being as it were in the
bosom of the burning zone, we felt
the effects of sweltering heat, not
without the affrights of flashing
lightnings, and terrifyings of often
claps of thunder ; yet still with the
admixture of many comforts. For
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [1573,
this we could not but take notice of,
that whereas we were but badly fur-
nished (our case considered) of fresh
water, having never at all watered, to
any purpose, or that we could say we
were much the better for it, from our
first setting forth out of England till
this time, nor meeting with any place
where we might con veniently water, till
our coming to the River of Plate, long
after continually, after once AVC were
come within four degrees of the Line
on this side, viz., after February 10,
and till we were past the Line as many
degrees towards the south, viz., till
February 27, there was no one day
went over us but we received some
rain, whereby our want of water was
much supplied. This also was observ-
able, that of our whole fleet, being
now six in number, notwithstanding
the uncouthncss 3 of the way, and
whatever other difficulties, by weather
or otherwise, we met withal, not any
one, in all this space, lost company
of the rest ; except only our Portugal
prize for one day, who, March 28,
Avas severed from us, but the day fol-
lowing, March 29, she found us again,
to both her own and our no little
comfort. She had in her twenty-
eight of our men, and the best part
of all our provision for drink ; her
short absence caused much doubting
and sorrow in the whole company,
neither could she then have been
finally lost without the overthrow of
the whole voyage.
Among the many strange creatures
which we saw, we took heedful notice
of one, as strange as any, to wit, the
flying fish, a fish of the bigness and
proportion of a reasonable or middle
sort of pilchards ; he hath fins, of the
length of his whole body, from the
bulk to the top of the tail, bearing
the form and supplying the like use
to him that wings do to other crea-
tures. By the help of these fins,
when he is chased of the Bonits, or
great mackerel (whom the Aurata, or
dolphin likewise pursueth), and hath
not strength to escape by swimming
any longer, lie lifteth up himself
1 Except the pilot Nuna da Silva,
who willingly stayed with Drake
when he learned that the voyage was
to be prosecuted into Mare del Zur,
or the South Sea.
Of Magellan.
3 Strangeness, unknown character,
1578.]
above the water, and flietli a pretty
height, sometimes lighting into boats
or barks as they sail along. The
quills of their wings are so proportion-
able, and finely set together, with a
most thin and dainty film, that they
might seem to serve for a much longer
and higher flight ; but the dryness
of them is such, after some ten or
twelve strokes, that he must needs
into the water again to moisten them,
which else would grow stiff and unfit
for motion. The increase of this little
and wonderful creature is in a man-
ner infinite, the fry \vhereof lies upon
the upper part of the waters, in the
heat of the sun, as dust upon the face
of the earth ; which being in bigness
of a wheat straw, and in length an
inch more or less, do continually
exercise themselves in both their
faculties of nature ; wherein, if the
Lord had not made them expert in-
deed, their generation could not have
continued, being so desired a prey to
many which greedily hunt after them,
forcing them to escape in the air by
flight when they cannot in the waters
live in safety. Neither are they al-
ways free, or without danger, in their
flying ; but as they escape one evil by
refusing the waters, so they sometimes
fall into as great a mischief by mount-
ing up into the air, and that by means
of a great and ravening fowl, named
of some a Don or Spurkite, who feed-
ing chiefly on such fish as he can come
at by advantage, in their swimming
in the brim of the waters, or leaping
above the same, presently seizes upon
them with great violence, making
great havoc, especially among these
flying fishes, though with small pro-
fit to himself. There is another sort
of fish which likewise flies in the air,
named a Cuttill ; it is the same wlxosc
bones the goldsmiths commonly use,
or at least not unlike that sort, a
multitude of which have at one time
in their flight fallen into our ships
among our men.
Passing thus, in beholding the
most excellent works of the Eternal
God upon the seas, as if we had been
in a garden of pleasure, April 5 we
fell iu with the coast of Brazil, in
OFF THE COAST OF BRAZIL. 17
30 30' towards the Pole Antarctic, 1
where the land is low near the sea,
but much higher within the country
having in depth not above twelve
fathoms three leagues off from the
shore ; and being descried by the in-
habitants we saw great and huge fires
made by them in sundry places.
Which order of making fires, though
it be universal as well among Christ-
ians as heathens, yet it is not likely
that many use it to that end Avhich
the Brazilians do : to wit, for a sacri-
fice to devils, whereas they intermix
many and divers ceremonies of con-
jugations, casting up great heaps of
sand, to this end, that if any ships
shall go about to stay upon their
coasts, their ministering spirits may
make wreck of them, whereof the
Portugals by the loss of divers of
their ships have had often experi-
ence.
In the reports of Magellan's voyage,
it is said that this people pray to no
manner of thing, but live only ac-
cording to the instinct of nature ;
which if it were true, there should
seem to be a wonderful altera-
tion in them since that time, being
fallen from a simple and natural crea-
ture to make gods of devils. But I
am of the mind that it was with them
thea as now it is, only they lacked
then the like occasion to put it in
practice which now they have ; for
then they lived as a free people among
themselves, but now are in most
miserable bondage and slavery, both
in body, goods, wife, and children,
and life itself, to the Portugals, whose
hard and most cruel dealings against
them force them to fly into the more
unfruitful parts of their own land,
rather there to starve, or at least live
miserably, with liberty, than to abide
such intolerable bondage as they lay
upon them ; using the aforesaid
practices with devils both for a
revenge against their oppressors, and
also for a defence, that they have no
further entrance into the country.
And supposing indeed that no others
1 That is, in latitude South of the
Line.
B
18
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
had used travel by sea in ships, but
their enemies only, they therefore
used the same at our coming ; not-
withstanding, our God made their
devilish intent of none effect ; for
albeit there lacked not, within the
space of our falling with this coast,
forcible storms and tempests, yet did
we sustain no damage, but only the
separating of our ships out of sight
for a few days. Here our General
would have gone ashore, but we could
find no harbour in many leagues.
And therefore coasting along the land
towards the south, April 7, we had a
violent storm for the space of three
hours, with thunder, lightning, and
rain in great abundance, accompanied
with a vehement south wind directly
against us, which caused a separation
of the Christopher (the caunter which
we took at Cape Blanco in exchange
for the Christopher, whose name she
thenceforward bore) from the rest of
the fleet. After this we kept on our
course, sometimes to the seaward,
sometimes toward the shore, but al-
ivays southward, as near as we could,
till April 14, in the morning, at which
time we passed by Cape St Mary, which
lies in 35, near the mouth of the
River of Plate ; and running within
it about six or seven leagues, along
by the main, we came to anchor in a
bay under another cape, w r hich our
General afterwards called Cape Joy,
by reason that the second day after
our anchoring here the Christopher,
whom we had lost in the former storm,
came to us again.
Among other cares which our Gene-
ral took in this action, 1 next the
main care of effecting the voyage it-
self, these were the principal and
chiefly subordinate : to keep our
whole fleet, as near as possibly we
could, together ; to get fresh water,
which is of continual use ; and to re-
fresh our men, wearied with long toils
at sea, as oft as we should find any
opportunity of effecting the same.
And for these causes it was deter-
mined, and public notice thereof
given at our departure from the
Enterprise, expedition.
Islands of Cape Verd, that the next
rendezvous, both for the re-collecting
of our navy if it should be dispersed,
as also for watering and the like,
should be the River of Plate ; whether
we were all to repair with all the con-
venient speed that could be made,
and to stay one for another if it
should happen that we could not
arrive there all together ; and the
effect we found answerable to our ex-
pectations, for here our severed ship
(as hath been declared) found us again,
and here w r e found those other helps
also so much desired. The country
hereabout is of a temperate and most
sweet air, very fair and pleasant to
behold, and, besides the exceeding
fruitfulness of the soil, it is stored
with plenty of large and mighty deer.
Notwithstanding that in this first bay
w,e found sweet and wholesome water,
even at pleasure, yet the same day,
after the arrival of the caunter, we
removed some twelve leagues farther
up into^another, where we found a
long rock, or rather island of rocks,
not far from the main, making a
commodious harbour, especially
against a southerly wind ; under
them we anchored and rode till the
20th day at night, in which mean
space we killed divers seals, or sea-
wolves as the Spaniard calls them,
which resorted to these rocks in great
abundance. They are good meat,
and were an acceptable food to us for
the present and a good supply of our
provision for the future. Hence,
April 20, we weighed again and sailed
yet farther up into the river, even
till we found biit three fathoms'
depth, and that we rode with our
ships in fresh water ; but we stayed
not there, nor in any other place of
the river, because that the winds being
strong, the shoals many, and no safe
harbour found, we could not without
our great danger so have done. Hauling
therefore to seaward again, the 27th
of the same month, after that we had
spent a just fortnight in the river to
the great comfort of the whole fleet,
we passed by the south side thereof
into the main. The land here lies
SW., and NNE., with shoal water
1578.] SEVERE STORMS. 19
some three or four leagues off into | of these dangers to another's pains,
the sea ; it is about 36 20' and some-
what better S. latitude.
At our very first coming forth to
sea again, to wit, the same night, our
fly-boat, the Swan, lost company of
us : whereupon, though our General
doubted nothing of her happy coming
forward again to the rest of the fleet,
yet because it was grievous to have
such often losses, and that it was his
duty as much as in him lay to prevent
all inconveniences besides that might
grow, he determined to reduce the
number of his ships, thereby to draw
his men into less room, that both the
fewer ships might the better keep
company, and that they might also
be the better appointed with new and
fresh supplies of provisions and men,
one to ease the burthen of another :
especially for that he saw the coast
(it drawing now towards winter here)
to be subject to many and grievous
storms. And therefore he continued
on his course to find out a convenient
harbour for that use ; searching all
the coast from 36 to 47, as diligently
as contrary winds and sundry storms
would permit, and yet found none for
the purpose. And in the meantime
viz., May 8, by another storm
the caunter also was once more
severed from us. May 12 we had
sight of land in 47, where we were
forced to come to anchor in such road
as we could find for the time. Never-
theless our General named the place
Cape Hope ; by reason of a bay dis-
covered within the headland, which
seemed to promise a good and com-
modious harbour. But by reason of
many rocks lying off from the place,
we durst not adventure with our ships
into it without good and perfect dis-
covery beforehand made. Our Gene-
ral, especially in matters of moment,
was never wont to rely on other men's
care, how trusty or skilful soever they
might seem to be ; but always con-
temning danger, and refusing no toil,
he was wont himself to be one, who-
soever was a second, at every turn
where courage, skill, or industry,
was to be employed ; neither would
he at this time entrust the discovery
rat rather to his own experience, in
searching out and sounding of them.
A boat being therefore hoisted forth,
himself with some others the next
morning, May 13, rowed into the
bay ; and being now very nigh the
shore, one of the men of the country
showed himself unto him, seeming
very pleasant, singing and dancing,
after the noise of a rattle which he
shook in his hand, expecting earnestly
his landing.
But there was suddenly so great an
alteration in the weather, into a thick
and misty fog, together with an ex-
treme storm and tempest, that our
General, being now three leagues from
his ship, thought it better to return
than either to land or make any other
stay; and yet the fog thickened so
mightily, that the sight of the ships
was bereft them ; and if Captain
Thomas, upon the abundance of his
love and service to his General, had
not adventured with his ship to enter
the bay in this perplexity, where good
advice would not suffer our ships to
bear in while the winds were more
tolerable and the air clearer, we had
sustained some great loss, or our
General had been further endangered.
Who was now quickly received aboard
his ship j l out of which, being within
the bay, they let fall an anchor, and
rode there (God be praised) in safety ;
but our other ships, riding without,
were so oppressed with the extremity
of the storm, that they were forced to
run off to sea for their own safeguard,
being in good hope only of the success
of the ship which was gone in to re-
lieve our General. Before this storm
arose, our caunter, formerly lost, was
come in the same day unto us in the
road, but was put to sea again, the
same evening, with the rest of the
fleet.
The next day, May 14, the weather
being fair and the winds moderate, but
the fleet out of sight, our General
determined to go ashore, to this end,
that he might, by making of fires,
1 Captain Thomas's ship, the Mari-
gold.
20
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [1578.
give signs to the dispersed ships to
come together again into that road ;
whereby at last they were all as-
sembled, excepting the Swan, lost
long time before, and excepting our
Portugal prize, called the Mary, which,
weighing in this last storm the night
before, had now parted company, and
was not found again in a long time
after. In this place (the people being
removed up into the country, belike
for fear of our coming) we found near
unto the rocks, in houses made for
that purpose, as also in divers other
places, great store of ostriches, at
least to the number of fifty, with much
other fowl, some dried and some in
drying, for their provision, as it
seemed, to carry with them to the
place of their dwellings. The os-
triches' thighs were in bigness equal
to reasonable legs of mutton. They
cannot fly at all ; but they run so
swiftly, and take so long strides, that
it is not possible for a man in running
by any means to take them, neither
yet to come so nigh them as to have
a shot at them either with bow or
piece ; whereof our men had often
proof on other parts of the coast, for
all the country is full of them. We
found there the tools or instruments
which the people use in taking them.
Among other means they use in be-
traying these ostriches, they have a
great and large plume of feathers, or-
derly compact together upon the end
of a staff, in the forepart bearing the
likeness of the head, neck, and bulk
of an ostrich, and in the hinder part
spreading out very large, sufficient
(being held before him) to screen the
most part of the body of a man. With
this, it seemeth, they stalk, driving
them into some strait or neck of
land close to the seaside, where spread-
ing long and strong nets, with their
dogs which they have in readiness at
all times, they overthrow them, and
make a common quarry. The country
Is very pleasant, and seemeth to be a
fruitful soil. Being afterwards driven
to fall with this place again, we had
great acquaintance and familiarity
with the people, who rejoiced greatly
in our coming, and in our friendship,
in that we had done them no harm.
But because this place was no fit or
convenient harbour for us to do our
necessary business, neither yet to
make much provision of such things
as we wanted, as water, wood, and
the like, we departed thence the 15th
of May.
At our departure hence, we held
our course South and by West, and
made about nine leagues in twenty-
four hours, bearing very little sail,
that our fleet might the easier get up
with us, which by reason of contrary
winds were cast astern of us. In
47 30' we found a bay which was
fair, safe, and beneficial to us, very
necessary for our use, into which we
hauled, and anchored May 17 ; and
the next day we came further into the
same bay, where we cast anchor, and
made our abode full fifteen days. The
very first day of our arrival here, our
General having set things in some
order, for the despatch of our neces-
sary business, being most careful for
his two ships which were wanting,
sent forth to the southward Captain
Winter in the Elizabeth, Vice-ad-
miral, himself in the Admiral going
forth northward into the sea, to see if
happily they might meet with either
of them ; at which time, by the good
providence of God, he himself met
with the Swan, formerly lost at our
departure, from the River of Plate,
and brought her into the same har-
bour the same day ; where being after
wards unladen and discharged of he
freight, she was cast off, and, her
iron- work and other necessaries being
saved for the better provision of the
rest, of the remainder was made fire-
wood and other implements which we
wanted. But all this while of the
other ship, which we lost so lately in
our extremity, we could have no
news.
While we were thus employed, after
certain days of our stay in this place,
being on shore in an island nigh unto
the main, where at low-water was free
passage on foot from the one to the
other, the people of the country did
show themselves unto us with leap-
ing, dancing, and holding up their
BAUBAHOUS CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES. 21
1578.]
hands, and making outcries after
their manner ; but, being then high
water, we could not g over to them
on foot Wherefore the General
caused immediately a boat to be in
readiness, and sent unto them such
things as he thought would delight
them, as knives, bells, bugles, etc.
Whereupon they, being assembled
together upon a hill, half an English
mile from the water-side, sent down
two of their company, running one
after the other with a great pace,
traversing their ground, as it seemed
after the manner of their wars, by de-
grees descending towards the water's
side very swiftly. Notwithstanding,
drawing nigh unto it, they made a
stay, refusing to come near our men :
which our men perceiving, sent such
tilings as they had, tied with a string
upon a rod, and stuck the same up a
reasonable distance from them, where
they might see it. And as soon as
our men were departed from the place,
they came and took those things,
leaving instead of them, as in recom-
pense, such feathers as they use to
wear about their heads, with a bone
made in manner of a toothpick,
carved round about the top, and
in length about six inches, being
very smoothly burnished. Where-
upon our General, with divers of his
gentlemen and company, at low water,
went over to them to the main.
Against his coming they remained
still upon the hill, and set themselves
in a rank, one by one, appointing one
of their company to run before them
from the one end of the rank to the
other, and so back again, continually
East and West, with holding up his
hands over his head, and yielding
forward his body in his running to-
wards the rising and setting of the
Sun, and, at every second or third
turn at the most, erected his body
against the midst of the rank of the
people, lifting himself vaulting-wise
from the ground towards the Moon,
being then over our heads : signify-
ing thereby, as we conceived, that
they called the Sun and Moon (which
they serve for gods) to witness that
they meant nothing towards us but
peace. But when they perceived that
we ascended the hill apace, and drew
nigh unto them, they seemed very
fearful of our coming. Wherefore
our General, not willing to give them
any way any occasion to mislike or be
discomfited, retired his company ;
whereby they were so allured, and did
so therein confirm themselves of us
that we were no enemies, neither
meant them harm, that without all
fear divers came down with all speed
after us, presently entering into traffic
with, our men. Notwithstanding,
they would receive nothing at our
hands, but the same must first be
cast upon the ground, using this
word, "Zussus," for exchange,
"Toytt," to cast upon the ground.
And if they misliked anything, they
cried "Cor6h! Coroh f" speaking
the same with rattling in the throat.
The wares we received from them
were arrows of reeds, feathers, and
such bones as are afore described.
This people go naked, except a skin
of fur, which they cast about their
shoulders when they sit or lie in the
cold ; but having anything to do, as
going or any other labour, they use
it as a girdle about their loins. They
wear their hair very long ; but lest it
might trouble them in their travel,
they knit it up with a roll of ostrich
feathers, using the same rolls and
hair together for a quiver for their
arrows, and for a store-house, in
which they carry the most things
which they carry about them. Some .
of them, within these rolls, stick on
either side of their heads (for a sign
of honour in their persons) a large and
and plain feather, showing like horns
afar off ; so that such a head upon a
naked body if devils do appear with
horns might very nigh resemble
devils. Their whole bravery and set-
ting out themselves standeth 1 in
painting their bodies with divers
colours, and such works as they can
devise. Some wash 2 their faces with
sulphur, or some such like substance ;
1 Consists.
2 Dye their faces, "or give them a
wash, to use a modern phrase.
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1578.
some paint their whole bodies black,
leaving only their necks before and
behind white, much like our damsels
that wear their squares, 1 their necks
and breasts naked. Some paint one
shoulder black, another white ; and
their sides and legs interchangeably,
with the same colours, one still con-
trary to the other. The black part
hath set upon it white Moons, and
the white part black Suns, being the
marks and characters of their gods,
as is before noted. They have some
commodity 2 by painting of their
bodies, for the which cause they use
it so generally ; and that I gather to
be, the defence it yieldeth against the
piercing and nipping cold. For the
colours being close laid on upon their
skin, or rather in their flesh, as by
continual renewing of these juices
which are laid on, soaked into the
inner part thereof, doth fill up the
pores so close that no air or cold
can enter, or make them once to
shrink.
They have clean, comely, and
strong bodies ; they are swift of foot,
and seem very active. Neither is
anything more lamentable, in my
judgment, than that so goodly a
people, and so lively creatures of God,
should be ignorant of the true and
living God. And so much the more
is this to be lamented, by how much
they are more tractable, and easy to
be brought to the sheepfold of Christ ;
having, in truth, a land sufficient to
recompense any Christian Prince in
the world for the whole travail and
labour, cost and charges, bestowed in
their behalf : with a wonderful en-
larging of a kingdom, besides the
glory of God by increasing the Church
of Christ. It is wonderful to hear,
being never known to Christians be-
fore this time, how familiar they
became in short space with us ;
thinking themselves to be joined
1 Square-bodied dresses ; the repro-
duction of which is only one of the
signs of the fatigue of fashionable in-
ventions which have fallen to the
present period.
2 They gain some convenience.
with such a people as they ought
rather to serve than offer any wrong
or injury unto ; presuming that they
might be bold with our General as
with a father, and with us as brethren
and their nearest friends ; neither
seemed their love less towards us.
One of the chiefest among them
having on a time received a cap off
the General's head, which he did
daily wear, removing himself but a
little from us, with an arrow pierced
his leg deeply, causing the blood to
stream out upon the ground : signify-
ing thereby how unfeignedly he loved
him, and giving therein a covenant
of peace. The number of men which
did here frequent our company was
about fifty persons. "Within, in the
southernmost part of this bay, there
is a river of fresh water, with a
great many profitable islands ; of
which some have always such store of
seals, or sea-wolves, as were able to
maintain a huge army of men. Other
islands, being many and great, are so
replenished with birds and fowl, as if
there were no other victuals : a
wonderful multitude of people might
be nourished by the increase of them
for many posterities. Of these we
killed some with shot, and some with
staves, 3 and took some with our
hands, from men's heads and shoul-
ders, upon which they lighted. We
could not perceive that the people of
the country had any sort of boat or
canoe to come to these islands. Their
own provisions which they ate, for
ought we could perceive, was com-
monly raw : for we should sometimes
find the remnants of seals, all bloody,
which, they had gnawn with their teeth
like dogs. They go all of them armed
with a short bow, of about an ell in
length, in their hands, with arrows
of reeds, and headed witli a flint stone,
very cunningly cut and fastened.
This bay, by reason of the plenty
of seals therein found, insomuch that
we killed two hundred in the space of
one hour, we called Seal Bay. A.nd
having now made sufficient provision
3 Or, possibly, by misreading of the
text, ' ' stones. "
1578.] IN PORT
of victuals and other necessaries, as
also happily finished all our businesses,
on June 3 \ve set sail from thence ;
and coasting along towards the Pole
Antarctic, on June 12 we fell in with
a little hay, in which we anchored
for the space of two days, spent in
the discharging of our caunter, the
Christopher, which we here laid up.
The 14th day we weighed again,
and kept on our course southward till
the 17th, and then cast anchor in an-
other hay, in 50 20', lacking hut little
more than one degree of the mouth of
the Straits through which lay our so
much desired passage into the South
Sea. Here our General, on good advice,
determined to alter his course, and
turn his stern to the northward
again, if haply God would grant that
we might find our ship 1 and friends
whom we lost in the great storm, as
is before said. Forasmuch as, if we
should enter the Straits without them
in our company, it must needs go
hard with them ; and we also in the
mean time, as well by their absence
as by the uncertainty of their state,
must needs receive no small discom-
fort. And therefore, on June 18 in
the morning, putting to sea again,
with hearty and often prayers we
joined watchful industry to serve
God's good providence, and held on
our purpose to run back towards the
Line into the same height 2 in which
they were first dissevered from us.
The 19th day of June, towards night,
having sailed within a few leagues of
Port St Julian, we had our ship in
sight, for which we gave God thanks
with most joyful minds. And foras-
much as the ship was far out of order,
and very leaky, by reason of ex-
tremity of weather which she had
endured, as well before her losing
1 The "Portugal prize," the Mary ;
which had on board most or all of
their provision of liquor for the
voyage.
a Latitude ; the word is frequently
used in this and in other old voyagers'
narrations, to signify the amount of
ascendant, on one side or the other,
towards the plane of the Equator.
ST JULIAN. 23
company as in her absence, our Gene-
ral thought good to bear into Port St
Julian with his fleet, because it was so
nigh at hand, and so convenient a
place ; intending there to refresh his
wearied men, and cherish them who
had in their absence tasted such
bitterness of discomfort, besides the
want of many things which they sus-
tained.
Thus the next day, the 20th of
June, we entered Port St Julian,
which stands in 49 30', and has on
the south side of the harbour peaked
rocks like towers, and within the
harbour many islands, which you
may ride hard aboard of, but in going
in you must borrow of the north
shore. Being now come to anchor,
and all things fitted and made safe
aboard, our General with certain of
his company viz., Thomas Drake
his brother, John Thomas, Robert
"Winter, Oliver the master-gunner,
John Brewer, and Thomas Hood on
June 22 rowed farther in with a boat
to find out som e convenient place which
might yield us fresh water, during;
the time of our abode there, and fur-
nish us with supply for provision to
take to sea with us at our departure ;
which work, as it was of great neces-
sity, and therefore carefully to be per-
formed, so did not he think himself
discharged of his duty if he himself
bestowed not the first travail therein,
as his use was at all times in all other
things belonging to the relieving of
our wants and the maintenance of our
good estate, by the supply of what
was f needful. Presently upon his
landing he was visited by twc af the
inhabitants of the place, whom Ma-
gellan named "Patagous," or rather
" Pentagours, " from their huge
stature and strength proportionable.
These, as they seemed greatly to re-
joice at his arrival, so did they show
themselves very familiar, receiving at
our General's hands whatsoever he
gave them, and taking great pleasure
in seeing Mr Oliver, the master-gunner
of the Admiral, shoot an English
arrow trying with him to shoot at
length, but came nothing near him.
Not loner after came one more of
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
the same cast, but of a sourer sort ;
for he, misliking of the familiarity
which his fellows had used, seemed
very angry with them, and strove
earnestly to withdraw them, and to
turn them to become our enemies.
Which our General, with his men,
not suspecting in them, used them as
before, and one Mr Robert Winter,
thinking of pleasure to shoot an
arrow at length, as Mr Oliver had
done before, that he who came last
also might have a sight thereof, the
string of his bow broke ; which, as
before it was a terror unto them, so
now, broken, it gave them great en-
couragement and boldness, and, as
they thought, great advantage in
their treacherous intent and purpose,
not imagining that our calivers, 1
swords, and targets, were any muni-
tion or weapon of war. In which
persuasion as the General and his
company were quietly, without any
suspicion of evil, going down towards
the boat they suddenly, being pre-
pared and gotten by stealth behind
them, shot their arrows, and chiefly
at him which had the bow, not suffer-
ing him to string the same again,
which he was about to have done, as
well as he could ; but being wounded
in the shoulder at the first shot, and
turning about, was sped by an arrow,
which pierced his lungs, yet he fell
not. But the Master Gunner, being
ready to shoot off his caliver, which
took not fire in levelling thereof, 2 was
presently slain outright. In this ex-
tremity, if our General had not been
both expert in such affairs, able to
judge and to give present direction in
the danger thereof, and had not val-
iantly thrust himself into the dance
against these monsters, there had no
one of our men, that there were
1 The sam* word as "the modern
calibre ; " both, by old philologists,
derived from "equilibrium. " Caliver,
strictly, not merely means a gun, but
the shot, of whatever weight, which
the gun propels.
2 That is, though he aimed his
piece, it missed fire, or flashed in the
pan.
landed, escaped with life.
[1578.
He there-
fore, giving order that no man should
keep any certain ground, but shift
from place to place, encroaching still
upon the enemy, using their targets
and other weapons for the defence of
their bodies, and that they should
break so many arrows as by any
means they could come by, being
shot at them, wherein he himself was
very diligent, and careful also in call-
ing upon them, knowing that their
arrows being once spent, they should
have these enemies at their devotion
and pleasure, to kill or save ; and
this order being accordingly taken,
himself, I say, with a good courage
and trust in the true and living God,
taking and shooting off the same
piece which the Gunner could not
make to take fire, despatched the
first beginner of the quarrel, the same
man who slew our Master Gunner.
For the pieces being charged with a
bullet and hail-shot, and well aimed,
tore out his belly and guts, with
great torment, as it seemed by his
cry, which was so hideous and horri-
ble a roar, as if ten bulls had joined
together in roaring ; wherewith the
courage of his partners was so abated,
and their hearts appalled, that not-
withstanding divers of their fellows
and countrymen appeared out of the
woods on each side, yet they were
glad, by flying away, to save them-
selves, quietly suffering our men
either to depart or stay. Our General
chose rather to depart, than to take
farther revenge of thein, which now
he might, by reason of his wounded
man, whom for many good parts he
loved dearly, and therefore would
rather have saved him than slain a
hundred enemies ; but being past re-
covery, he died the second day after
his being brought on board again.
That night, our Master Gunner's body
being left ashore, for the speedier
bringing of the other aboard, our
General himself the next day, with
his boat well-appointed, returned to
the shore to find it likewise ; which
they found lying where it was left,
but stripped of his uppermost gar-
ment, and having an English arrow
SYMPTOMS OF A PLOT DISCOVERED. 25
1578.J
stuck in his right eye. Both of these
dead bodies were laid together in one
grave, with such reverence as was fit
for the earthen tabernacles of immor-
tal souls, and with such commendable
ceremonies as belong \into soldiers of
worth in time of war, which they
most truly and rightfully deserved.
Magellan was riot altogether de-
ceived in naming them Giants, for
they generally differ from the com-
mon sort of men, both in stature,
bigness, and strength of body, as also
in the hideousness of their voice ;
but yet they are nothing so monstrous
or giantlike as they were reported,
there being some Englishmen as tall
as the highest of any that we did see :
but peradventure the Spaniards did
not think that ever any Englishman
would come thither to reprove them,
and thereupon might presume the
more boldly to lie ; the name " Pen-
tagones," "Five Cubits," viz., seven
feet and a half, describing the full
height, if not somewhat more, of the
highest of them. But this is certain,
that the Spanish cruelties there used
have made them more monstrous in
mind and manners than they are in
body, and more inhospitable to deal
with any strangers that shall come
hereafter. For the loss of their
friends (the remembrance whereof is
assigned and conveyed over from one
generation to another among their
posterity) breedeth an old grudge,
which will not easily be forgotten
with so quarrelsome and revengeful
a people. Notwithstanding, the ter-
ror which they had conceived of us
did henceforward so quench their
heat, and take down their edge, that
they both forgot revenge, and, seeming
by their countenance to repent them
of the wrong they had offered us that
meant them no harm, suffered us to
do what we would the whole space of
two months after this, without any
interruption 01 molestation by them ;
and it may be perhaps a means to
breed a peace in that people towards
all that may, hereafter this, come that
way.
To this evil, thus received at the
hands of infidels, there was adjoined
and grew another mischief, wrought
and contrived closely amongst our-
selves ; as great, yea, far greater, and
of far more grievous consequence, than
the former, but that it was by God's
providence detected and prevented in
time ; which else had extended itself
not only to the violent shedding of
innocent blood by murdering our
General, and such others as were most
firm and faithful to him, but also to
the final overthrow of the whole action
intended, and to divers other most
dangerous effects. 1 These plots had
been laid before the voyage began, in
England : the very model of them
was showed and declared to our Gen-
eral in his garden at Plymouth before
his setting sail : which yet he either
would not credit as true or likely of
a person whom he loved so dearly,
and was persuaded of to love him, 2
likewise uufeignedly ; or thought by
love and benefits to remedy it, if there
were any evil purposes conceived
against him. And therefore he did
not only continue to this suspected
and accused person, all countenance,
credit, and courtesies which he was
wont to show and give him ; but in-
creased them, using him in a manner
as another himself; giving him the
second place in all companies, in his
presence; leaving in his hand the
state, as it were, of his own person in
his absence ; imparting unto him all
his counsels ; allowing him free liberty
in all things that were reasonable ;
and bearing often, at his hands great
infirmities : yea, despising that any
private inquiry should break so firm
a friendship as he meant towards him.
And therefore was he oftentimes not
1 Without entering here on the
much-debated question as to Drake's
conduct in the trial and execution of
Doughty which has been well called
the most dubious act in the life of the
great navigator it may be briefly said,
that the balance both of testimony and
of character is decidedly in Drake's
favour. The matter has been more
fully handled in the Introduction.
2 'That is, "and who he was per-
suaded loved him."
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1578.
a little offended even with those who,
upon conscience of their duty, and
knowledge that otherwise they should
indeed offend, disclosed from time to
time unto him how the fire increased
that threatened his own together with
the destruction of the whole action. 1
But at length, perceiving that his
lenity of favours did little good, in
that the heat of ambition was not yet
allayed, nor could be quenched, as it
seemed, but by blood ; and that the
manifold practices 2 grew daily more
and more, even to extremities ; he
thought it high time to call these
practices into question before it were
too late to call any question of them
into hearing. And therefore setting
good watch over him, and assembling
all his captains and gentlemen of his
company together, he propounded to
tlism the good parts which were in
the gentleman, the great good will and
inward affection, more than brotherly
which, he had ever since his first ac-
quaintance borne him, not omitting
the respect which was had of him
among no mean personages in Eng-
land ; and afterwards delivered the
letters which were written to him,
with the particulars from time to
time which had been observed, not
so much by himself as by his good
friends ; not only at sea, but even in
Plymouth ; not bare words, but writ-
ings ; not writings alone, but actions,
tending to the overthrow of the ser-
vice in hand, and making away of
his 3 person. Proofs were required
and alleged, so many and so evident,
that the gentleman himself, stricken
with remorse of his inconsiderate and
unkind dealing, acknowledged him-
self to have deserved death, yea many
deaths ; for that he conspired, not
only the overthrow of the action, but
1 That threatened his own destruc-
tion, along with the ruin of the whole
enterprise.
2 " Practice," in the time of Drake,
was used generally in an ill sense
and is thus a rare specimen of a word
which has improved, or at least grown
less tart, by keeping.
3 The Admiral's.
of the principal actor also, who was
not a stranger or ill-wilier, but a dear
and true friend unto him ; and there-
fore in a great assembly openly be-
sought them, in whose hands justice
rested, to take some order for him,
that he might not be compelled to
enforce his own hands against his
own bowels, 4 or otherwise to become
his own executioner.
The admiration 5 and astonishment
hereat in all the hearers, even those
who were his nearest friends and
most affected him, was great, yea, in
those who for many benefits received
from him had good cause to love him ;
but yet the General was most of all
distracted, and therefore withdrew
himself, as not able to conceal his
tender affection, requiring them that
had heard the whole matter to give
their judgments as they would another
day answer it unto their Prince and
unto Almighty God, judge of all the
earth. Therefore they all, above
forty in number, the chiefest of place
and judgment in the whole fleet, after
they had discussed diversly of the
case, and had alleged whatsoever
came in their minds, or could be there
produced by any of his other friends,
with their own hands, under seal, ad-
judged that ' ' He had deserved death :
and that it stood by no means with
their safety to let him live : and
therefore they remitted the matter
thereof, with the rest of the circum-
stances, to the General. " This judg-
ment, and as it were assize, was held
aloud, in one of the islands of the
port, which afterwards, in memory
hereof, was called the Island of " True
Justice and Judgment."
Now after this verdict was thus re-
turned unto our General (unto whom,
for his company, Her Majesty before
his departure had committed her
sword, to use for his safety, with this
word : "We do account that he which
striketh at thee, Drake, striketh at
us "), he called for the guilty party,
4 A curious and literal description
of the Japanese " hari-kari, ' or
"happy despatch."
5 AVonder.
1578.] THE EXECUTION OF
and caused to be read unto liini the
several verdicts which were written
and pronounced of him. "Which
being acknowledged for the most part
(for none had given heavier sentence
against him than he had given against
himself), our General proposed unto
him this choice : ' ' Whether he would
take, to be executed in this island?
or to be set a-land on the main ? or
return into England, there to answer
his deed before the Lords of Her
Majesty's Council ? He most humbly
thanked the General for his clemency,
extended towards him in such ample
sort ; and craving some respite to
consult thereon, and so make his
choice advisedly, the next day he re-
turned this answer : "That albeit he
had yielded in his heart to entertain
so great a sin, whereof now he was
justly condemned ; yet he had a care,
and that excelling all other cares, to
die a Christian man, that whatsoever
did become of his clay body, he might
yet remain assured of an eternal in-
heritance in a far better life. This
he feared, if he should be set a-land
among Infidels, how he should be
able to maintain this assurance ;
feeling, in his own frailty, how
mighty the contagion is of lewd
custom." And therefore he besought
the General most earnestly, "That
he would yet have a care and regard
of his soul, and never jeopard it
amongst heathen and savage Infidels.
If he should return into England, he
must first have a ship, and men to
conduct it, besides sufficient victuals ;
two of which, although they .were
had, yet for the third, he thought
that no man would accompany him,
in so bad a message, to so vile an
issue, from so honourable a service.
But if that there were who could in-
duce their minds to return with him,
yet the very shame of the return would
be as death, or grievouser, were that
Cible : because he should be so
j a-dying, and die so often.
Therefore he professed, that with all
his heart he did embrace the first
branch of the General's proffer, de-
siring only this favour, that they
might receive the Holy Communion
THOMAS DOUGHTY. 27
once again together before his death,
and that he might not die other than
a gentleman's death. "
Though sundry reasons were used
by many to persuade him to take
either of the other ways, yet when he
remained resolute in his former deter-
mination, both parts of his last re-
quest were granted ; and the next
convenient day a communion was
celebrated by Mr Francis Fletcher,
preacher and pastor of the fleet at
that time. The General himself com-
municated at this Sacred Ordinance,
with this condemned penitent gentle-
man, who showed great tokens of a
contrite and repentant heart, as who
was more deeply displeased with his
own act than any man else. And
after this holy repast they dined, also
at the same table together, as cheer-
fully in sobriety, as ever in their
lives they had done aforetime : each
cheering up the other, and taking
their leave, by drinking each to other,
as if some journey only had been in
hand. After dinner, all things being
brought in readiness by him that sup-
plied the room of the Provost Mar-
shall, without any dallying, or delay
ing the time, he came forth and
kneeled down, preparing at once his
neck for the axe, and his spirit for
Heaven ; which having done without
long ceremony, as who had before di-
gested this whole tragedy, he desired
all the rest to pray for him, and
willed the executioner to do his office,
not to fear nor spare.
Thus having by the worthy manner
of his death being much more honour-
able by it than blamable for any other
of his actions) fully blotted out what-
ever stain his fault might seem to
bring upon him, he left unto our
fleet a lamentable example of a goodly
gentleman who, in seeking advance-
ment unfit for him, cast away him-
self ; and unto posterity a monument
of I know not what fatal calamity, 1
1 The context shows that these
words would have been better re-
versed ; the Narrator plainly refer-
ring to the " calamitous fatality " of
the place, where botli Drake and
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WOULD.
[1578.
as incident to that port, and such
like actions, which might haply afford
a new pair of Parallels to be added to
Plutarch's : In that the same place,
near about the same time of the year,
witnessed the execution of two gen-
tlemen, suffering both for the like
cause, employed both in like service,
entertained both in great place, en-
dued both with excellent qualities,
the one fifty-eight years after the
other. For 'on the main our men
found a gibbet, fallen down, made of
a spruce mast, with men's bones
underneath it, which they conjectured
to be the same gibbet which Magellan
commanded to be erected, in the year
1520, for the execution of John Car-
thagena, 1 the Bishop of Burger's cou-
sin, who by the King's order was joined
with Magellan in commission, and
made his Vice-admiral. In the
island as we digged to bury this gen-
tleman, we found a great grinding-
stone, broken in two parts, which we
took and set fast in the ground, the
one part at the head, the other at the
feet, building up the middle space
with other stones and tufts of earth,
and engraved in the stones the names
of the parties buried there, with the
time of their departure, and a me-
morial of our General's name, in Latin,
that it might be the better understood
of all that should come after us.
These things thus ended and set in
order, our General discharged the
Mary our Portugal prize because
she was leaky and troublesome, defac-
ed her, 2 and then left her ribs and keel
upon the island where for two months
together we had pitched our tents.
And so having wooded, watered,
trimmed our ships, despatched all
Magellan had to exercise the extrem-
ity of justice.
1 Not Don Juan de Carthagena,
"but Don Luis de Mendoza upon
whom Magellan placed great reliance
suffered, with some other ring-
leaders in the mutiny, the fate indi-
cated in the text; Don Juan, with
several of the less guilty accomplices,
being left among the Patagonians.
2 Stripped her of her planking.
our othfT business, and brought our
fleet into the smallest number
even three only, besides our pinnaces
that we might the easier keep our-
selves together, be the better fur-
nished with necessaries, and be the
stronger manned, against whatsoever
need should be August 17, we de-
parted out of this port ; and being
now in great hope of a happy issue to
our enterprise, which Almighty God
hitherto had so blessed and prospered,
we set our coast for the Straits, south-
west.
August 20, we fell with the Cape
near which lies the entrance into the
Straits, called by the Spaniards Capo
Virgin Maria, 3 appearing four leagues
before you come to it, with high and
steep grey cliffs, full of black stars,
against which the sea beating showeth
as it were the spouting of whales,
having the highest of the cape like
Cape Vincent in Portugal. At this
cape our General caused his fleet, in
homage to our Sovereign Lady the
Queen's Majesty, to strike their top-
sails upon the bunt, 4 as a token of his
willing and glad mind to shew his
dutiful obedience to her Highness,
whom he acknowledged to have full
interest and right in that new dis-
covery ; and withal, in remembrance
of his honourable friend and favourer,
Sir Christopher Hatton, he changed
the name of the ship which himself
went in from the Pelican to be called
the Golden Hind. 5 Which ceremon-
ies being ended, together with a ser-
mon, teaching true obedience, with
S -avers and giving of thanks for Her
ajesty and her most honourable
Council, with the whole body of the
Commonweal and Church of God, we
continued our course on into the
said f'rete, 6 where passing with land in
sight on both sides, we shortly fell with
3 Cabo de las Virgenes, or Cape
Virgins, in modern maps.
4 To lower the topsails half -way,
upon the bunt or bend of the sail.
6 Conjectured to have formed part
of the Chancellor's armorial bearings.
A sound or narrow seu ; Latin,
"IVetum."
THE ISLANDS OF ST GEORGE AND ELIZABETH. 29
1578.]
so narrow a strait, as, carrying with it
rtiuch wind, often turnings, and many
dangers, requireth an expert judg-
ment in him that . shall pass the
same : it lies WNW. and ESE. But
having left this strait astern, we
seemed to be come out of a river of
two leagues broad, into a large and
main sea ; having, the night follow-
ing, an island in sight, which being
in height nothing inferior to the is-
land Fogo, before spoken of burneth,
like it also, aloft in the air, in a won-
derful sort, without intermission.
It has formerly been received as an
undoubted truth, that the seas, fol-
lowing the course of the first mover,
from East to West, have a continual
current through the Strait, but our
experience found the contrary ; the
ebbings and Sowings here being as
orderly in which the water rises and
falls more than five fathoms upright
as on other coasts.
The 24th of August, being Bartholo-
mew's Day, we fell with three islands,
bearing triangle-wise one from an-
other : one of them was very fair and
large and of a fruitful soil, upon
which, being next unto us and the
weather very calm, our General with
his gentlemen and certain of his mari-
ners then landed, taking possession
thereof in Her Majesty's name, and
to her use, and calling the same
Elizabeth Island. The other two,
though they were not so large nor so
fair to the eye, yet were they to us
exceeding useful, for in them we
found great store of strange things, 1
which could not fly at all, nor yet run
so fast as that they could escape us
with their lives ; in body they are
less than a goose, and bigger than a
mallard, short and thick set together,
having no feathers, but instead thereof
a certain hard and matted down ;
their beaks are not much unlike the
bills of crows ; they lodge and breed
upon the land, where, making earths,
as the conies do, in the ground, they
lay their eggs and bring up their
young ; their feeding and provision to
live on is in the sea, where they swim
in such sort, as Nature may seem to
have granted them no small preroga-
tive in swiftness, both to prey upon
others, and themselves to escape from
any others that seek to seize upon
them. And such was the infinite re-
sort of these birds to these islands,
that in the space of one day we ki Jed
no less than 3000, and if the increase
be according to the number, it is not
to be thought that the world hath
brought forth a greater blessing, in
one kind of creature in so small a
circuit, so necessarily and plentifully
serving the use of man. They are a
very good and wholesome victual.
Our General named these islands, the
one Bartholomew, according to the
day, the other Saint George's, in honour
of England, according to the ancient
custom there observed. In the Is-
land of Saint George we found the
body of a man, so long dead before,
that his bones would not hold toge-
ther, being moved out of the place
whereon they lay.
From these islands to the entrance
into the South Sea, the frete is very
crooked, having many turnings, and
as it were shuttings-up, as if there
were no passage at all ; by means
whereof we were often troubled with
contrary winds, so that some of our
ships recovering a cape of land, enter-
ing another reach, the rest were forced
to alter their course and come to an-
chor where they might. It is true
which Magellan reports of this pas-
sage : namely, that there be many
fair harbours and store of fresh water ;
but some ships had need to be freight-
ed with nothing else besides anchors
and cables, to find ground in most of
them to come to anchor ; which when
any extreme gusts or contrary winds
do come, whereunto the place is alto-
gether subject, is a great hindrance
to the passage, and carries with it no
small danger. The land on both sides
is very high and mountainous, having
on the North and "West side the con-
tinent of America, and on the South
and East part nothing but islands,
among which lie innumerable fretes
or passages into the South Sea. The
mountains arise with such tops and
30
DEAKE'S VOYAGE HOUND THE WOULD.
[1578.
spires into the air, and of so rare a
height, as they may well be accounted
amongst the wonders of the world ;
environed, as it were, with many re-
gions of congealed clouds and frozen
meteors, whereby they are continually
fed and increased, both in height and
bigness, from time to time, retain-
ing that which they have once receiv-
ed, being little again diminished by
the heat of the sun, as being so far
from reflection and so nigh the cold
and frozen region. But notwithstand-
ing all this, yet are the low and plain
grounds very fruitful, the grass green
and natural, the herbs, that are of
very strange sorts, good and many ;
the trees, for the most part of them,
always green ; the air of the tempera-
ture of our country ; the water most
pleasant ; and the soil agreeing to
any grain which we have growing in
our country : a place, no doubt, that
lacketh nothing but a people to use
the same to the Creator's glory and
the increasing of the Church. The
people inhabiting these parts made
<jres as we passed by in divers places.
Drawing nigh the entrance of the
South Sea, we had such a shutting-up
to the northwards, and such large
and open fretes towards the south,
that it was doubtful which way we
should pass, without further dis-
covery; 1 for which cause, our Gene-
ral having brought his fleet to anchor
under an island, himself, with certain
of his gentlemen, rowed in a boat
to descry the passage: who having
discovered a sufficient way toward
the North, in their return to their
ships met a canoe, under the same
island where we rode then at anchor,
having in her divers persons. This
canoe, or boat, was made of the bark
of divers trees, having a prow and a
stern standing up, and semicircle-
wise yielding inward, of one form and
fashion, the body whereof was a most
dainty mould, bearing in it most
comely proportion and excellent work-
manship, in so much as to our Gene-
ral and us it seemed never to have
been done without the cunning and
1 Exploration.
expert judgment of art ; and that not
for the use of so rude and barbarous
a people, but for the pleasure of some
great and noble personage, yea, of
some Prince. It had no other closing-
up or caulking in the seams, but the
stitching with thongs made of seal
skins, or other such beast, and yet so
close that it received very little or no
water at all.
The people are of a mean 2 stature,
but well set and compact in all their
parts and limbs; they have great
pleasure in painting their faces, as the
others have, of whom we have spoken
before. Within the said Island they
had a house of mean building, of cer-
tain poles, and covered with skins of
beasts, having therein fire, water,
and such meat as commonly they can
come by, as seals, mussels, and such
like. The vessels wherein they keep
their water, and their cups in which
they drink, are made of barks of
trees, as was their canoe, and that
with no less skill (for the bigness of
the thing), being of a very formal
shape and good fashion. Their work-
ing tools, which they use in cutting
these things- and such other, are
knives made of most huge and mon-
strous mussel shells (the like whereof
have not been seen or heard of lightly
by any travellers, the meat thereof
being very savoury and good in eat-
ing) ; which after they have broken
off the thin and brittle substance of
the edge, they rub and grind them
upon stones had for the purpose, till
they have tempered and set such an
edge upon them, that no wood is so
hard but they will cut it at pleasure
with the same ; whereof we ourselves
had experience. Yea, they cut there-
with bones of a marvellous hardness,
making of them fisgies 3 to kill fish,
wherein they have a most pleasant
exercise with great dexterity.
The 6th of ^September we had left
astern of us all these troublesome
islands, and were entered into the
South Sea, or Mare del Zur, 4 at the
2 Middling, ordinary.
3 Or fizgigs; see Note 4, page 128.
4 Drake was the fourth person who
1578.]
Cape whereof our General had de-
termined with his whole company to
have gone on shore, and there, after
a sermon, to have left a monument
of Her Majesty, engraven in metal,
for a perpetual remembrance, which
he had in a readiness for that end
prepared : but neither was there any
anchoring, neither did the wind suffer
us by any means to make a stay.
Only this by all our men's observa-
tions was concluded: that the en-
trance, by which we came into this
Strait, was in 52, the middle, in 53
15', and the going out in 52 30', being
150 leagues in length: at the very
entry, supposed also to be about ten
leagues in breadth. After we were
entered ten leagues within it, it was
found not past a league in breadth :
farther within, in some places very
large, in some very narrow; and in
the end found to be no Strait at all,
but all islands. Now when our Gene-
ral perceived that the nipping cold,
under so cruel and frowning a winter,
had impaired the health of some of
his men, he meant to have made the
more haste again towards the Line,
and not to sail any further towards
the Pole Antarctic, lest being further
from the sun, and nearer the cold,
we might haply be overtaken with
some greater danger of Sickness. But
God, giving men leave to purpose, re-
served to himself the disposition of
all things; making their intents of
none effect, or changing their mean-
ing oft-times clean into the contrary,
as may best serve for his own glory
and their profit.
For September 7th, the second day
after our entrance into the South Sea
called by some Marc Pacificum, but
proving to us rather to be Mare Furio-
A VIOLENT STORM. 31
sum God by a contrary wind and
intolerable tempest seemed to set him-
achieved the passage of the Straits,
having been preceded by Magellan in
1520, by Loyasa in 1526, and by
Juan de Ladrilleros, from the Pacific
side, in 1558. The English com-
mander had better fortune than his
predecessors, in respect to weather
and temperature; accomplishing in
about ^a fortnight what had occupied
months.
self against us, forcing iis not only to
alter our course and determination,
but witE. great trouble, long time,
many dangers, hard escapes, and final
separating of our fleet, to yield our-
selves unto his will. Yea, such was
the extremity of the tempest, that it
appeared to us as if he had pronounced
a sentence not to stay his hand, nor
to withdraw his judgment, till he had
buried our bodies, and ships also, in
the bottomless depths of the raging
sea. In the time of this incredible
storm, the 15th of September, the
moon was eclipsed in Aries, and
darkened about three points, for the
space of two glasses; which being
ended might seem to give us some
hope of alteration and change of
weather to the better. Notwithstand-
ing, as the ecliptical conflict could add
nothing to our miserable estate, no
more did the ending thereof ease us
anything at all, nor take away any of
our troubles from us : but our eclipse
continued still in its full force, so
prevailing against us, that, for the
space of full fifty-two days together,
we were darkened more than the
moon by twenty parts, or more than
we by any means could ever have
preserved or recovered light of our-
selves again, if the Son of God, which
laid this burthen upon our backs,
had not mercifully borne it up with
his own shoulders, and upheld us in
it by his own power, beyond any pos-
sible strength or skill of man. Neither
indeed did we at all escape, but,
with the feeling of great discomforts
through the same. For these violent
and extraordinary flaws, such as sel-
dom have been seen, still continuing or
rather increasing, September 30th, in
the night, caused the sorrowful separa-
tion of the Marigold from us; in
which was Captain John Thomas,
with many others of our dear friends,
who by no means that we could con-
ceive could help themselves, but by
spooming along before the sea. 1 With
1 Running straight before the wind,
and with the sea ; usually done in the
32
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1578.
whom albeit we could never meet
again, yet (our General having before-
hand given order, that if any of our
fleet did lose company the place of
resort to meet again should be in 30
or thereabouts upon the coast of Peru
towards the Equinoctial) we long time
hoped, till experience shewed our
hope was vain, that there we should
joyfully meet with them : especially
for that they were well provided of
victuals, and lacked no skilful and
sufficient men (besides their Captain)
to bring forward the ship to the place
appointed.
From the 7th of September, in
which the storm began, till the 7th
of October, we could not by any
means recover any land; having in
the meantime been driven so far
south as to the 57 and somewhat
better. On this day, towards night,
somewhat to the northward of that
Cape of America whereof mention is
made before in the description of our
departure from the Strait into this
Sea, with a sorry sail we entered a
harbour where hoping to enjoy some
freedom and ease till the storm was
ended, we received within few hours
after our coming to anchor so deadly
a stroke and hard entertainment that
our Admiral left not only an anchor
behind her, through the violence and
fury of the flaw, but in departing
thence also lost the company and
sight of our Vice-Admiral, the Eliza-
beth, partly through the negligence
of those who had the charge of her,
partly through a kind of desire that
some in her had to be out of these
troubles, and to be at home again;
which (as since is known) they thence-
forward by all means assayed and
performed. For the very next day,
October 8th, recovering the mouth of
the Straits again, which we were
now so near unto, they returned back
the same way by which they came
case of weak ships, which by lying to
the sea might have their masts car-
ried by the board. The Mangold
justified the worst apprehensions of
her friends, for nothing more was
ever heard of her or of her company.
forward, and so coasting Brazil they
arrived in England June 2d the year
following. So that now our Admiral,
if she had retained her old name of
Pelican, which she bare at our de-
parture from our Country, she mi^ht
have been now indeed said to be a,\ a
pelican in the wilderness. For albeit
our General sought the rest of his
fleet with great care, yet could we m t
have any sight or certain news cf
them by any means. 1
From this Bay of Parting of Friends,
we were forcibly driven back again
into 55 towards the Pole Antarctic.
In which height we ran in among
the islands before mentioned, lying to
the southward of America, through
which we passed from one sea to
the other, as hath been declared.
Where coming to anchor, we found
the waters there to have their in-
draught and free passage, and that
through no small guts or narrow chan-
nels, butindeed through as large fretes
or straits as it hath at the supposed
Straits of Magellan, through which
we came. Among these islands mak-
ing our abode with some quiet u ess
for a very little while (viz. , two days)
1 Edward Cliffe, who narrates the
voyage of the Elizabeth back to Eng-
land, denies that Winter intended to
desert his Admiral, and declares that
some attempts were made to rejoin
him. As these attempts, however,
seem to have been limited to the light-
ing of fires on the shore within the
narrows, just the direction in which
Drake did not design to prosecute his
voyage, they do not seem to have
been either very energetic or very
sincere. The Elizabeth's company,
after resting and recruiting them-
selves in Port Health for several
weeks, desired to resume the enter-
prise ; but Captain Winter compelled
them to abandon the voyage, "full
sore against the mariners' minds,"
affirming that he now despaired of
the Admiral's safety, or of being able
to gain the golden shores of Peru.
Winter was the first Englishman to
navigate the Straits of Magellan
eastward.
1573.] CONTINUANCE
and finding divers good and whole-
some herbs, together with fresh water ;
our men, who before were weak, and
much impaired in their health, began
to receive good comfort, especially by
the drinking of one herb (not much
unlike that herb which we commonly
call Pennyleaf) which, purging with
great facility, afforded great help and
refreshing to our weaned and sickly
bodies. But the winds returning to
their old wont, and the seas raging
after their former manner, yea every-
thing as it were setting itself against
our peace and desired rest, here was
no stay permitted us, neither any
safety to be looked for. For such was
the present danger by forcing and
continual flaws, that we were rather
to look for present death than hope
for any delivery, if God Almighty
should not make the way for us.
The winds were such as if the bowels
of the Earth had set all at liberty, or
as if all the clouds under heaven had
been called together to lay their force
upon that one place. The seas,
which by nature and of themselves
are heavy, and of a weighty sub-
stance, were rolled up from the depths,
even from the roots of the rocks, as
if it had been a scroll of parchment
which by the extremity of heat run-
neth together ; and being aloft were
carried in most strange manner and
abundance, as feathers or drifts of
snow, by the violence of the 'winds,
to water the exceeding tops of high
and lofty mountains. Our anchors,
as false friends in such a danger, gave
over their holdfast, and as if it had
been with horror of the thing, did
shrink down to hide themselves in
this miserable storm, committing the
distressed ship and helpless men to
the uncertain and rolling seas, which
tossed them like a ball in a racket.
In this case, to let fall more anchors
a'ould avail us nothing; for being
driven from our first place of anchor-
ing, so unmeasurable was the depth,
that 500 fathoms would fetch no
ground. So that the violent storm
without intermission; the impos-
sibility to come to anchor ; the
want of opportunity to spread any
OF THE ST011M. 33
sail ; the most mad seas ; the lee
shores ; the dangerous rocks ; the con-
trary and most intolerable winds;
the impossible passage out; the des*
perate tarrying there, and inevitable
perils on every side, did lay before us
so small likelihood to escape present
destruction, that if the special provi-
dence of God himself had not sup-
ported us, we could never have en-
chired that woeful state, as being
environed with most terrible and
most fearful judgments round about.
For, truly, it was more likely that
the mountains should have been rent
in sunder from the top to the bottom,
and cast headlong into the sea, by
these unnatural winds, than that we
by any help or cunning of man
should free the life of any amongst
us. 1
Notwithstanding, the same God of
mercy which delivered Jonah out of
the whale's belly, and heareth all
those that call upon him faithfully in
their distress, looked down from
heaven, beheld our tears, and heard
our humble petitions, joined with
holy vows. Even God whom not
the winds and seas alone, but even
the devils themselves and powers of
hell obey did so wonderfully free
us, and make our way open before us,
as it were by his holy angels still
guiding and conducting us, that, more-
than the affright and amaze of this
Estate, we received no part of damage
in all the things that belonged to us.
But escaping from these Straits and
miseries, as it were through the
needle's eye (that God might have
the greater glory in our delivery), by
the great and effectual care and travail
of our General, the Lord's instrument
therein; we could now no longer for-
bear, but must needs find some place
of refuge, as well to provide water,
wood, and other necessaries, as to
comfort our men, thus worn and tired
out by so many and so long intoler-
able toils ; the like whereof, it is to
be supposed, no traveller hath felt,
1 Compare with this account of
Drake's difficulties^ that of Anson's
in the same navigation.
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1578.
neither hatli there ever been such a
tempest, that any records make men-
tion of, so violent and of such continu-
ance, since Noah's flood ; for, as hath
been said, it lasted from September 7th
to October 28th, full fifty-two days.
Not many leagues, therefore, to the
southward of our former anchoring,
we ran in again among these islands,
where we had once more better likeli-
hood to rest in peace ; and so much
the rather, for that we found the
people of the country travelling for
their living from one island to an-
other in their Canoes, both men,
women, and young infants wrapt in
skins and hanging at their mothers'
backs ; with whom we had traffic for
such things as they had, as chains of
certain shells, and such other trifles.
Here the Lord gave us three days to
breathe ourselves and to provide such
things as we wanted, albeit the same
was with continual care and troubles
to avoid imminent dangers, which
the troubled seas and blustering winds
did every hour threaten unto us. But
when we seemed to have staid there
too long, we were more rigorously as-
saulted by the not formerly ended
but now more violently renewed
storm, and driven thence also with
no small danger, leaving behind us
the greater part of our cable with the
anchor ; being chased along by the
winds and buffeted incessantly in each
quarter by the seas, (which our Gene-
ral interpreted as though God had
sent them of purpose to the end which
ensued), till at length we fell with the
uttermost part of land towards the
South Pole, and had certainly dis-
covered how far the same doth reach
southward from the coast of America
aforenamed. 1 The uttermost cape or
headland of all these islands stands
near in 56, without 2 which there is
no main nor island to be seen to the
southwards, but that the Atlantic
1 Thus Drake accidentally dis-
covered Cape Horn, which received
its name from Schouten and Le Maire,
who sailed round it for the first time
in 1616.
* Beyond, outside.
Ocean and the South Sea meet in a
most large and free scope.
It hath been a dream through many
ages, that these islands have been a
main, 3 and that it hath been Terra
Incognita, wherein many strange
monsters lived. Indeed, it might
truly before this time be called In-
cognita* for howsoever the maps and
general descriptions of cosmographers,
either upon the deceivable reports of
other men, or the deceitful imagina-
tions of themselves (supposing never
herein to be corrected), have set it
down, yet it is true, that before this
time it was never discovered or cer-
tainly known by any traveller that
we have heard of. And here, as in a
fit place, it shall not be amiss to re-
move that error in opinion, which
hath been held by many, of the im-
possible return out of Mare del Zur
into the West Ocean by reason of the
supposed Eastern current and levant
winds, which (say they) speedily
carry any thither, but suffer no re-
turn. They are herein likewise alto-
gether deceived, for neither did we
meet with any such current, nor had
we any such certain winds with any
such speed to carry us through ; but
at all times, in our passage there, we
found more opportunity to return
back again into the West Ocean, than
to go forward into Mare del Zur, by
means either of current or winds to
hinder us, whereof we had experience
more than we wished : being glad
oftentimes to alter our course, and to
fall astern again with frank wind,
without any impediment of any such
surmised current, farther in one after-
noon, than we could fetch up or
recover again in a whole day, with a
seasonable gale. And in that they
allege the narrowness of the frete,
and the want of sea-room, to be the
cause of this violent current, they
are herein no less deceived, than they
3 A continent or mainland of them-
selves.
4 Elsewhere we read that Drake
held himself warranted in changing
the title of Terra Incognita
Terra nunc bene Cognita.
into
1578.]
ON THE COAST OF PERU.
were in the other without reason : for
besides that it cannot be said, that
there is one only passage, but rather
innumerable, it is most certain that,
a-seaboard * all these islands, there is
one large and main sea ; wherein if
any will not be satisfied, nor believe
the report of our experience and eye-
sight, he should be advised to suspend
his judgment till he have either tried
it himself by his own travel, or shall
understand, by other travellers, more
particulars to confirm his mind herein.
Now as we were fallen to the utter-
most part of these islands, October
28th, our troubles did make an end,
the storms ceased, and all our cala-
mities (only the absence of our friends
excepted) were removed ; as if God,
all this while, by his secret provi-
dence, had led us to make this dis-
covery, which being made, according
to his will, he stayed his hand, as
pleased his majesty therein, and re-
freshed us as his servants. At these
southerly parts we found the night in
the latter end of October to be but
two hours long : the sun being yet
above seven degrees distant from the
Tropic ; so that it seems, being in the
Tropic, to leave very little or no night
at all in that place. There be few of
all these islands but have some inha-
bitants, whose manners, apparel,
houses, canoes, and means of living,
are like unto those formerly spoken of, a
little before our departure out of the
Strait. To all these islands did our
General give one name, to wit, Eliza-
bethides. After two days' stay which
we made in and about these islands,
the 30th of October we set sail, shap-
ing our course right North-west, to
coast alongst the parts of Peru (for so
the general mapo set out the land to
lie) both for that we might, with con-
venient speed, fall with the height of
30, being the place appointed for the
rest of our fleet to re-assemble ; as
also that no opportunity might be
lost in the meantime to find them
out, if it seemed good to God to
direct them to us.
In this course we chanced, the next
On the seaward side, to the South.
day, with two islands, being, as it
were, storehouses of the most liberal
provision of victuals for us, of birds ;
yielding not only sumcient and
plentiful store for us who were pre-
sent, but enough to have served all
the rest also who were absent.
Thence, having furnished ourselves
to our content, we continued our
course, November 1st, still North-
west, as we had formerly done ; but
in going on we soon espied that we
might easily have been deceived ;
and therefore casting about and steer-
ing upon another point we found that
the general maps did err from the
truth in setting down the coast of
Peru for twelve degrees at least to
the Northward of the supposed Strait,
no less than is the NW. point of the
compass different from the NE. ;
perceiving thereby that no man had
ever by travel discovered any part of
these twelve degrees ; and therefore
the setters forth of such descriptions
are not to be trusted, much less
honoured, in their false and fraudu-
lent conjectures which they use, not
in this alone, but in divers other
points of no small importance.
We found this part of Peru, all
alongst to the height of Lima, which
is 12? south of the Line, to be moun-
tainous and very barren, without
water or wood, for the most part,
except in certain places inhabited by
the Spaniards, and few others, which
are very fruitful and commodious.
After we were once again thus fallen
with the land, we continually coasted
along, till we came to the height of
37 9 or thereabout ; and rinding no
convenient place of abode, nor likeli-
hood to hear any news of our ships,
we ran off again with an island which
lay in sight, named of the Spaniards
Mucho, by reason of the greatness
and large circuit thereof. 2 At this
island coming to anchor November
25th, we found it to be a fruitful place,
and well stored with sundry sorts of
8 It is, despite this derivation,
marked in the maps as "Mocha,"
lying off the Chilian coast midway
between Valdivia and Concepcion.
36 DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
good tilings : as sheep and other
cattle, maize (which is a kind of
grain whereof they make bread),
potatoes, with such other roots ; be-
sides that, it is thought to be won-
derfully rich in gold, and to want no
good thing for the use of man's life.
The inhabitants are such Indians as
by the cruel and most extreme dealing
of the Spaniards have been driven to
fly from the main here, to relieve
and fortify themselves. "With this
people our General thought it meet
to have traffic for fresh victuals and
water ; and for that cause, the very
same night of our arrival there, him-
self with divers of his company went
ashore, to whom the people with
great courtesy came down, bringing
with them such fruits and other vic-
tuals as they had, and two very fat
sheep, which they gave our General
for a present. In recompense whereof
he bestowed upon them again many
good and necessary things ; signify-
ing unto them that the end of his
coming was for no other cause but by
way of exchange, to traffic with them
for such things as we needed and
they could spare ; and, in particular,
for such as they had already brought
down unto us, besides fresh water,
which we desired of them. Herein
they held themselves well contented,
and seemed to be not a little joyful
of our coming, appointing where we
should have the next morning fresh
water at pleasure, and withal signify-
ing that then also they would bring
us down such other things as we de
sired to serve our turns.
The next day therefore, very early
in the morning (all things . being
made ready for traffic, as also vessels
prepared to bring the water), our Gene-
ral, taking great care for so necessary
provision, repaired to the shore again ;
and setting a-land two of his men,
sent them with their barricoes l to the
watering-place assigned the night be-
fore. "Who having peaceably passed
on one-half of the way, were then
with no small violence set upon by
[1578.
those traitorous people, and suddenly
slain : and to the end that our Gene-
ral with the rest of his company
should not only be stayed from rescu-
ing them, but also might fall, if it
were possible, into their hands in
like manner, they had laid closely
behind the rocks an ambushment
(as we guessed) of about 500 men,
armed and well appointed for such a
mischief. Who suddenly attempting
their purpose (the rocks being very
dangerous for the boat, and the sea-
gate 2 exceeding great) by shooting
their arrows hurt and wounded every
one of our men, before they could free
themselves, or come to the use of
their weapons to do any good. The
General himself was shot in the face,
under his right eye, and close by his
nose, the arrow piercing a marvellous
way in under basis cerebri, with no
small danger of his life ; besides that
he was grievously wounded in the
head. The rest, being nine persons,
in the boat, were deadly Avounded in
divers part of their bodies, if God
almost miraculously had not given
cure to the same. For our chief sur-
geon being dead, and the other absent
by the loss of our Vice-admiral, and
having none left us but a boy whose
goodwill was more than any skill he
had, we were little better than alto-
gether destitute of such cunning and
helps as so grievous a state of so many
wounded bodies did require. Not-
Avithstanding God, by the good advice
of our General, and the diligent put-
ting-to of every man's help, did give
such speedy and wonderful cure, that
we had all great comfort thereby, and
yielded God the glory thereof.
The cause of this force and injury
by these islanders was no other' but
the deadly hatred which they bear
against their cruel enemies the Spani-
ards, for the bloody and most tyran-
nous oppression which they had used
towardsthem. And therefore with pur-
pose against them (suspecting us to
be Spaniards indeed, and that the
rather by occasion that, though corn-
Casks; Spanish, " Barrica," a
2 The force of the waves liftim
boat towards the rocks.
the
1578.]
in and was given to the contrary, some
of our men, in demanding water,
used the Spanish word "Aqua")
sought some part of revenge against
us. Our General, notwithstanding
he might have revenged this wrong
with little hazard or danger, yet being
more desirous to preserve one of his
own men alive, than to destroy an
hundred of his enemies, committed
the same to God ; wishing this only
punishment to them, that they did
out know whom they had wronged ;
and that they had done this injury
not to an enemy, but to a friend ; not
to a Spaniard, but to an Englishman ;
who would rather have been a patron
to defend them, than any way an in-
strument of the least wrong that
should have been done unto them.
The weapons which this people use in
their wars, are arrows of reeds, with
heads of stone very brittle and in-
dented, but darts of a great length,
headed Avith iron or bone.
The same day that we received this
dangerous affront, in the afternoon,
we set sail from thence ; and because
we were now nigh the appointed
height wherein our ships were to be
looked for, as also the extremity and
crazy 1 state of our hurt men advising
us to use expedition to find some con-
venient place of repose which might
afford them some rest, and yield us
necessary supply of fresh victuals for
their diet ; we bent our course, as the
wind would suffer us, directly to run
in with the main. "Where falling with
a bay called Philip's Bay, 2 in 32 or
thereabout, November 30, we came
to anchor and forthwith manned and
sent our boat to discover what likeli-
hood the place would offer to afford
us such things as we stood in need of.
Our boat doing her uttermost endea-
HELP FROM THE INDIANS.
37
1 Used in the simply physical sense
of sickly or weakly.
2 The name, conferred in honour of
the natives afterwards mentioned, who
guided them to Valparaiso, has not
been maintained in the modern maps ;
probably the place was Pichidanqui
Cove, rather more than a degree to
the north of Valparaiso.
vour iu a diligent search, yet after
long travel could find no appearance
of hope for relief, either of fresh
victuals or of fresh water ; huge herds
of wild buffs 3 they might discern,
but not so much as any sign of any
inhabitant thereabout. Yet in their
return to us they descried within the
bay an Indian with his canoe, as he
was a-fishing ; him they brought
aboard our General, canoe and all, as
he was in it. A comely personage,
aad of a goodly stature ; his apparel
was a white garment, reaching scarcely
to his knees ; his arms and legs were
naked ; his hair upon his head very
long ; without a beard, as all the
Indians for the most part are. He
seemed very gentle, of mild and
humble nature, being very tractable
to learn the use of everything, and
most grateful for such things as our
General bestowed upon him. In him
we might see a most lively pattern of
the harmless disposition of that people,
and how grievous a thing it is that
they should by any means be so
abused as all those are whom the
Spaniards have any command or
power over.
This man being courteously enter-
tained, and his pains'of coming doubly
requited, after we had shewed him,
partly by signs, and partly by such
things as we had, what things we
needed, and would gladly receive by
his means, upon exchange of such
things as he would desire, we sent
him away with our boat and his own
canoe (which was made of reed straw)
to land him where he would. Who
being landed, and willing our men
to stay his return, was immediately
met with by two or three of his
friends ; to whom imparting his news,
and shewing what gifts he had re-
ceived, he gave so great content, that
they willingly furthered his purpose :
so that, after certain hours of our
men's abode there, he with divers
others (among whom was their head
or captain) made their return, bring
ing with them their loadings of sucll
things as they thought would dc
Buffaloes, wild oxen.
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
us good, as some hens, eggs, a fat
hog, and such like. All which, that
o-ur men might be without all suspi-
cion of all evil to be meant or in-
tended by them, they sent in one of
their canoes, a reasonable distance
from off the shore, to our boat, the
sea-gate being at present very great ;
and their captain, having sent back
his horse, would needs commend him-
self to the credit of our men, though
strangers, and come with them to the
General, without any of his own
acquaintance or countrymen with
him. which was nailed a god of the same
rnptfl.l * \Vfi Rrtpirh snmp. t.imfi in rfi-
By his coming, as we understood
that there was no means or way to
have our necessities relieved in this
place ; so he offered himself to be our
pilot to a place, and that a good har-
bour, not far back to the southward
again, where, by way of traffic, we
might have at pleasure both water
and those other things which we
stood in need of. This offer our Gene-
ral very gladly received, 1 and so
much the rather, for that the place
intended was near about the place
appointed for the rendezvous of our
fleet. Omitting therefore our pur-
pose of pursuing the buffs formerly
spoken of, of which we had otherwise
determined, if possible, to have killed
some, this good news of better provi-
sion, and more easy to come by, drew
us away; and so the fifth day after
our arrival, December 4, we departed
hence, and the next day, by the will-
ing conduct of our new Indian pilot,
we came to anchor in the desired har-
bour. This harbour the Spaniards
call Valparaiso, and the town adjoin-
ing Saint James 8 of Chili : it stands
in 35 40' 3 ; where, albeit we neither
met with our ships nor heard of
them, yet there was no good thing
1 By other accounts, it had been
Drake's purpose to go for Valparaiso,
but he oversailed that port, and
Felipe the name of the "head or
captain " undertook to pilot them
back, believing them Spaniards.
2 Santiago, the present capital of
Chili.
a An obvious misprint for 33 40'.
[1578.
which the place afforded, or which
our necessities indeed for the present
required, but we had the same in
great abundance. Amongst other
things, we found in the town divers
storehouses of the wines of Chili ; and
in the harbour a ship called the Cap-
tain of Moriall, or the Grand Captain
of the South, Admiral to the Islands
of Salomon, laden for the most part
with the same kind of liquors ; only
there was besides a certain quantity
of fine gold of Baldivia, and a great
cross of gold beset with emeralds, on
metal. 4 We spent some time in re-
freshing ourselves, and easing this
ship of so heavy a burthen ; and on
the 8th day of the same month
having in the meantime sufficiently
stored ourselves with necessaries, as
wine, bread, bacon, &c., for a long
season we set sail, returning back
toAvards the Line, carrying again our
Indian pilot with us, whom our Gene-
ral bountifully rewarded, and enriched
with many good things, which pleased
him exceedingly, and caused him by
the way to be landed in the place
where he desired. 5
4 Drake's men were welcomed with
beat of drum by the few Spaniards on
board, and asked to partake of Chili
wine, under the belief that they were
compatriots. The Spaniards were
soon rudely undeceived; but one
escaped to shore and alarmed the
town, the inhabitants of which
speedily took refuge inland. About
1800 jars of wine, and a quantity of
gold variously stated at from 25,000
to 60,000 pesos, were found in the
Grand Captain, when she was subse-
quently overhauled at sea; she was
destined for Peru. Mr Fletcher
touches mildly on this act of open
piracy; he does not mention at all
the sacrilege of which the explorers
were guilty, in plundering the church
of its ornaments and relics among
the former two cruets, a silver chalice,
and an altar-cloth, -which became by
gift the property of the chaplain him-
self.
5 Felipe, who had unwittingly be-
1578.]
CRUELTY OF THE SPANIARDS.
39
Our necessities being thus to our
content relieved, our next care was
the regaining if possible of the
company of our ships so long severed
.from us : neither would anything
have satisfied our General or us so
well, as the happy meeting or good
news of them. This way therefore,
all other thoughts for the present set
apart, were all our studies and endea-
vours bent, how to fit it so as that no
opportunity of meeting them might
be passed over. To this end, con-
sidering that we could not conveni-
ently run in with our ship in search
of them to every place where there
was likelihood of being a harbour, and
that our boat was too little, and unable
to carry men enough to encounter the
malice or treachery of the Spaniards
(if we should by any chance meet with
any of them) who are used to show
no mercy where they may overmaster ;
and therefore, meaning not to hazard
ourselves to their cruel courtesy, we
determined, as we coasted now to-
wards the Line, to search diligently
for some convenient place where we
might, in peace and safety, stay l the
trimming of our ship, and the erect-
ing of a pinnace, in which we might
with better security than in our boat,
and without endangering of our ship
by running into each creek, leave no
place untried, if happily we might so
find again our friends and country-
men.
For this cause, December 19th, we
entered a bay not far to the south-
ward of the town of Cyppo, 2 now in-
habited by the Spaniards, in 29 30' ;
where, having landed certain of our
men, to the number of fourteen, to
search what conveniency the place
was likely to afford for our abiding
there, we were immediately descried
by the Spaniards of the town of Cyppo
trayed the Spaniards at Valparaiso,
was replaced in the post of temporary
pilot by a Greek, named Juan Griego,
captured on board the Grand Captain,
who took Drake as far as Lima.
1 Remain so long as would suffice
for.
2 Coquimbo.
aforesaid, who speedily made out 300
men at least, whereof 100 were Span-
iards, every one well-mounted upon
his horse : the rest were Indians, run-
ning as dogs at their heels, all naked,
and in most miserable bondage. 3 They
could not come anyway so closely,
but God did open our eyes to see them,
before there was any extremity of
danger ; whereby our men, being
warned, had reasonable time to shift
themselves as they could : first from
the main to a rock within the sea,
and from thence into their boat,
which, being ready to receive them,
conveyed them with expedition out
of the reach of the Spaniards' fmy,
without the hurt of any man. Only
one Richard Minioy, being over bold
and careless of his own safety, would
not be entreated by his friends, nor
feared 4 by the multitude of his ene-
mies, to take the present benefit of
his own delivery ; but chose either
to make 300 men, by outbraving
of them, to become afraid, or else
himself to die in the place; the
latter of which he did. Whose
dead body being drawn by the In-
dians from the rock to the shore, was
there manfully by the Spaniards be-
headed, the right hand cut off, the
heart plucked out ; all which they
carried away in our sight, and for
the rest of his carcass thev caused the
Indians to shoot
xsstney cai
it full of
arrows,
made but the same day, of green wood,
and so left it to be devoured by the
beasts and fowls, but that we went
ashore again and buried it ; wherein
as there appeareth a most extreme
and barbarous cruelty, so doth
it declare to the world in what miser-
able fear the Spaniard holdeth the
Government of those parts ; living in
continual dread of foreign invasion
by strangers, or secret cutting of their
throats by those whom they kept
under them in so shameful slavery, I
mean the innocent and harmless
Indians. And therefore they make
sure to murder what strangers soever
3 Other accounts make the numbers
I 300 horse and 200 foot.
4 Alarmed.
40
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
they can come by, and suffer the In-
dians by no means to have any wea-
pon longer than they be in present
service : as appeared by their arrows
cut from the tree the same day, as also
by the credible report of others \vho
knew the matter to be true. Yea,
they suppose they show the wretches
great favour when they do not for
their pleasures whip them with cords,
and day by day drop their naked
bodies with burning bacon, which is
one of the least cruelties among many
which they universally use against
that nation and people.
This not being the place we looked
for, nor the entertainment such as we
desired, we speedily got hence again,
and December 20th, the next day, fell
with a more convenient harbour, in a
bay somewhat to the northward of
the forenamed Cyppo, lying in 27 25'
South the Line. In this place we
spent some time in trimming of our
ship, and building of our pinnace,
as we desired ; but still the grief for
the absence of our friends remained
[1578.
All our businesses being thus de-
spatched, January 19th we set sail from
hence ; and the next place that we fell
withal, January 22d, was an island
standing in the same height with the
north cape of the province of Mor-
morena. At this island we found four
Indians with their canoes, who took
upon them to bring our men to a place
of fresh water on the foresaid cape ; in
hope whereof, our General made them
great cheer, as his manner was to-
wards all strangers, and set his course
by their direction ; but when we came
unto the place, and had travelled up
a long way into the land, we found
fresh water indeed, but scarce so much
as they had drunk wine in their pas-
sage thither. As we sailed along,
continually searching for fresh water,
we came a place called Tarapaca, 1
and landing there we lighted on
a Spaniard who lay asleep, and had
lying by him thirteen bars of sil-
ver, weighing in all about 4000 Span-
ish ducats : we would not, could we
have chosen, have awaked him of his
with us, for the finding of whom our nap : but seeing we, against our wills,
General, having now fitted all things did him that injury, we freed him of
to his mind, intended leaving his
ship the meanwhile at anchor in the
bay with his pinnace and some
chosen men, himself to return back
to the southwards again, to see if
happily he might either himself meet
with them, or find them in some har-
bour or creek, or hear of them by any
others whom he might meet with.
With this resolution he set on, but
after one day's sailing, the wind be-
ing contrary to his purpose, he was
forced, whether he would or no, to
return again. Within this bay, dur-
ing our abode there, we had such
abundance of fish, not much unlike
our gurnard in England, as no place
had ever afforded us the like Cape
Blanco only upon the coast of Bar-
bary excepted since our first setting
forth of Plymouth until this time ;
the plenty whereof in this place was
such, that our gentlemen sporting
themselves day by day, with four or
five hooks or lines, in two or three
hours would take sometimes 400,
sometimes more, at one time.
his charge, which otherwise perhaps
would have kept him waking, and so
left him to take out, if it pleased him,
the other part of his sleep in more
security. Our search for water still
continuing, as we landed again not
far from thence we met a Spaniard
with an Indian boy, driving eight
lambs or Peruvian sheep : each sheep
bare two leathern bags, and in each
bag was 50 pounds weight of refined
silver, i;i the whole 800 pounds
weight : we could not endure to see
a gentleman Spaniard turned carrier
so, and therefore without entreaty we
offered our service and became drovers ;
only his directions were not so per-
fect that we could keep the way which
he intended, for almost as soon as he
was parted from us, we with our new
kind of carriages were come unto our
boats. 2
1 Better known now by its port of
Iquique, a few miles distant.
2 It is somewhat amusing to notice
the grim humour with which the re-
1579.]
THE LLAMA OR PERUVIAN SHEEP.
Farther beyond this cape fore-
mentioned lie certain Indian towns,
from whence, as we passed by, came
many of the people in certain hawses 1
made of sealskins ; of which two be-
ing joined together, of a just length,
and side by side, resemble in fashion
or form a boat : they have in either
of them a small gut, or some such
thing, blown full of wind/ by reason
whereof it floateth, and i/rowed very
swiftly, carrying in it no small bur-
then. 2 In these, upon sight of our
ships, they brought store of fish of
divers sorts, to traffic with us for any
trifles we would give them, as knives,
margarites, 3 glasses, and such like,
whereof men of sixty and seventy years
old were as glad as if they had re-
ceived some exceeding rich commo-
dity, being a most simple and plain-
dealing people. Their resort unto us
was such as, considering the short-
ness of the time, was wonderful to us
to behold.
Not far from this, viz., in 22 30',
lay Mormorena, 4 another great town
of the same people, over whom two
verend chaplain carried off acts that
in their nature fell very little short of
sheer highway robbery.
1 Boats, * ' bottoms " ; " bawse "
may be either connected with "base,"
or with "buss," a box-shaped small
decked vessel employed in fishery.
2 Answering very much to the de-
scription of the Greenland boats, as
given by Dr Rae, in his latest book,
"The Land of Desolation, " O wh ere the
"women's canoes" or "Omyacks"
are made of sealskins extended on a
wicker frame.
8 Beads : the original word, "mar-
guerite " or "margarette," is used to
signify a pearl by Wycliffe, and a
daisy by Chaucer.
4 Neither the town nor the province
of this name survives in maps of the
present day. They seem, however,
generally to correspond with the dis-
tricts of Atacam and Cobija, at the
extreme north of Chili, and the con-
tiguous region of Moquegua, at the
extreme south of Peru. Cobija town
El Puerto de la Mar would nearly
Spaniards held the government ; with
these our General thought meet to
deal, or at least to try their courtesy,
whether they would, in way of traffic,
give us such things as we needed or
no ; and therefore, January the 26th,
we cast anchor here. We found them
more from fear than from love, some-
what tractable, and received from them
by exchange many good things, very
necessary for our uses. Amongst
other things which we had of them,
the sheep of the country (such as we
mentioned before, bearing the leathern
bags) were most memorable. Their
height and length was equal to a
pretty 6 cow, and their strength fully
answerable, if not by much exceeding
their size or stature. Upon one of
their backs did sit at one time three
well-grown and tall men, and one
boy, no man's foot touching the
ground by a large foot in length, the
beast nothing at all complaining of
his burthen in the mean time. These
sheep have necks like camels, their
heads bearing a reasonable resem-
blance of another sheep. The
Spaniards use them to great profit.
Their wool is exceeding fine, their
flesh good meat, their increase ordin-
ary, and besides they supply the room
of horses for burthen or travel ; yea,
they serve to cany over the moun-
tains marvellous loads, for 300 leagues
together, where no other carriage can
be made but by them only, 6 there-
about, as also all along, and up into
the country throughout the province
of Cuzco, the common ground, where-
soever it be taken up, in every hun-
answer to the latitude ascribed to
Mormorena in the text.
6 A somewhat small or undersized
cow, like the Alderney.
6 All later and more scientific ac-
counts of the llama, or Peruvian
sheep, only serve to corroborate
Drake's description. They stand to
the south American populations of
the Cordillera coast, even in these
days of partial railroad invasion, much
in the same relation as the "ship of
the desert " to the Beclaween of Sahara
or the Arabian wilderness.
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
dred pounds weight of earth yieldeth
25s. of pure silver, after the rate of a
crown an ounce. The next place
likely to afford us any news of our
ships (for in all this way from the
height where we builded our pinnace,
there was no bay or harbour at all for
shipping) was the port of the town of
Arica, standing in 20, 1 whither we
arrived the 7th of February. This
town seemed to us to stand in the
most fruitful soil that we saw all
alongst these coasts, both for that it
is situate in the mouth of a most
pleasant and fertile valley, abounding
with all good things, as also in that
it hath continual trade of shipping,
as well from Lima as from all other
parts^of Peru. It is inhabited by the
Spaniards. In two barks here we
found some forty and odd bars of sil-
ver, of the bigness and fashion of a
brickbat, and in weight each of them
about twenty pounds ; of which we
took the burthen on ourselves to ease
them, and so departed towards Chow-
ley, 2 with which we fell the second
day following, February 9th ; and in
our way to Lima we met with another
bark at Arequipa, which had begun
to load some silver and gold, but
having had (as it seemed, from Arica
by land) some notice of our coming,
had unladen the same again before
our arrival. 3 Yet in this passage we
met another bark laden with linen,
some of which we thought might
stand us in some stead, and therefore
took it with us.
At Lima we arrived February 15th,
and notwithstanding the Spaniards'
forces, though they had thirty ships
at that present in harbour there,
whereof seventeen (most of them the
1 More nearly in 18 30' or 18 40'.
2 Either Ylo, or Yslay, both lying
on the coast between Arica and
Quilca, the port of Arequipa ; pro-
bably Ylo is intended, that town ly-
ing within the northern sweep of the
Point of Colas, which the very un-
Spanish word in the text may have
been meant to represent*
3 The plate amounted to 800 bars of
silver, belonging to the King of Spain.
[1579.
especial ships in all the South Seas)
were fully ready, we entered and an-
chored all night in the midst of them,
in the Callao, and might have made
more spoil amongst them in a few
hours, if we had been affected to re-
venge, than the Spaniards could have
recovered again in many years. 4 But
we had more care to get up that com-
pany which, we had so long missed,
than to recompense their cruel and
hard dealing by an even requital,
which now we might have taken.
This Lima stands in 12 30' South
Latitude. 5 Here, albeit no good news
of our ships could be had, yet got we
the news of some things that seemed
to comfort if not to countervail our
travels thither ; as, namely, that in
the ship of one Miguel Angels there,
there were 1500 bars of plate ; besides .
some other things (as silks, linen,
and in one a chest full of royals of
plate), which might stand us in some
stead, in the other ships, aboard
whom we made somewhat bold to bid
ourselves welcome. Here also we
heard the report of something that
had befallen in and near Europe since
our departure thence ; in particular
of the death of some great personages,
as the King of Portugal, and both the
Kings of Morocco and Fesse, dead all
three in one day at one battle ; 6 the
4 According to another narrative
that of Nuno da Silva, the Portuguese
pilot taken at the Cape Verd Islands
the English, being among the ships,
enquired for that which had the sil-
ver, on board ; but learning that all
the silver had been carried on shore,
they cut the cables of all the ships
and the masts of the two largest, and
so left them. A ship which came in
from Panama nearly fell into the
hands of the English in the harbour ;
alarmed in time, she made her escape
to sea, but was afterwards captured
and plundered.
6 Callao is in 12.
6 The battle of Aleazar-Seguer,
fought August 4th 1578, when Se-
bastian of Portugal, and his ally
Muley Hamet of Fez, fell in the
decisive overthrow inflicted on their
1579.]
THE CATHOLICS OF LIMA.
4:3
death of the King of France, and the
Pope of Rome, 1 whose abominations,
as they are in part cut off from some
Christian kingdoms, where his shame
is manifest, so do his vassals and ac-
cursed instruments labour by all means
possible to repair that loss, by spread-
ing the same the farther in these parts,
where his devilish illusions and dam.-
nable deceivings are not known. And
as his doctrine takes place anywhere,
so do the manners that necessarily
accompany the same insinuate them-
selves together with the doctrine.
For as it is true, that in all the parts
of America where the Spaniards have
any government, the poisonous infec-
tion of Popery hath spread itself ; so
on the other side it is as true, that
there is no city, as Lima, Panama,
Mexico, etc., no town or village, yea,
no house almost in all these provinces,
wherein (amongst the other like Span-
ish virtues) not only whoredom, but
the filthiness of Sodom, not to be
named among Christians, is not com-
mon without reproof : the Pope's
pardons 2 being more rife in these
parts than they be in any part of
Europe for these filthinesses, where-
out he sucketh no small advantage.
Notwithstanding, the Indians, who
are nothing nearer the true knowledge
of God than they were before, abhor
this most filthy and loathsome manner
of living ; showing themselves, in re-
spectof the Spaniards, as the Scythians
did in respect of the Grecians : who, in
their barbarous ignorance, yet in life
and behaviour did so far excel the
combined invading forces by Muley
Moluc, the Emperor of Morocco
himself dying of a lingering malady
before the fight began, and dead before
it ended.
1 This reference is somewhat be-
wildering. Henry III. of France
reigned from 1574 to 1589. Gregory
XIII. was Pope from 1572 to 1585;
and it is difficult to imagine that on
leaving England in 1577, Drake and
his followers had not learned the
death of the predecessors of these
potentates.
2 Indulgences.
wise and learned Greeks, as they were
short of them in the gifts of learning
and knowledge. But as the Pope
and anti- Christian Bishops labour by
their wicked factors 8 with tooth and
nail to deface the glory of God, and to
shut up in darkness the light of the
Gospel ; so God doth not suffer His
name and religion to be altogether
without witness, to the reproving both
of his 4 false and damnable doctrine,
as also crying out against his unmea-
surable and abominable licentiousness
of the flesh, even in these parts. For
in this city of Lima, not two months
before our coming thither, there were
certain persons, to the number of
twelve, apprehended, examined, and
condemned for the profession of the
Gospel, and reproving the doctrines
of men, with the filthy manners used
in the city : of which twelve, six were
bound to one stake and burnt, the
rest remained yet in prison, to drink
of the same cup within few days.
Lastly, here we had intelligence of
a certain rich ship which was laden
with gold and silver for Panama, that
had set forth of this haven the 2d of
February. The very next day, there-
fore, in the morning, the 16th of the
same month, we set sail, as long as
the wind would serve our turn, and
towed our ship as soon as the wind
failed ; continuing our course towards
Panama, making stay nowhere, but
hastening all we might, to get sight
if it were possible of that gallant ship
the Cacafuego, the great glory of the
South Sea, which was gone from Lima
fourteen days before us. "We fell with
the port of Paita in 4 20', February
20th ; with the port Saint Helena and
the river and port of Guayaquil, Feb-
ruary 24th. We passed the Line on the
28th, and on the 1st of March we fell
with Cape Francisco, where, about
mid-day, we descried a sail ahead of
us, with whom, after once we had
spoken with her, we lay still in the
same place about six days to recover
our breath again, which we had al-
most spent with hasty following, and
to recall to mind what adventures
Agents.
4 The Pope's.
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
had passed us since our late coming
from Lima ; but especially to do Juan
de Anton a kindness, in freeing him
of the care of those things with which
his ship was laden. This ship we
found to he the same of which we had
heard, not only in the Callao of Lima,
but also by divers occasions after-
wards, which now we are at leisure to
relate, viz., by a ship which we took
between Lima and Paita ; by another,
which we took laden with wine in the
port of Paita ; by a third, laden with
tackling and implements for ships,
besides eighty pounds weight in gold l
from Guayaquil ; and lastly, by Ga-
briel Alvarez, with whom we talked
somewhat nearer the Line. We found
her to be indeed the Caciifuego, though
before we left her she were now named
by a boy of her own the Cacaplata.' 2
We found in her some fruit, conserves,
sugars, meal, and other victuals, and
(that which was the especialest cause
of her heavy and slow sailing), a cer-
tain quantity of jewels and precious
stones, thirteen chests of royals of
plate, eighty pounds weight in gold,
twenty-six tons of uncoined silver, two
very fair gilt silver drinking-bowls,
and the like trifles, valued in all at
1 Besides a golden crucifix, with
"goodly great emeralds " set in it, of
which the Reverend Mr Fletcher
2arefully eschews notice. Between
Lima and Panama, the Viceroy, Don
Francisco de Toledo, although sur-
prised by this unexpected inroad of
the English, had fairly defended his
coasts from any descent, and had
even put such a force to sea, that
Drake judged it prudent having
richer game to stalk to show a clean
pair of heels.
2 Or, as the jest is narrated in Hak-
luyt : "The pilot's boy said to our
General, ' Captain, our ship shall be
called no more the Cacafuego, but the
Cacaplata, and your ship shall be the
Cacafuego,' which pretty speech of
the pilot's boy ministered matter of
laughter to us both then and long
after."
[1579.
about. 300.000 pesos. 3 We gave the
master a little linen and the like for
these commodities, and at the end of
six days we bade farewell and parted.
He hastened, somewhat lighter than
before, to Panama ; we plying off to
sea, that we might with more leisure
consider what course henceforward
were fittest to be taken. 4
8 The total value of the silver and
gold alone has been estimated at
750,000 or 1,000,000 of our present
money, leaving the precious stones
and other booty out of account. It
is narrated elsewhere that the com-
mander of the Cacafuego so little sus-
pected the presence of enemies in those
seas, as to let the Golden Hind ap-
proach him in full security, without
taking any defensive measures till the
last moment, believing that she was
a Spanish ship sent after him with
despatches from the Viceroy ; yet he
did not strike his flag until one of his
masts had fallen by the board and
he himself was wounded. The silver
bowls belonged to the pilot, to whom
Drake said, "that these were fine
bowls, and he must needs have one
of them ; to which the pilot yielded,
not knowing how to help himself;
but, to make this appear less like
compulsion, he gave the other to tho
Admiral's Steward."
4 Drake at parting gave the captain
of the Cacafuego the following letter,
addressed to Captain Winter, on the
chance of her falling in with the Eliza-
beth : "Master Winter, if it pleaseth
God that you should chance to meet
with this ship of Sant John de Anton,
I pray you use him well, according
to my word and promise given unto
them ; and if you want anything that
is in this ship of Sant John de Anton,
I pray you pay them double the value
for it, which I will satisfy again, antf
command your men not to do her any
hurt ; and what composition or agree
ment we have made, at my return
into England I will by God's help
perform, although I am in doubt that
this letter will never come to your
hands : notwithstanding I am the
man 1 have promised to be : beseech-
1579.]
EARTHQUAKE OFF NICARAGUA.
And considering that now we were
come to the Northward of the Line
(Cape Francisco standing in the en-
trance of the Bay of Panama, in 1
North latitude), and that there was
no likelihood or hope that our ships
should be before us that way by any
means : seeing that, in running so
many degrees from the Southernmost
Islands hitherto, we could not have
any sign or notice of their passage
that way, notwithstanding that we
had made so diligent search and care-
ful enquiry after them, in every har-
bour and creek almost, as we had
done ; and considering also that the
time of the year now drew on where-
in we must attempt, or of necessity
wholly give over, that action which
chiefly oiir General had determined,
namely, the discovery of what pas-
sage there was to be found about the
Northern parts of America from the
South Sea into our own Ocean (which
being once discovered and made
known to be navigable, we should
not only do our country a good and
notable service, but we also ourselves
should have a nearer cut and passage
home ; where otherwise we were to
make a very long and tedious voyage
of it, which would hardly agree with
our good liking, wehavingbeen so long
ing God, the Saviour of all the world,
to have us in his keeping, to whom
only I give all honour, praise, and
glory. What I have written is not
only to you Mr Winter, but also to
Mr Thomas, Mr Charles, Mr Caube,
and Mr Anthony, with all our other
good friends, whom I commit to the
tuition of him that with his blood
redeemed us, and am in good hope
that we shall be in no more trouble,
but that he will help us in adversity ;
desiring you, for the passion of Christ,
if you fall into any danger, that you
will not despair of God s mercy, for
he will defend you and preserve you
from all danger, and bring us to our
desired haven ; to whom be all hon-
our, glory, and praise, for ever and
ever, Amen. Your sorrowful Cap-
tain, whose heart is heavy for you,
"FRANCIS DKAKE."
45
from home already, and so much of
our strength separated from us), which
could not at all be done if the oppor-
tunity were now neglected : we there-
fore all of us willingly harkened and
consented to our General's advice,
which was, first to seek out some
convenient place wherein to trim our
ship, and store ourselves with wood
and water and other provisions as we
could get, and thenceforward to has-
ten on our intended journey for the dis-
covery of the said passage, through
which we might with joy return to
our longed homes. 1
From this Cape therefore we set
onward, March the 7th, shaping our
course towards the Island of Cano, 2
with which we fell March 16th, setting
ourselves for certain days in a fresh
river, between the main and it,
for the finishing of our needful busi-
nesses, as it is aforesaid. While we
abode in this place, we felt a very
terrible earthquake, the force where-
of was such that our ship and pin-
nace, riding very near an English
mile from the shore, were shaken and
did quiver as if it had been laid on
dry land. We found here many good
commodities which we wanted, as
fish, fresh water, wood, &c., besides
alargartoes, monkeys, and the like ;
and in our journey hither we met
with one ship more (the last we met
with in all those coasts), laden with
linen, China silk, and China dishes,
amongst which we found also a fal-
con of gold, handsomely wrought,
with a great emerald set in the breast
1 "It is not unworthy of notice,"
says one modern chronicler of this
voyage, "that the scheme for ex-
ploring a North-eastern channel from
the Pacific, thus adopted by Drake,
is the same with that recommended
about a century later by the celebrated
Dampier. " See post, Dampier's Voy-
age, Chapter IX.
2 Off the coast of Nicaragua ; it is
mentioned by Dampier, who (Chap-
VIII., page 172) "coasted along
shore, passing by the Gulf of Nicoya,
the Gulf of Dulce, and the Island
Cano."
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [1579.
parted the day following, viz., April
46
of it. From thence we parted the
24th day of the month forenamed,
with full purpose to run the nearest
course, as the wind would suffer us,
without touch of land a long time ;
and therefore passed by port Papa-
gaya : the port of the Yale, of the
most rich and excellent balms of
Jericho ; Quantapico, 1 and divers
others ; as also certain gulfs here-
about, which without intermission
send forth such continual and violent
winds, that the Spaniards, though
their ships be good, dare not venture
themselves too near the danger of
them. Notwithstandinghaving notice
that we should be troubled with
often calms and contrary winds if we
continued near the coast, and did not
run off to sea to fetch the wind, and
that if we did so we could not then fall
with land again when we would ; our
General thought it needful that we
should run in with some place or
other before our departure from the
coast, to see if happily we could, by
traffic, augment our provision of
victuals and other necessaries, that
being at sea we might not be driven
to any great want or necessity ; al-
beit we had reasonable store of good
things aboard us already.
The next harbour therefore which
we chanced with, on April 15th, in
15 40', was Guatulco, so named of the
Spaniards who inhabited it, with
whom we had some intercourse, to
the supply of many things which we
desired, and chiefly bread, &c. And
now having reasonably, as we thought,
provided ourselves, we departed from
the coast of America for the present ;
but not forgetting, before we got a-
shipboard, to take with us also a cer-
tain pot, of about a bushel in bigness,
full of royals of plate, which we found
in the town, together with a chain of
gold and some other jewels which we
entreated a gentleman Spaniard to
leave behind him as he was flying
out of town. 2 From Guatulco we de-
1 Probably Tehuan tepee is meant.
2 Here the voyagers surprised a
council engaged in the trial of some
Indians accused of trying to burn the
16th, setting our course directly into
the sea, whereon we sailed 500
leagues in longitude, to get a wind :
and between that and June 3d, 1400
leagues in all, till we came into 42
of North latitude, wherein the night
following we found such alteration of
heat into extreme and nipping cold,
that our men in general did grievously
complain thereof, some of themfeeling
their healths much impaired thereby ;
neither was it that this chanced in
the night alone, but the day follow-
ing carried with it not only the marks,
but the stings and force of the night
going before, to the great admiration 3
of us all. For besides that the pinch-
ing and biting air was nothing al-
tered, the very ropes of our ship were
stiff, and the rain which fell was an
unnatural congealed and frozen sub-
stance, so that we seemed rather to
be in the Frozen Zone than any way
so near unto the Sun, or these hotter
climates. Neither did this happen
for the time only, or by some sudden
accident, but rather seems indeed to
proceed from some ordinary cause,
against which the heat of the Sun
prevails not ; for it came to that ex-
tremity in sailing but two degrees
farther to the Northward in our
course, that though seamen lack not
good stomachs, yet it seemed a ques-
tion to many amongst us whether their
hands should feed their mouths, or
rather keep themselves within their
coverts from the pinching cold that
did benumb them. Neither could
we impute it to the tenderness of our
town, and carried culprits and judges
board
prisoners.
together as temporary
The name of the man
who pursued and plundered the
wearer of the golden chain was Tho-
mas Moon. At Guatulco the Portu-
guese pilot, Nuno da Silva, and all
the other prisoners, were liberated;
the pilot wrote a narrative of the voy-
age up to this point, which was sent
to the Portuguese Yiceroy in India,
and afterwards fell into English
hands.
3 Wonder, astonishment.
1579.]
SUFFERINGS THROUGH EXTREME COLD.
bodies, though we came lately from
the extremity of heat, by reason
whereof we might be more sensible
of the present cold ; insomuch as the
dead and senseless creatures were as
well affected with it as ourselves : our
meat, as soon as it was removed from
the fire, would presently in a manner
be frozen up, and our ropes and
tackling in few days were grown to
that stiffness, that what three men
afore were able with them to perform,
now six men, with their best strength'
and uttermost endeavour, were hardly
able to accomplish : whereby a sudden
and great discouragement seized upon
the minds of our men, and they were
possessed with a great mislike and
doubting of any good to be done that
way. Yet would not our General be
discouraged, but as well by comfort-
able speeches, of the Divine Provi-
dence and of God's loving care over
his children, out of the Scriptures, as
also by other good and profitable per-
suasions, adding thereto his own
cheerful example, he so stirred them
up to put on a good courage, and
to quit themselves like men, to en-
dure some short extremity to have
the speedier comfort, and a little
trouble to obtain the greater glory,
that every man was throughly armed
with willingness, and resolved to see
the uttermost, if it were possible, of
what good was to be done that way.
The land in that part of America
bearing farther out into the West
than we before imagined, we were
nearer on it than we were aware ; and
yet the nearer still we came unto it,
the more extremity of cold did seize
upon us. The 5th day of June, we were
forced by contrary winds to run in
with the shore, which we then first
descried, and to cast anchor in a bad
bay, the best road we could for the
present meet with, where we were not
without some danger by reason of the
'many extreme gusts and flaws that
beat upon us, which if they ceased and
were still at any time, immediately
upon their intermission there fol-
lowed most vile, thick, and stinking
togs, against which the sea prevailed
nothing, till the gusts of wind again
removed them, which brought with
them such extremity and violence
when they came, that there was no deal-
ing or resisting against them. In this
place was no abiding for us ; and to go
farther North, the extremity of the
cold (which had now utterly discour-
aged our men) would not permit us ;
and the winds, directly bent against
us, having once got us under sail
again, commanded us to the South-
ward whether we would or no. From
the height of 48 in which now we
were, to 38, we found the land, by
coasting along it, to be but low and
reasonably plain ; evssj hill (whereof
we saw many, but none very high),
though it were in June, and the sun in
his nearest approach unto them, being
covered with snow. In 38 30' we
fell with a convenient and fit har-
bour, and, June 17th, came to anchor
therein, where we continued till the
23d day of July following. During
all which time, notwithstanding it
was in the height of summer, and so
near the sun, yet were we continually
visited with like nipping colds as we
had felt before; insomuch that if
violent exercises of our bodies, and
busy employment about our necessary
labours, had not sometimes compelled
us to the contrary, we could very
well have been contented to have kept
about us still our winter clothes, yea
(had our necessities suffered us), to
have kept our beds; neither could
we at any time, in whole fourteen
days together," find the air so clear as
to be able to take the height of sun
or star.
And here having so fit occasion
(notwithstanding it may seem to be
beside the purpose of writing the his-
tory of this our voyage), we will a
little more diligently enquire into the
causes of the continuance of the ex-
treme cold in these parts, as also into
the probabilities or unlikelihoods of
a passage to be found that way.
Neither was it (as hath formerly been
touched) tenderness of our bodies,
coming so lately out of the heat,
whereby the pores were opened, that
made us so sensible of the colds we
here felt : in this respect, as in many
48
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[15;
others, we found our God a provident
Father and careful Physician for us.
We lacked no outward helps nor in-
ivard comforts to restore and fortify
nature, had it been decayed or weak-
ened in us ; neither was there wanting
to us the great experience of our Gene-
ral, who had often himself proved the
force of the Burning Zone, whose
advice always prevailed much to the
preserving of a moderate temper in
our constitutions ; so that even after
our departure from the heat we always
found our bodies, not as sponges, but
strong and hardened, more able to
bear out cold, though we came out of
excess of heat, than a mimber of
chamber champions could have been,
who lie on their feather-beds till they
go to sea, or rather, whose teeth in a
temperate air do beat in their heads
at a cup of cold sack and sugar by the
fire. And that it was not our tender-
ness, but the very extremity of the
cold itself, that caused this sensible-
ness in us, may the rather appear, in
that the natural inhabitants of the
place (with whom we had for a long
season familiar intercourse, as is to be
related), who had never been ac-
quainted with such heat, to whom
the country, air, and climate was
proper, and in whom custom of cold
was as it were a second nature, yet
used to come shivering to us in their
warm furs, crowding close together,
body to body, to receive heat one of
another, and sheltering themselves
under a lee bank, if it were possible,
and as often as they could labouring
to shroud themselves under our gar-
ments also to keep them warm. Be-
sides, how unhandsome and deformed
appeared the face of the earth itself !
showing trees without leaves, and the
ground without greenness, in those
months of June and July. The poor
birds and fowls not daring (as we had
great experience to deserve it) so much
as once to arise from their nests after
the first egg laid, till it, with all the
rest, be hatched and brought to some
strength of nature, able to help itself.
Only this recompense hath Nature
afforded them, that the heat of their
own bodies being exceeding great, it
perfecteth the creature with greater
expedition, and in shorter time than
is to be found in many places.
As for the causes of this extremity,
they seem not to be so deeply hidden
but that they may, at least in part,
be guessed at. The chief of which we
conceive to be the large spreading of
the Asian and American continent,
which (somewhat Northward of these
parts), if they be not fully joined, yet
seem they to come very near one to
the other. From whose high and
snow-covered mountains the North
and North-west winds (the constant
visitants of these coasts) send abroad
their frozen Nymphs, to the infecting
the whole air with this insufferable
sharpness: not permitting the Sun,
no, not in the pride of his heat, to
dissolve the congealed water and snow
which they have breathed out so nigh
the Sun, and so many degrees distant
from themselves. And that the North
and North-west winds are here con-
stant in June and July, as the North
wind alone is in August and Septem-
ber, we not only found by our own
experience, but were fully confirmed
in the opinion thereof by the con-
tinued observations of the Spaniards.
Hence comes the general squalidness
and barrenness of the country ; hence
comes it that in the midst of their
Summer the snow hardly departeth
even from their very doors, but is
never taken away from their hills at
all ; hence come those thick mists and
most stinking fogs, which increase so
much the more by how much higher
the Pole is raised: 1 wherein a blind
pilot is as good as the best director of
a course. For the Sun striving to
perform his natural office, in elevating
the vapours out of these inferior
bodies, draweth necessarily abundance
of moisture out of the sea; but the
nipping cold, from the former causes,
meeting and opposing the Sun's en-
deavour, forces him to give over his
work imperfect, and, instead of
higher elevation, to leave in the lowest
1 The nearer one approaches to the
Pole, causing the North Star to rise
apparently higher in the heavens.
T579.] PRESENTS FROM
region, wandering upon the face of the '
earth and waters, as it were a second
sea, through which its own beams
cannot possibly pierce, unless some-
times when the sudden violence of
the winds doth help to scatter and
break through it; which thing hap-
peneth very seldom, and when it
nappeneth is of no continuance. Some
of our mariners in this voyage had
formerly been at Wardhouse, 1 in 72
of North latitude, who yet affirmed
that they felt no such nipping cold
there in the end of the Summer, when
they departed thence, as they did here
in those hottest months of June and
July. And also from these reasons
we conjecture, that either there is no
passage at all through these Northern
coasts (which is most likely); or if
there be, that yet it is unnavigable.
Add hereunto, that though we searched
the coast diligently, even unto the
forty-eighth degree, yet found we not
the land to trend so much as one
point in any place towards the East,
but rather running on continually
North-west, as if it went directly to
meet with Asia; and even in that
height, when we had a frank wind
to have carried us through, had there
been a passage, yet we had a smooth
and calm sea, with ordinary flowing
and reflowing, which could not have
been had there been a frete ; 2 of which
we rather infallibly concluded, than
conjectured, that there was none. But
to return.
The next day after our coming to
anchor in the aforesaid harbour, 3 the
people of the country shewed them-
selves, sending off a man with great
expedition to us in a canoe. Who
being yet but a little from the shore,
and a great way from our ship, spake
to us continually as he came rowing
on. And at last at a reasonable dis-
tance staying himself, he began more
1 "Wardhys, at the extreme north-
east point of Norway.
2 A narrow passage or contracted
channel.
3 The Bay of San Francisco, the
present prosperous capital of Call
fornia.
THE NATIVES. 49
solemnly a long and tedious oration,
after his manner : using in the de-
livery thereof many gestures and
signs, moving his hands, turning his
head and body many ways; and
after his oration ended, with great
show of reverence and submission
returned back to shore again. He
shortly came again the second time
in like manner, and so the third
time, when he brought with him, as
a present from the rest, a bunch of
feathers, much like the feathers of a
black crow, very neatly and artificially 4
gathered upon a string, and drawn
together into a round bundle ; being
very clean and finely cut, and bearing
in length an equal proportion one with
another : a special cognisance (as we
afterwards observed) which they that
guard their King's person wear upon
their heads. With this also he
brought a little basket made of rushes,
and filled with an herb which they
called ' ' Tabah. " 5 Both which, being
tied to a short rod, he cast into our
boat. Our General intended to have
recompensed him immediately with
many good things he would have be-
stowed on him ; but entering into the
boat to deliver the same, he could not
be drawn 6 to receive them by any
means, save one hat, which being cast
into the water out of the ship, he took
up (refusing utterly to meddle with
any other thing, though it were upon
a board put off to him), and so pre-
sently made his return. After which
time our boat could row no way, but,
wondering at us as at gods, they
would follow the same with admira-
tion.
The third day following, viz., the
21st, our ship, having received a leak
at sea, was brought to anchor nearer
the shore, that, her goods being
landed, she might be repaired; but
for that we were 7 to prevent any dan-
ger that might chance against our
safety, our General first of all landed
his men, with all necessary provision
4 Cleverly, skilfully.
5 Tobacco " tabac
6 Induced, tempted.
in French.
7 Were obliged or bound
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1579.
to build ttiits and make a fort for the
defence of ourselves and goods, and
that we might under the shelter of it
with more safety (whatever should
befall) end our business. Which
when the people of the country per-
ceived us doing, as men set on fire to
war in defence of their country, in
great haste and companies, with such
weapons as they had, they came down
unto us, and yet with no hostile
meaning or intent to hurt us ; stand-
ing, when they drew near, as men
ravished in their minds with the
sight of such things as they never had
seen or heard of before that time :
their errand being rather with sub-
mission and fear to worship us as gods,
than to have any war with us as
with mortal men. Which thing, as
it did partly show itself at that in-
stant, so did it more and more mani-
fest itself afterwards, during the whole
time of our abode amongst them. At
this time, being willed by -signs to lay
from them their bows and arrows, they
did as they were directed ; and so did
all the rest, as they came more and
more by companies unto them, grow-
ing in a little while to a great number,
both of men and women. To the intent,
therefore, that this peace which they
themselves so willingly sought might,
without any cause of the breach thereof
on our part given, be continued, and
that we might with more safety and
expedition end our businesses in quiet,
our General, with all his company,
used all means possible gently to
entreat them, bestowing upon each of
them liberally good and necessary
things to cover their nakedness ;
withal signifying unto them that we
were no gods, but men, and had
need of such things to cover our own
shame; teaching them to use them
to the same ends. For which cause
also we did eat and drink in their
presence, giving them to understand
that without that we could not live,
and therefore were but men as well
as they. Notwithstanding, nothing
could persuade them, nor remove
that opinion which they had con-
ceived of us, that we should be gods.
In recompense of those things
which they had received of us, aa
shirts, linen cloth, &c., they bestowed
upon our General, and divers of our
company, divers things ; as feathers,
cauls of network, the quivers of their
arrows, made of fawn-skins, and the
very skins of beasts that their women
wore upon their bodies. Having thus
had their fill of this time's visiting
and beholding of us, they departed
with joy to their houses; which
houses are digged round within the
earth, and have from the uppermost
brims of the circle clefts of wood set
up, and joined close together at the
top, like our spires on the steeple of
a church ; which being covered with
earth, suffer no water to enter, and
are very warm. The door in the most
part of them performs the office also
of a chimney to let out the smoke :
it is made in bigness and fashion like
to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and
standing slopewise. Their beds are
the hard ground, only with rushes
strewed upon it, and, lying round
about the house, have their fire in
the midst, which, by reason that the
house is but low vaulted, round, and
close, giveth a marvellous reflection
to their bodies to heat the same.
Their men for the most part go naked ;
the women take. a kind of bulrushes,
and kembing it 1 after the manner of
hemp, make themselves thereof a
loose garment, which being knit about
their middles, hangs down about their
hips, and so affords to them a cover-
ing of that which Nature teaches
should be hidden ; about their shoul-
ders they wear also the skin of a deer,
with the hair upon it. They are
very obedient to their husbands, and
exceeding ready in all services; yet
of themselves offering to do nothing,
without the consent or being called
of the men. As soon as they were
returned to their houses, they began
amongst themselves a kind of most
lamentable weeping and crying out,
which they continued also a great
while together, in such sort that in
the place where they left us (being
it.
Combing it out, or "heckling
1679 ] SACRIFICE MADE
near about three-quarters of an Eng-
lish mile distant from them) we very
plainly, with wonder and admiration,
did hear the same, the women especi-
ally extending their voices in a most
miserable and doleful manner of
shrieking. Notwithstanding this
humble manner of presenting them-
selves, and awful demeanour used to-
wards us, we thought it no wisdom too
far to trust them (our experience of
former Infidels dealing with us before,
made us careful to provide against an
alteration of their affections or breach
of peace if it should happen); and
therefore with all expedition we set
up our tents, and entrenched our-
selves with walls of stone; that so
being fortified within ourselves, we
might be able to keep off the enemy
(if they should so prove) from coming
amongst us without our good wills.
This being quickly finished, we went
the more cheerfully and securely
afterwards about our other business.
Against the end of two days, during
which time they had not been with
us again, there was gathered together
a great assembly of men, women, and
children (invited by the report of
them which first saw us, who, as it
seems, had in that time of purpose
dispersed themselves into the country,
to make known the news), who came
now the second time unto us, bring-
ing with them, as before had been
done, feathers and bags of " Tabah "
for presents, or rather indeed for sacri-
fices, upon this persuasion that we
were gods. When they came to the
top of the hill, at the bottom whereof
we had built our fort, they made a
stand; where one, appointed as their
chief speaker, wearied both us his
hearers, and himself too, with a long
and tedious oration, delivered with
strange and violent gestures, his voice
being extended to the uttermost
strength of nature, and his words
falling so thick one in the neck of
another, that he could hardly fetch
his breath again. As soon as he had
concluded, all the rest, with a rever-
enl bowing of their bodies (in a
dreaming manner, and long producing
of the same) cried "Oh:" thereby
TO THE "GODS."
51
giving their consents that all was
very true which he had spoken, and
that they had uttered their mind by
his mouth unto us. "Which done, the
men laying down their bows upon
the hill, and leaving their women
and children behind them, came down
with their presents ; in such sort as if
they had appeared before a God in-
deed, thinking themselves happy that
they might have access unto our
General, but much more happy when
they saw that he would receive at
their hands those things which they
so willingly had presented: and no
doubt they thought themselves nearest
unto God when they sat or stood next
to him. In the meantime the women,
as if they had been desperate, used
unnatural violence against them-
selves, crying and shrieking piteously,
tearing their flesh with their nails
from their cheeks in a monstrous
manner, the blood streaming down
along their breasts ; besides, despoil-
ing the upper parts of their bodies of
those single coverings they formerly
had, and holding their hands above
their heads that they might not rescue
their breasts from harm, they would
with fury cast themselves upon the
ground, never respecting whether it
were clean or soft, but dashed them-
selves in this manner on hard stones,
knobby hillocks, stocks of wood, and
pricking bushes, or whatever else lay
in their way, iterating the same
course again and again ; yea, women
great with child, some nine or ten
times each, and others holding out
till fifteen or sixteen times, till their
strength failed them, exercised this
cruelty against themselves: a thing
more grievous for us to see or suffer,
could we have help 1 it, than trouble
to them, as it seemed, to do it. This
bloody sacrifice, against our wills,
being thus performed, our General,
with his company, in the presence of
those strangers, fell to prayers; and
by signs in lifting up our eyes and
hands to heaven, signified unto them
that that God whom we did serve,
and whom they ought to worship,
1 Helped, prevented,
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1579.
was above l beseeching God, if it were
His good pleasure, to open by some
means their blinded eyes, that they
might in due time be called to the
knowledge of Him, the true and
everlasting God, and of Jesus Christ
whom He hath sent, the salvation of
the Gentiles. In the time of which
prayers, singing of Psalms, and read-
ing of certain chapters in the Bible,
they sat very attentively : and observ-
ing the end at every pause, with one
voice still cried "Oh," greatly rejoic-
ing in our exercises. Yea, they took
Such pleasure in our singing of Psalms,
that whensoever they resorted to us,
their first request was commonly this,
"Gnaah," by which they entreated
that we would sing. Our General
having now bestowed upon them
divers things^ at their departure they
again, none carry -
restordd them all
Ing with him anything of whatsoever
lie had received, thinking themselves
sufficiently enriched and happy that
they had found so free access to see us.
Against the end of three days
more (the news having the while
spread itself farther, and as it
seemed a great way up into the coun-
try), were assembled the greatest
number of people which we could
reasonably imagine to dwell within
any convenient distance round about.
Amongst the rest the King himself,
a man of a goodly stature and a comely
personage, attended with his guard of
about 100 tall and warlike men,
this day, June 26th, came down to see
us. Before his coming, were sent
two ambassadors or messengers to our
General, to signify that their " Hioh,"
that is, their King, was coming and
at hand. They in the delivery of
their message, the one spake with a
poft and low voice, prompting his
fellow; the other pronounced the
same, word by word, after him with
a voice more audible, continuing their
proclamation, for such it was, about
half an hour. Which being ended,
they by signs mado request to our
General to send something by their
liancls to their "Hioh " or King, as a
token that hin corning might be in
Our fteiKyaJ willingly satis-
fied their desire ; and they, glad m*?n,
made speedy return to their " Hioh,"
Neither was* it long before their King
(making as princely a show as pos-
sibly he could) with all his train came
forward. In their coming forwards
they cried continually after a singing
manner, with a lusty courage. And
as they drew nearer and nearer to-
wards us, so did they more and more
strive to behave themselves with a
certain comeliness and gravity in all
their actions. In the forefront came
a man of a large body and goodly
aspect, bearing the sceptre or royal
mace (made of a certain kind of black
wood, and in length about a yard and
a half), before the King. Whereupon
hung two crowns, a bigger and a
less, with three chains of a marvellous
length, and often doubled, besides a
bag of the herb "Tabah." The
crowns were made of network, wrought
upon most curiously with feathers of
divers colours, very artificially placed,
and of a formal fashion. The chains
seemed of a bony substance, every
link or part thereof being very little,
thin, most finely burnished, with a
hole pierced through the midst. The
number of links going to make one
chain is in a manner infinite; but of
such estimation is it amongst them,
that few be the persons that are ad-
mitted to wear the same; and even
they to whom it is lawful to use
them, yet are stinted what number
they shall use, as some ten, some
twelve, some twenty, and as ^they
exceed in number of chains, so there-
by are they known to be the more
honourable personages.
Next unto him that bare this
sceptre was the King himself, with his
guard about him ; his attire upon his
head was a caul 1 of network, wrought
upon somewhat like the crowns, but
differing much both in fashion and
perfectness of work ; upon his shoul-
ders he had on a coat of the skins of
conies, reaching to his waist : his
guard also had each coats of the same
shape, but of other skins ; some
having cauls likewise stuck with
1 Cowl, cap.
1679.]
A VISIT FROM THE KING.
feathers, or coyeied over with a cer-
tain down, which groweth up in the
country upon an herb much like our
ettuce, which exceeds any other
down in the world for fineness, and
being laid upon their cauls, by no
winds can be removed. Of such esti-
mation is this herb amongst them,
that the down thereof is not lawful to
be worn, but of such persons as are
about the King (to whom also it is
permitted to wear a plume of feathers
on their heads in sign of honour), and
the seeds are not used but only in sacri-
fice to their gods. After these in their
order did follow the naked sort of com-
mon people, whose hair, being long,
was gathered into a bunch behind, in
which stuck plumes of feathers ; but
in the forepart only single feathers
like horns, every one pleasing him-
self in his own device. This one
thing was observed to be general
amongst them all, that every one
had his face painted, some with white,
some black, and some with other
colours, every man also bringing in
his hand one thing or other for a gift
or present. Their train or last part
of their company consisted of women
and children, each woman bearing
against her breast a round basket or
two, having within them divers
things, as bags of " Tabah," a root
which they call "Petah," 1 whereof
they make a kind of meal and either
bake it into bread or eat it raw ;
broiled fishes, like a pilchard ; the
seed and down aforenamed ; with
such like. Their baskets were made
in fashion like a deep bowl, and
though the matter were rushes, or
such other kind of stuff, yet was it so
cunningly handled, that the most
part of them would hold water : about
the brims they were hung with pieces
of the shells of pearls, and in some
places with two or three links at a
place of the chains forenamed : there-
by signifying that they were vessels
wholly dedicated to the only 2 use of
the gods they worshipped, and be-
sides this they were wrought upon with
1 Probably the potato.
Sole.
the matted down of red feathers, dis-
tinguished into divers works and
forms.
In the mean time, our General
having assembled his men together (as
forecasting the danger and worst that
might fall out) prepared himself to
stand upon sure ground, that we might
at all times be ready in our own defence,
if any thing should chance otherwise
than was looked for or expected.
Wherefore every man being in a war-
like readiness, he marched within his
fenced place, making against their
approach a most warlike show (as he
did also at all other times of their re-
sort), whereby if they had been des-
perate enemies they could not have
chosen but have conceived terror and
fear, with discouragement to attempt
anything against us, in beholding of
the same.
When they were come somewhat
near unto us, trooping together they
gave us a common or general saluta-
tion, observing in the mean time a
general silence. Whereupon, he who
bare the sceptre before the King, be-
ing prompted by another whom the
King assigned to that office, pro-
nounced with an audible and manly
voice what the other spake to him in
secret, continuing, whether it were
his oration or proclamation, at the
least half an hour. At the close
whereof there was a common ' 'Amen"
in sign of approbation given by every
person : and the King himself, with
the whole number of men and women
(the little children only remaining be-
hind), came further down the hill,
and as they came set themselves again
in their former order. And being
now come to the foot of the hill and
near our fort, the sceptre-bearer, with
a composed countenance and stately
carriage, began a song, and answer-
able thereunto observed a kind of
measures in a dance : whom the
King with his guard and every other
sort of person following, did in like
manner sing and dance, saving only
the women, who danced but kept
silence. As they danced they still
came on : and our General, perceiving
their plain and simple meaning, gave
54
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1579.
order that they might freely enter
without interruption within our bul-
wark. Where after they had entered,
they yet continued their song and
dance a reasonable time, their women
also following them with their was-
sail bowls in their hands, their bodies
bruised, their faces torn, their dugs,
breasts, and Bother parts bespotted
with blood, trickling down from the
wounds which with their nails they
had made before their coming After
that they had satisfied or rather tired
themselves in this manner, they made
signs to our General to have him sit
down ; unto whom both the King
and divers others made several ora-
tions, or rather, indeed, if we had un-
derstood them, supplications, that he
would take the province and king-
dom into his hand, and become their
king and patron : making signs that
they would resign unto him their
right and title in the whole land, and
become his vassals in themselves and
their posterities : which that they
might make us indeed believe that it
was their true meaning and intent,
the King himself, with all the rest,
with one consent and with great re-
verence, joyfully singing a song, set
the crown upon his head, enriched
his neck with all their chains, and
offering him many things, honoured
him by the name of "Hioh." Ad-
ding thereunto, as it might seem, a
song and dance of triumph, because
they were not only visited of the
gods (for so they still judged us to
be) but the great and chief god was
now become their god, their king and
patron, and themselves were become
the only happy and blessed people in
the world.
These things being so freely offered,
our General thought not meet to re-
sign or refuse the same, both for that
he would not give them any cause of
mistrust or disliking of him (that be-
ing the only place wherein at this
present, we were of necessity enforced
to seek relief of many things), and
chiefly for that he knew not to what
good end God had brought this to
pass, or what honour and profit it
might bring to our country in time
to come. Wherefore, in the name
and to the use of Her most excellent
Majesty, he took the sceptre, crown,
and dignity of the said country into
his hand; wishing nothing more
than that it had lain so fitly for Her
Majesty to enjoy, as it was now her
proper own, and that the riches and
treasures thereof (wherewith in the up-
land countries it abounds) might with
as great conveniency be transported,
to the enriching of her kingdom here
at home, as it is in plenty to be at-
tained there ; and especially that so
tractable and loving a people as they
shewed themselves to be might have
means to have manifested their most
willing obedience the more unto her,
and by her means, as a Mother and
Nurse of the Church of Christ, might
by the preaching of the Gospel be
brought to the right knowledge and
obedience of the true and ever-living
God. The ceremonies of this resign-
ing and receiving of the kingdom be-
ing thus performed, the common sort,
both of men and women, leaving the
the King and his guard about him,
with our General, dispersed them-
selves among our people, taking a
diligent view or survey of every man ;
and finding such as pleased their
fancies (which commonly were the
youngest of us), they presently en-
closing them about offered their sacri-
fices unto them, crying out with
lamentable shrieks and moans, weep-
ing and scratching and tearing their
very flesh of their faces with their
nails; neither were it the women
alone which did this, but even old
men, roaring and crying out, were as
violent as the women were. We
groaned in spirit to see the power of
Satan so far prevail in seducing these-
so harmless souls, and laboured by ail
means, both by showing our great
dislike, and, when that served not, by
violent withholding of their hands
from that madness; directing them,
by our eyes and hands lift up towards
heaven, to the living God whom
they ought to serve. But so mad
were they upon their idolatry, that
forcibly withholding them would not
prevail ; for as soon as they could
>579.j
get liberty to tlieir hands again they
would he as violent as they were be-
fore, till such time as they whom
they worshipped were conveyed from
them into the tents; whom yet, as
men beside themselves, they would
with fury and outrage seek to have
again.
After that time had a little qualified
their madness, they then began to
show and make known unto us their
griefs 1 and diseases which they
carried about them ; some of them
having old aches, some shrunk sinews,
some old sores and cankered ulcers,
some wounds more lately received,
and the like : in most lamentable
manner craving help and cure thereof
from us, making signs, that if we did
but blow upon their griefs, or but
touched the diseased places, they
would be whole. Their griefs we could
not but take pity on them, and to
our power desire to help them ; but
that (if it pleased God to open their
eyes) they might understand we were
but men and no gods, we used ordin-
ary means, as lotions, plasters, and
unguents, most fitly, as far as our
skills could guess, agreeing to the
natures of their griefs ; beseeching
God, if it made for his glory, to give
cure to their diseases by these means.
The like we did from time to time as
they resorted unto us. Few were the
days wherein they were absent from
us, during the whole time of our
abode in that place ; and ordinarily
every third day they brought their
sacrifices, till such time as they cer-
tainly understood our meaning, that
we took no pleasure but were dis-
pleased with them ; whereupon their
zeal abated, and their sacrificing, for
a season, to our good liking ceased.
Notwithstanding they continued still
to make their resort unto us in great
abundance, and in such sort, that
they oftentimes forgot to provide
meat for their own sustenance, so
that our General (of whom they
made account as of a father) was fain
COURTED BY THE NATIVES.
55
1 Used here, of course, in the mere-
ly physical sense of pain, or wound,
or sore.
to perform the office of a father to-
wards them, relieving them with such
victuals as we had provided for our-
selves, as mussels, seals, and such
like, wherein they took exceeding
much content ; and seeing that their
sacrifices were displeasing unto us,
yet (having gratitude) they sought to
recompense us with such things as
they had, which they willingly forced
upon us, though it were never so
necessary or needful for themselves to
keep. They are people of a tractable,
free, and loving nature, without
guile or treachery ; their bows and
arrows (their only weapons, and al-
most all their wealth) they use very
skilfully, but yet not to do any great
harm with them, being by reason of
their weakness more fit for children
than for men, sending the arrows
neither far off nor with any great
force : and yet are the men commonly
so strong of body, that that which
two or three of our men could hardly
bear, one of them would take upon
his back, and without grudging carry
it easily away, up hill and down hill,
an English mile together. They are
also exceeding swift in running, and
of long continuance, the use whereof
is so familiar with them, that they
seldom go, but for the most part run.
One thing we observed in them with
admiration, that if at any time they
chanced to see a fish so near the shore
that they might reach the place with-
out swimming, they would never, or
very seldom, miss to take it.
After that our necessary businesses
were well despatched, our General,
with his gentlemen and many of his
company, made a journey up into the
land, to see the manner of their dwell-
ing, and to be the better acquainted
with the nature and commodities
of the country. Their houses were
all such as we have formerly describ-
ed, and being many of them in one
place, made several villages here and
there. The inland we found to be
far different from the shore, a goodly
country and fruitful soil, stored with
many blessings fit for the use of man.
Infinite was the company of very large
and fat deer which there we saw by
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1579.
thousands, as we supposed, in a
herd; besides a multitude of a
strange kind of conies, by far exceed-
ing hem in number. The head and
body, in which they resemble other
conies, are but small ; his tail, like
the tail of a rat, exceeding long,
and his feet like the paws of a want
or mole ; under his chin, on either
side, he hath a bag, into which he
gathereth his meat, when he hath
filled his belly abroad, that he may
with it either feed his young, or feed
himself when he lists not to travel
from his burrow. The people eat
their bodies, and make great account
of their skins, for their King's holi-
day coat was made of them. x
This country our General named
Albion, 2 and that for two causes : the
one in respect of the white banks and
cliffs which lie towards the sea ; the
other, that it might have some affin-
ity, even in name also, with our own
country, which was sometimes so
called. Before we went from thence,
our General caused to be set up a
monument of our being there, as also
of Her Majesty's and successor's right
and title to that kingdom : namely,
a plate of brass, fast nailed to a great
and firm post, whereon is engraven
her Grace's name, and the day and
year of our arrival there, and of the
free giving up of the province and
kingdom, both by the King and peo-
ple, into Her Majesty's hands ; to-
gether with Her Highness' picture
and arms, in a piece of sixpence cur-
rent English money, showing itself
1 Captain Beechey, in his "Voyage
to the Pacific," says that the fields
about San Francisco are burrowed by
a small rat resembling the field-
mouse, by a larger mountain rat, and
by another little animal resembling a
squirrel, called the "ardillo," which
is excellent eating. The coney de-
scribed by Drake is thought to an-
swer most closely to the Canada
pouched rat, or Mus barsarius.
3 More correctly, New Albion ; the
whiteness of the cliffs, which suggest-
ed the name to Drake, has bmi noted
by subsequent voyagers.
by a hole made of purpose Vhrough
the plate ; underneath was likewise
engraven the name of our General, &c.
The Spaniards never had any dealing,
or so much as set a foot in this coun-
try, the utmost of their discoveries
reaching only to many degrees south-
ward of this place. 3
And now as the time of our depar-
ture was perceived by them to draw
nigh, so did the sorrows and miseries
of this people seem to themselves to
increase upon them, and the more
certain they were of our going away,
the more doubtful they showed them-
selves what they might do : so that
we might easily judge that that joy
(being exceeding great) wherewith
they received us at our first arrival,
was clean drowned in their excessive
sorrow for our departing. For they
did not only lose on a sudden all
mirth, joy, glad countenance, pleasant
speeches, agility of body, familiar re-
joicing one with another, and all
pleasure whatever flesh and blood
might be delighted in, but with sighs
and sorrowings, with heavy hearts
and grieved minds, they poured out
woeful complaints and moans, with
bitter tears and wringing of their
hands, tormenting themselves. And
as men refusing all comfort they only
accounted themselves as castaways,
and those whom the gods were about
to forsake : so that nothing we could
say or do was able to ease them of
their so heavy a burthen, or to de-
liver them from so desperate a strait,
as our leaving of them did seem to
them that it would cast them into.
3 This is a mistake, for Juan Rodri-
guez Cabrillo, a Portuguese by birth,
had by command of the Viceroy of
New Spain explored the same coast
thirty-seven years before. Indeed,
some English editors have shown a
decided inclination to take a very
liberal discount from Mr Fletcher's
eloquent and elaborate account of the
doings in California so much in
contrast with the meagre details he
gives of such really important in-
cidents as the combat with and cap-
lure of the Caoafuego.
1579.] DEPARTURE FROM THE
Ilowbeit, seeing they could not still
enjoy our presence, they (supposing
us to be gods indeed) thought it their
duty to entreat us that, being absent,
we would yet be mindful of them ;
and making signs of their desires
that in time to come we would see
them again, they stole upon us a sacri-
fice, and set it on fire ere we were
aware, burning therein a chain and a
bunch of feathers. We laboured by
all means possible to withhold or
withdraw them, but could not pre-
vail, till at last we fell to prayers and
singing of Psalms, whereby they were
allured immediately to forget their
folly, and leave their sacrifice uncon-
sumed, suffering the fire to go out ;
and imitating us in all our actions,
they fell a-lifting of their eyes and
hands to heaven, as they saw us do.
The 23d of July they took a sorrow-
ful farewell of us ; but, being loth to
leave us, they presently ran to the
top of the hills to keep us in their
sight so long as they could, making
fires before and behind and on each
side of them, burning therein (as is
to be supposed) sacrifices at our de-
parture.
Not far without this harbour did
lie certain islands (we called them the
Islands of Saint James), 1 having on
them plentiful and great store of seals
and birds, with one of which we fell
July 24th, whereon we found such
provision as might competently serve
our turn for a while. We departed
again the day next following, July
25th. And our General now consider-
ing that the extremity of the cold not
only continued, but increased, the
Sun being gone farther from us, and
that the wind blowing still, as it did
at first, from the North-west, cut off
all hope of finding a passage through
these Northern parts, thought it
necessary to lose no time ; and there-
fore, with general consent of all, bent
his course directly to run with the
Islands of the Moluccas. And so
1 The three Farallons, North, Mid-
dle, and South, which lie about a
day's sail to the Westward of the Gol-
den Gate.
CALIFORNIAN COAST. 57
having nothing in our view but air
and sea, without sight of any land
for the space of full sixty-eight days
together, we continued our course
through the main Ocean, till Septem-
ber 30th 2 following, on which day
we fell in ken of certain islands lying
about eight degrees to the Northward
of the Line. From these islands,
presently upon the discovery of us,
came a great number of canoes, hav-
ing in each of them in some four, iii
some six, in some fourteen or fifteen
men, bringing with them cocoas, fish,
potatoes, and certain fruits to small
purpose. 3 Their canoes were made
after the fashion that the canoes of
all the rest of the Islands of Moluccas
for the most are, that is, of one tree,
hollowed within with great art and
cunning, being made so smooth, both
within and without, that they bore
a gloss as if it were a harness most
finely burnished. A prow and stern
they had of one fashion, yielding in-
ward in manner of a semicircle, of a
great height, and hung full of certain
white and glistening shells for bra-
very : 4 on each side of their canoes
lay out two pieces of timber, about a
yard and a half long, more or less
according to the capacity of their
boat. At the end whereof was fastened
crosswise a great cane, the use where-
of was to keep their canoes from over-
throwing, and that they might be
equally borne up on each side. r -
The people themselves have the
nether parts of their ears cut round
or circle-wise, hanging down very low
upon their cheeks, wherein they hang
things of a reasonable weight. The
2 By another account, the 13th ot
October. The islands were doubtless
some of the Caroline group, which lay
in the direct track from Drake's Califor-
nianharbour whether San Francisco
or Port Sir Francis Drake under Punta
de los Reyes to the North to the
Moluccas.
3 Of little value or consequence.
4 Adornment.
5 Compare Dampier's minute de-
scription of similar craft at Guam j
Chapter X.
58
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
(.1579.
nails on the fingers of some of them
were at least an inch long, and thew*
teeth as black as pitch, the colour
whereof they use to renew by often
eating of an herb, with a kind of pow-
der, which in a cane they carry about
them to the same purpose. The first
sort and company of those canoes
being come to our ship (which then,
by reason of a scant wind, made little
way) very subtilely and against their
natures began in peace to traffic with
us, giving us one thing for another
very orderly, intending (as we per-
ceived) hereby to work a greater mis-
chief to us ; entreating us by signs
most earnestly to draw nearer towards
the shore, that they might, if possible,
make the easier prey both of the ship
and us. But these passing away, and
others continually resorting, we were
quickly able to guess at them what
they were ; for if they received any-
thing once into their hands, they
would neither give recompense nor
restitution of it, but thought what-
ever they could finger to be their own,
expecting always with brows of brass
to receive more, but would part with
nothing. Yea, being rejected for
their bad dealing, as those with whom
we would have no more to do, using
us so evilly, they could not be satis-
fied till they had given the attempt
to revenge themselves because we
would not give them whatsoever they
would have for nothing : and having
stones good store in their canoes, let
fly amain of them against us. It was
far from our General's meaning to
requite their malice by like injury.
Yet that they might know that he
had power to do them harm if he had
listed, he caused a great piece to be
shot off, not to hurt them, but to
affright them. Which wrought the
desired effect amongst them ; for at
the noise thereof they every one leap-
ed out of his canoe into the water,
and, diving under the keel of their
boats, stayed them from going any
way till our ship was gone a good way
from them. Then they all lightly re-
covered into their canoes, and got
them with speed toward the shore.
Notwithstanding, other new com-
panies (but all of the same mind) con-
tinually made resort unto us. And
seeing that there was no good to be
got by violence, they put on a show
of seeming honesty ; and offering in
show to deal with us by way of ex-
change, under the pretence they cun-
ningly fell a-filching of what they
could, and one of them pulled a dagger
and knives from one of our men's
girdles, and being required to restore
it again, he rather used what means
he could to catch at more. Neither
could we at all be rid of this ungra-
cious company, till we made some of
them feel some smart as well as terror ;
and so we left that place, by all pas-
sengers to be known hereafter by the
name of the Island of Thieves.
Till the 3d of October we could not
get clear of these consorts, but from
thence we continued our course
within sight of land till the 16th of
the same month, when we fell with
four Islands standing in 7 5' to the
Northward of the Line. We coasted
them till the 21st day, and then an-
chored and watered upon the biggest
of them, called Mindanao. The 22d
of October, as we passed between two
islands, about six or eight leagues
south of Mindanao, 1 there came from
them two canoes to be talked with
us, and we would willingly be talked
with them, but there arose so much
wind that put us from them to the
Southwards. October the 25th we
passed by the island named Talao, 2
in 3 40'. We saw to the northward
of it three or four other islands, Teda,
Selan, Saran (three islands so named
to us by an Indian), the middle where-
of stands in 3. We passed the last
1 Supposed to be Serangan and Can-
digar, or the Saddle Islands, South of
the southernmost point of Mindanao.
Other narrators name the islands of
" Tagulada, Zelon, and Zewarra," as
passed by the voyagers on their way
to the Moluccas, the first producing
much cinnamon, and the inhabitants
of all being friendly with the Portu-
guese.
2 The Tulour Islands, about half
way between Mindinao and Gilolo.
1579.] MOLUCCA OR SPiCE ISLANDS.
59
save one of these, and the first day of
the following month in like manner
we passed the isle Suaro, in l p 30',
and the 3d of November we came in
sight of the Islands of the Moluccas,
as we desired, These are four high-
peaked islands : their names, Ternate,
Tidore, Matchan, Batchan, all of
them very fruitful and yielding abund-
ance of cloves, whereof we furnished
ourselves of as much as we desired at
a very cheap rate. At the east of
them lies a very great island called
Gilolo.
"We directed our course to have
gone to Tidore, but in coasting along
a little island z belonging to the King
of Ternate, November 4th, his deputy
or viceroy with all expedition came
off to our ship in a canoe, and without
any fear or doubting of our good
m eaning came presently aboard. Who,
after some conference with our Gen-
eral, entreated him by any means to
run with Ternate, not with Tidore :
assuring him that his King would be
wondrous glad of his coming, and be
ready to do for him what he could,
and what our General in reason should
require. For which purpose he him-
self would that night be with his King
to carry him the news ; with whom
if he once dealt, he should find that
as he was a King, so his word should
stand : whereas if he dealt with the
Portuguese, who had the command of
Tidore, 2 he should find in them no-
thing but deceit and treachery. And
besides that if he went to Tidore be-
fore he came to Ternate, then would
his King have nothing to do with us,
for he held the Portuguese as an
enemy. On these persuasions our
General resolved to run with Ternate,
where the next day, very early in the
morning, we came to anchor: and
presently our General sent a messen-
ger to the King with a velvet cloak,
for a present and token that his com-
1 The island of Motir.
a They had been expelled from their
settlements at Ternate by the war-
like monarch whose friendship was
offered to Drake, and had established
themselves at Tidore.
ing should be in peace, and that he
required no other thing at his hands,
but that (his victuals being spent in
so long a voyage) he might have sup-
ply from him by way of traffic and
exchange of merchandise (whereof he
had store of divers sorts) of such
things as he wanted. Which he
thought he might be the bolder to
require at his hands, both for that
the thing was lawful, and that he
offered him no prejudice or wrong
therein ; as also because he was en-
treated to repair to the place by his
Viceroy at Motir, who assured him of
necessary provision in such manner
as now he required the same.
Before this the Viceroy, according
to his promise, had been with the
King, signifying unto him what a
mighty Prince and Kingdom we be-
longed to ; what good things the King
might receive from us, not only now,
but for hereafter by way of traffic :
Yea what honour and benefit it might
be to him, to be in league and in
friendship with so noble and famous
a Prince as we served; and farther,
what a discouragement it would be to
the Portuguese his enemies to hear and
see it. In hearing whereof the King
was so presently moved to the well
liking of the matter, that before our
messenger could come half the way, he
had sent the Viceroy, with divers
others of his nobles and councillors,
to our General, with special message
that he should not only have what
things he needed, or would require,
with peace and friendship, but that
he would willingly entertain amity
with so famous and renowned a
Princess as was ours ; and that if it
seemed good in her eyes to accept of
it, he would sequester the commodi-
ties and traffic of his whole island from
others (especially from his enemies
the Portuguese, from whom he had
nothing but by the sword), and re-
I serve it to the intercourse of our
! nation, if we would embrace it. lu
token whereof he had now sent to our
General his signet, and would within
short time after come in his own per-
son, with his brethren and nobles,
with boats or canoes, into our ship,
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
and be a means of bringing her into
a safer harbour. While they were
delivering their message to us, our
messenger was come unto the Court,
who being met by the way by certain
noble personages, was with great
solemnity conveyed into the King's
presence; at whose hands he was
most friendly and graciously enter-
tained; and having delivered his
errand, together with his present
unto the King, the King seemed to
him to judge himself blameworthy
that he had not sooner hastened in
person to present himself to our
General, who came so far and from so
great a Prince; and presently, with
all expedition, he made ready him-
self, with the chief of all his States
and Councillors, to make repair unto
us. The manner of his coining, as it
was princely, so truly it seemed to
us very strange and marvellous :
serving at the present not so much to
set out his own royal and Kingly
state (which was great) as to do honour
to Her Highness, to whom we be-
longed; wherein how willingly he
employed himself, the sequel will
make manifest.
First, therefore, before his coming,
did he send off three great and large
canoes, in each whereof were certain
of the greatest personages that were
about him, attired all of them in
white lawn, or cloth of Calicut, having
over their heads, from one end of the
canoe to the other, a covering of thin
and fine mats, borne up by a frame
made of reeds, under which every
man sat in order according to his dig-
nity; the hoary heads of many of
them set forth the greater reverence
due to their persons, and manifestly
showed that the King used the advice
of a grave and prudent Council in his
affairs. Besides these were divers
others, young and comely men, a
great number attired in white, as were
the other, but with manifest differ-
ences : having their places also under
the same covering, but in inferior
order, as their calling required. The
rest of the men were soldiers, who
stood in comely order round about on
both sides ; on the outside of whom,
again, did sit the rowers, in certain gal-
leries, which being three on each side
all alongst the canoe, did lie off from
the side thereof some three or four
yards, one being orderly builded lower
than the other : in every of which
galleries was an equal number of
banks, whereon did sit the rowers,
about the number of fourscore in one
canoe. In the forepart of each canoe
sat two men, the one holding a ta-
brel, x the other a piece of brass, where-
on they both at once struck; and
observing a due time and reasonable
j space between each stroke, by the
! sound thereof directed the rowers to
keep their stroke with their oars : as,
on the contrary, the rowers ending
their stroke with a song, gave warning
to the others to strike again ; and so
continued they their way with mar-
vellous swiftness. Neither were their
canoes naked or unfurnished of war-
like munition; they had each of
them at least one small cast piece,
of about a yard in length, mounted
upon a stock which was set upright ;
besides, every man except the rowers
had his sword, dagger, and target,
and some of them some other weapons,
as lancos, calivers, 2 bows, arrows, and
many darts.
These canoes, coming near our ship
in order, rowed round about us one
after another ; and the men, as they
passed by us, did us a kind of homage
with great solemnity, the greatest
personages beginning first, with rev-
erent countenance and behaviour, to
bow their bodies even to the ground :
I which done, they put their own mes-
senger aboard us again, and signified
j to us that their King, who himself
was coming, had sent them before him
J to conduct our ship into a better
road, desiring a hawser to be given
them forth, that they might employ
their service, as their King com-
manded, in towing our ship there-
with to the place assigned. The
King himself was not far behind,
but he also with six grave and
ancient fathers in his canoe approach-
ing, did at once, together with them,
1 A small drum.
2 Guns.
1579.]
A VISIT FROM THE KING OF TERNATE.
61
yield us a reverent kind of obeisance,
in far more humble manner than was
to be expected. He was of a tall
stature, 1 very corpulent and well set
together, of a very princely and graci-
ous countenance : his respect amongst
his own was such, that neither his
Viceroy of Motir aforenamed, nor any
other of his councillors, durst speak
unto him but upon their knees, not
rising again till they were licensed.
Whose coming, as it was to our Gene-
ral no small cause of good liking, so
was he received in the best manner
we could, answerable unto his state ;
our ordnance thundered, which we
mixed with great store of small shot,
among which sounding our trumpets
and other instruments of music, both
of still and loud noise ; wherewith he
was so much delighted, that request-
ing cur music to come into the boat,
lie joined his canoe to the same, and
was towed at least a whole hour to-
gether, with the boat at the stern of
our ship. Besides this, our General
sent him such presents as he thought
might both requite his courtesy already
received, and work a further confirma-
tion of that good liking and friend-
ship already begun. The King being
thus in musical paradise, and enjoy-
ing that wherewith he was so highly
pleased, his brother, named Moro,
with no less bravery 2 than any of the
rest, accompanied also with a great
number of gallant followers, made
the like repair, 3 and gave us like
respect; and, his homage done, he
fell astern of us till we came to anchor :
neither did our General leave his
courtesy unrewarded, but bountifully
pleased him also before we parted.
The King, as soon as we were come
to anchor, craved pardon to be gone,
and so took leave, promising us that
the next day he would come aboard,
and in the mean time would prepare
and send such victuals as were requi-
site and necessary for our provision.
Accordingly the same night, and the
1 Fuller" Holy State," page 127
calls him "a true gentleman Pagan. "
2 Magnificence, splendid show.
8 Paid a similar visit.
morrow following, we received what
was there to be had in the way of
traffic, to wit, rice in pretty quantity,
hens, sugar-canes, imperfect and
liquid sugar, a fruit which they nail
Figo (Magellan calls it a fig of a span
long, but it is no other than that
which the Spaniards and Portuguese
have named Plantains), cocoas, and a
kind of meal which they call sago,
made of the tops of certain trees,
tasting in the mouth like sour curds,
but melts away like sugar; whereof
they make a kind of cake which will
keep good at least ten years. Of this
last we made the greatest quantity of
our provision : for a few cloves we' did
also traffic, whereof, for a small mat-
ter, we might have had greater store
than we could well tell where to be-
stow: but our General's care was,
that the ship should not be too much
pestered or annoyed therewith.
At the time appointed, our General,
having set all things in order to re-
ceive him, looked for the King's re-
turn ; who, failing both in time and
promise, sent his brother to make his
excuse, and to entreat our General to
come on shore, his brother being the
while to remain on board, as a pawn for
his safe restoring. Our General could
willingly have consented, if the King
himself had not first broken his word :
the consideration whereof bred an
utter disliking in the whole company,
who by no means would give consent
he should hazard himself, especially
for that the King's brother had
uttered certain words, in secret confi-
dence with our General aboard his
cabin, which bred no small suspicion
of ill intent. Our General being thus
resolved not to go ashore at this time,
reserved the Viceroy for a pledge, and
so sent certain of his gentlemen to
the Court, both to accompany the
King's brother, and also with special
message to the King himself. They,
being come somewhat near unto the
castle, were received by another
brother of the King's, and certain
others of the greatest states, and con-
ducted with great honour towards the
castle, where being brought into a
large and fair house, they saw gathered
62
to
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1579.
gether a great multitude of people,
by supposition at least 1000, the chief
whereof were placed round about the
house, according, as it seemed, to
their degrees and calling : the rest
remained without. The house was in
form four-square, covered all over
with cloth of divers colours, not
much unlike our usual pentadoes, 1
borne upon a frame of reeds, the sides
being open from the groundsill to the
covering, and furnished with seats
round about : it seems it was their
Council -house, and not commonly
employed to any other use. At the
side of this house, next unto the
Castle, was seated the chair of state,
having directly over it, and extending
very largely every way, a very fair
and rich canopy, as the ground also,
for some ten or twelve paces' compass,
was covered with cloth of Arras.
Whilst our gentlemen awaited in this
place the coming of the King, which
was about the space of half-an-hour,
they had the better opportunity to
observe these things ; as also that
before the King's coming there were
already set threescore noble, grave,
and ancient personages, all of them
reported to be of the King's privy
council. At the nether end of the
house were placed a great company of
young men, of comely personage and
comely personage
Without the house, on the
young
attire.
right side, stood four ancient, comely,
hoar-headed men, clothed all in red
down to theground, but attired'on their"
heads not much unlike the* Turks.
These they called Romans, or strangers,
who lay as lidgiers, 2 there to keep
1 Canopies, tents.
2 Resident or permanent ambassa-
dors ; the word is spelled in various
other ways, as "leger," "ligier,"
"legier;" it comes from the Anglo-
Saxon " leigan," to lie or remain ; and
the word "ledger," a book that lies to
receive entries, is from the same
source. In "Measure for Measure,"
Isabella, informing her brother of his
impending death, says :
" Lord Angelo, having affairs to heaven,
Intends you for his swift ambassador,
Where you shall be an everlasting leigcr."
perpetual traffic with the people :
there were also two Turks, one Italian,
as lidgiers, and last of all one Spaniard,
who being freed by the King out of
the hands of the Portuguese, in the
recovering of the island, served him
now instead of a soldier.
The King at last coming from the
castle, with eight or ten grave Sena-
tors following him, had a very rich
canopy, adorned in the midst with
embossings of gold, borne over him,
and was guarded with twelve lances,
the points turned downwards. Our
men, accompanied with Moro the
King's brother, arose to meet him,
and he very graciously did welcome
and entertain them. He was for per-
son such as we have before described
him, of low voice, temperate in speech,
of kingly demeanour, and a Moor by
nation. His attire was after the
fashion of the rest of his country, but
far more sumptuous, as his condition
and state required : from the waist to
the ground was all cloth of gold, and
that very rich ; his legs bare, but on
his feet a pair of shoes of cordovan,
dyed red ; in the attire of his head
were finely wreathed-in divers rings
of plated gold, of an inch or an inch
and a-half in breadth, which made a
fair and princely show, somewhat re-
sembling a crown in form ; about his
neck he had a chain of perfect gold,
the links very great and one fold
double. On his left hand were a
diamond, an emerald, a ruby, and a
turquoise, four very fair and perfect
jewels ; on his right hand, in one
ring, a big and perfect turquoise, and
in another ring many diamonds of a
smaller size, very artificially set and
couched together. As thus he sat in
his chair of state, at his right side
there stood a page with a very costly
fan, richly embroidered and beset
with sapphires, breathing and gather-
ing the air to refresh the King, the
place being very hot, both by reason
of the sun, and the assembly of so
great a multitude. After a while,
our gentlemen, having delivered their
message, and received answer, were
licensed to depart, and were safely
conducted back again, by one of the
1579.] A CHINAMAN
Chiefs of the King's Council, who
had charge from the King himself to
perform the same. .
Our gentlemen, observing the castle
as well as they could, could not con-
ceive it to be a place of any great
force ; two cannons only there they
saw, and those at that present untra-
versable, because unmounted. These,
with all other furniture of like sort
which they have, they have gotten
them from the Portuguese, by whom
the castle itself was also builded, while
they inhabited that place and island.
Who seeking to settle tyrannous
government (as in other places so)
over this people, and not contenting
themselves with a better estate than
they deserved (except they might, as
they thought, make sure work by
leaving none of the Royal blood alive,
who should make challenge to the
kingdom), cruelly murdered the King
himself father to him who now reigns
and intended the like to all his
sons. Which cruelty, instead of esta-
blishing brought such a shaking on
their usurped estate, that they were
fain without covenanting to carry
away goods, munition, or anything
else, to quit the place and the whole
island, to save their lives. For the
present King, with his brethren, in
revenge of their father's murder, so
bestirred themselves, that the Portu-
guese were wholly driven from the
island, and glad that he yet keeps
footing in Tidore. These four years
this King hath been increasing, and
was (as was affirmed) at that present,
Lord of an Hundred Islands there-
about, and was even now preparing
his forces to hazard a chance with the
Portuguese for Tidore itself. The
people are Moors, whose religion con-
sists much in certain superstitious
observations of new moons, and cer-
tain seasons, with a rigid and strict
kind of fasting. We had experience
hereof in the Viceroy and his retinue,
who lay aboard us all the time for the
most part during our abode in this
place ; who during their prescribed
time would neither eat nor drink, not
so much as a cup of cold water in the
day (so zealous are they in their self-
AT TERNATE. 6S
devised worship), but yet in the night
would eat three times, and that very '
largely. This Ternate stands in 27'
North latitude.
While we rode at anchor in the
harbour at Ternate, besides the na-
tives there came aboard us another,
a goodly gentleman, very well accom-
panied, with his interpreter, to view
our ship and to confer with our Gene-
ral. He was apparelled much after
our manner, most neat and court-like,
his carriage the most respective and
full of discreet behaviour that ever we
had seen. He told us that he was
himself but a stranger in those islands,
being a natural of the province of
Paghia in China ; his name Pausaos,
of the family of Hombu ; of which
family there had eleven reigned in
continual succession these 200 years,
and King Bonog, by the death of
his elder brother who died by a fall
from his horse the rightful heir of
all China, is the twelfth of this race.
He is twenty -two years of age ; his
mother yet living; he hath a wife,
and by her one son; he is well-be-
loved and highly-honoured of all his
subjects, and lives in great peace from
any fear of foreign invasion. But it
was not this man's fortune to enjoy
his part of this happiness, both of his
King and country, as he most desired.
For being accused of a capital crime,
whereof though free, 1 yet he could
not evidently make his innocence
appear, and knowing the peremptory
justice of China to be irrevocable, if
he should expect 2 the sentence of the
Judges ; he beforehand made suit to
his King, that it would please him
to commit his trial to God's provi-
dence and judgment, and to that end
to permit him to travel, on this con-
dition, that if he brought not home
some worthy intelligence, such as
His Majesty had never had before,
and were most fit to be known, and
most honourable for China, he should
for ever live an exile, or else die for
daring to set foot again in his own
country ; for he was assured that the
God of heaven had care of innocency.
1 Guiltless.
2 Await.
64
The King granted his suit, and now
lie had been three years abroad ; and
at this present came from Tidore
(where he had remained two months),
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [1579.
by some called Quinzai, which is the
liief city of all China, they had brass
ordnance of all sorts (much easier to
be traversed than ours were, and so
to see the English General, of whom
he heard such strange things, and
from him (if it pleased God to afford
it) to learn some such intelligence as
might make way for his return into
his country : and therefore he earnestly
entreated our General to make rela-
tion to him of the occasion, way, and
manner of his coming so far from
England thither, with the manifold
occurrences that had happened to
him by the way. Our General gave
ample satisfaction to each part of his
request ; the stranger hearkened with
great attention and delight to his
discourse, and as he naturally ex-
celled in memory, besides his help of
art to better the same, so he firmly
printed it in his mind, and with
great reverence thanked God, who
had so unexpectedly brought him to
the notice of such admirable things.
Then fell he to entreat our General
with many most earnest and vehe-
ment persuasions, that he would be
content to see his country before his
departure any farther Westward ;
that it should be a most pleasant,
most honoiirable, and most profitable
thing for him ; that he should gain
thereby the notice, and carry home
the description, of one of the most
ancient, mightiest, and richest king-
doms in the world. Hereupon he
took occasion to relate the number
and greatness of the provinces, with
the rare commodities and good things
they yielded : the number, stateliness,
and riches of their cities ; with what
abundance of men, victuals, munition,
and all manner of necessaries and de-
lightful things they were stored with ;
in particular touching ordnance and
great guns the late invention of
scab-skinned Friar amongst us in
Europe 1 he related that in Suntien,
1 This scarcely complimentary de-
scription may apply either to the Eng-
lish Monk Roger Bacon, or, more
appropriately, to the German Monk
Berthold Schwartz, whom accident
perfectly made that they would hit a
shilling) above 2000 years ago. With
many other worthy things which our
General's own experience, if it would
please him to make trial, would better
than his relation assure him of. The
breeze would shortly serve very fitly
to carry him. thither, and he himself
would accompany him all the way.
He accounted himself a happy man
that he had but seen and spoken with
us ; the relation of it might perhaps
serve him to recover favour in the
country ; but if he could prevail with
our General himself to go thither, he
doubted not but it would be a means
of his great advancement, and increase
of honour with his King. Notwith-
standing, our General could not on
such persuasions be induced, and so
the stranger parted, sorry that he
could not prevail in his request, but
yet exceeding glad of the intelligence
he had learned.
By the 9th of November, having
gotten wha.t provision the place could
afford us, we then set sail : and con-
sidering that our ship for want of
trimming was now grown foul, that
our casks and vessels for water were
much decayed, and that divers other
things stood in need of reparation,
our next care was, how we might fall
with such a place where with safety
we might awhile stay for the redress-
ing of these inconveniences. The
calmness of the winds, which are al-
most continual before the coming of
the breeze (which was not yet ex-
pected) persuaded us it was the fittest
time that we could take. With this
resolution we sailed along till Novem-
ber 14th, at what time we arrived at
a little island to the southward of
Celebes, standing in 1 40' towards
the Pole Antarctic : which being
without inhabitants, gave us the
better hope of quiet abode. We
anchored, and finding the place con-
enlightened as to the projectile force
of "villainous saltpetre."
11579.] AT ANCHOR OFF
venient for our purposes (there want-
ing nothing here which we stood in
need of, but only water, which we
were fain to fetch from another island
somewhat farther to the south), made
our abode here for twenty-six whole
days together. The first thing we did,
we pitched our tents and entrenched
ourselves as strongly as we could
upon the shore, lest at any time per-
haps we might have been disturbed
by the inhabitants of the greater
island, which lay not far to the west-
ward of us. After we had provided
thus for our security, we landed our
goods, and had a smith's forge set up,
both for the making of some neces-
sary shipwork, and for the repairing
of some iron-hooped casks, without
which they could not long have serv-
ed our use. And for that our smith's
coals were all spent long before this
time, there was order given and fol-
lowed for the burning of charcoal,
by which that want might be sup-
plied.
We trimmed our ship, and per-
formed our other businesses to our
content. The place affording us not
only all necessaries (which we had not
of our own before) thereunto, but
also wonderful refreshing to our
wearied bodies, by the comfortable
relief and excellent provision that
here we found, whereby of 1 sickly,
weak, and decayed, as many of us
seemed to be before our coming hither,
we in short space grew all of us to be
strong, lusty, and healthful persons.
Besides this, we had rare experience
of God's wonderful wisdom in many
rare and admirable creatures which
here we saw. The whole island is a
through 2 grown wood, the trees for
the most part are of large and high
stature, very straight and clean,
without boughs, save only in the
very top ; the leaves whereof are not
much unlike our brooms in England.
Among these trees, night by night,
did show themselves an infinite swarm
of fiery-seeming worms flying in the
air, whose bodies, no bigger than an
1 From being.
2 Thoroughly.
CRAB ISLAND. 65
)rdinary fly, did make a show and
give such light as if every twig on
every tree had been a lighted candle,
or as if that place had been the starry
sphere. To these we may add the
relation of another, almost as strange
a creature, which here we saw, and
;hat was an innumerable multitude of
iuge bats or reremice, equalling or
rather exceeding a good hen in big-
ness. They fly with marvellous
swiftness, but their flight is very
short ; and when they light, they
tiang only by the boughs, with their
backs downward. Neither may we
without ingratitude, by reason of the
pecial use we made of them, omit to
speak of the huge multitude of a cer-
tain kind of crayfish, of such a size,
that one was sufficient to satisfy four
hungry men at a dinner, being a very
good and restorative meat ; the special
means (as we conceived it) of our in-
crease of health. They are, as far as
we could perceive, utter strangers to
the sea, living always on the land,
where they work themselves earths
as do the conies, or rather they dig
great and huge caves under the roots
of the most huge and monstrous trees,
where they lodge themselves by com-
panies together. Of the same sort
and kind we found, in other places
about the Island Celebes, some that,
for want of other refuge, when we
came to take them did climb up into
trees to hide themselves, whither we
were enforced to climb after them if
we would have them, which we would
not stick to do rather than to be with-
out them. This island we called
Crab Island.
All necessary causes of our staying
longer in this place being at last
finished, our General prepared to be
in a readiness to take the first advan-
tage of the coming of the breeze or
wind which we expected ; and hav-
ing the day before furnished our-
selves with fresh water from the other
island, and taken in provision of wood
and the like, December 12th we put to
sea, directing our course toward the
West. The 16th day we had sight
| of the Island of Celebes or Silebis,
! but having a bad wind and being
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1580.
entangled among many islands, en-
cumbered also with many other diffi-
culties, and some dangers, and at
last meeting with a deep bay out of
which we could not in three days
turn out again, we could not by any
means recover the North of Celebes,
or continue on our course farther
west, but were enforced to alter the
same towards the South ; finding that
course also to be both difficult and
very dangerous by reason of many
shoals, which lay far off, here and there
among the islands ; insomuch that in
all our passages from England hither-
to, we had never more care to keep
ourselves afloat, and from sticking on
them. Thus were we forced to beat
up and down with extraordinary care
and circumspection, till January 9th,
at which time we supposed that we
had at last attained a free passage, the
lands turning evidently in our sight
about to westward, and the wind be-
ing enlarged, followed us as we de-
sired with a reasonable gale.
When lo ! on a sudden, when we
least suspected, no show or suspicion
of danger appearing to us, and we
were now sailing onward with full
sails, in the beginning of the first
watch of the said day at night, even
in a moment, our ship was laid up
fast upon a desperate shoal, with no
other likelihood in appearance but
that we with her must there pre-
sently perish ; there being no proba-
bility how anything could be saved,
or any person escape alive. The un-
expectedness of so extreme a danger
presently roused us up to look about
us, but the more we looked the less
hope we had of getting clear of it
again, so that nothing now present-
ing itself to our minds, but the
ghastly appearance of instant death,
affording no respite or time of paus-
ing, called upon us to deny ourselves,
and to commend ourselves into the
merciful hands of our most gracious
God. To this purpose we presently
fell prostrate, and with joined prayers
sent up unto the throne of grace,
humbly besought Almighty God to
extend his mercy unto us in his Son
Christ Jesus, and so preparing as it
were our necks unto the block, we
every minute expected the final
stroke to be given unto us. Notwith-
standing that we expected nothing
but imminent death, yet that we
might not seem to tempt God, by
leaving any second means unattempt-
ed which he afforded presently, as
soon as prayers were ended, our Gene-
ral (exhorting us to have the especi-
alest care of the better part, to wit,
the soul, and adding many comfort-
able speeches, of the joys of that
other life which we now alone looked
for) encouraged us all to bestir our-
selves, shewing us the way thereto
by his own example. And first of
all the pump being well plied, and
the ship freed of water, we found
our leaks to be nothing increased ;
which though it gave us no hope
of deliverance, yet it gave us some
hope of respite, insomuch as it as-
sured us that the bulk 1 was sound;
which truly we acknowledged to be
an immediate providence of God
alone, insomuch as no strength of
wood and iron could have possibly
borne so hard and violent a shock as
our ship did, dashing herself under
full sail against the rocks, except the
extraordinary hand of God had sup-
ported the same.
Our next essay was for good ground
and; anchor-hold to seaward of us,
whereon to haul ; by which means, if
by any, our General put us in comfort,
that there was yet left some hope to
clear ourselves. In his own person
he therefore undertook the charge of
sounding,' and but even a boat's
length from the ship he found that
the bottom could not by any length
of line be reached unto ; so that the
beginning of hope, which we were
willing to have conceived before,
were by this means quite dashed
again ; yea, our misery seemed to be
increased, for whereas at first we
could look for nothing but a present
end, that expectation was now turned
into the awaiting for a lingering
death, of the two the far more dread-
ful to be chosen. One thing fell out
* The hull. "
1580.]
happily for us, that the most of our
men did not conceive this thing ;
which had they done, they would in
all likelihood have been so much dis-
couraged, that their sorrow would the
more disable them to have sought the
remedy : our General, with those few
others that would judge of the event
wisely, dissembling the same, and
giving, in the mean time, cheerful
speeches and good encouragements
unto the rest. For whilst it seemed
to be a clear case that our ship was
so fast moored that she could not
stir, it necessarily followed that
either we were there to remain on the
place with her, or else, leaving her,
to commit ourselves in a most poor
and helpless state to seek some other
HELPLESS ON A SHOAL. 67
yet could our abode there profit us
nothing, but increase our wretched-
ness and enlarge our sorrows ; for as
her store and victuals were not much
sufficient to sustain us only some
few days, without hope of having any
increase, no not so much as of a cup
of cold water so must it inevitably
come to pass, that we, as children in the
mother's womb, should be driven even
to eat the flesh from off our own arms,
she being no longer able to sustain
us ; and how horrible a thing this
would have proved, is easy by any
one to be perceived. And whither,
had we departed from her, should we
have received any comfort ? nay, the
very impossibility of going appeared
to be no less than those other before
place of stay and refuge, the better of
which two choices did carry with it
the appearance of worse than a thou-
sand deaths. As touching the ship,
this was the comfort that she could
give us, that she herself lying there
confined already upon the hard and
pinching rocks, did tell us plain that
she continually expected her speedy
despatch, as soon as the sea and
winds should come, to be the severe
executioners of that heavy judgment
by the appointment of the Eternal
Judge already given upon her, who
had committed her there to Adaman-
tine bonds in a most narrow prison,
against their coming for that pur-
pose : so that if we could stay with
her, we must peril with her ; or if
any, by any yet unperceivable means,
should chance to be delivered, his
escape must needs be a perpetual
misery, it being far better to have
perished together, than with the loss
and absence of his friends to live in
a strange land : whether a solitary life
(the better choice) among wild beasts,
as a bird on the mountains without
all comfort, or among the barbarous
people of the heathen, in intolerable
bondage both of body and mind. And
put the case that her day of destruction
should be deferred longer than either
reason could persuade us, or in any
likelihood could seem possible (it be-
ing not in the power of earthly things to
endure what she had suffered already ),
mentioned. Our boat was by no
means able at once to carry above
twenty persons with any safety, and
we were fifty-eight in all ; the nearest
land was six leagues from us, and the
wind from the shore directly bent
against us ; or should we have thought
of setting some ashore, and after that
to have fetched the rest, there being
no place thereabout without inhabit-
ants, the first that had landed must
first have fallen into the hands of the
enemy, and so the rest in order ; and
though perhaps we might escape the
sword, yet would our life have been
worse than death, not alone in respect
of our woeful captivity and bodily
miseries, but most of all in respect of
our Christian liberty, being to be de-
prived of all public means of serving
the true God, and continually grieved
with the horrible impieties and devil-
ish idolatries of the heathen. Our
misery being thus manifest, the very
consideration whereof must needs
have shaken flesh and blood, if faith
in God's promises had not mightily
sustained us, we passed the night with
earnest longings that the day would
once appear; the mean time we
spent in often prayers and other god-
ly exercises, thereby comforting our-
selves, and refreshing our hearts,
striving to bring ourselves to an hum-
ble submission under the hand of
God, and to a referring of ourselves
wholly to his good will and pleasure.
68
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1580.
The day therefore at length appear-
ing, and it being almost fall sea about
that time, after we had given thanks
to God for his forbearing of us hither-
to, and had with tears called upon
him to bless our labours ; we again
renewed our travail to see if we could
now possibly find any anchor-hold,
which we had formerly sought in
vain. But this second attempt prov-
ed as fruitless as the former, and left
us nothing to trust to but prayers and
tears ; seeing it appeared impossible
that ever the forecast, counsel, policy,
or power of man could ever effect the
delivery of our ship, except the Lord
only miraculously should do the same.
It was therefore presently motioned,
and by general voice determined, to
commend our case to God alone, leav-
ing ourselves wholly in his hand to
spill 1 or save us, as [might] seem best
to his gracious wisdom. And that our
faith might be the better strengthen-
ed, and the comfortable apprehen-
sion of God's mercy in Christ be more
clearly felt, we had a sermon and the
Sacrament of the body and blood of
our Saviour celebrated. After this
sweet repast was thus received, and
other holy exercises adjoined were
ended, lest we should seem guilty in
any respect for not using all lawful
means we could invent, we fell to
another practice yet unessayed, to wit,
to unloading of our ship by casting
some of her goods into the sea ; which
thing, as it was attempted most will-
ingly, so it was despatched in very
short time. So that even those
things which we before this time, nor
any other in our case could be with-
out, did now seem as things only
worthy to be despised ; yea, we were
herein so forward, that neither our
munition for defence, nor the very
meal for sustentation of our lives,
could find favour with us, but every
thing as it first came to hand went
overboard : assuring ourselves of this,
that if it pleased God once to deliver
us out of that most desperate strait
wherein we were, he would fight for
us against our enemies, neither would
Destroy.
he suffer us to perish for want of
bread. But, when all was done, it
was not any of our endeavours, but
God's only hand, that wrought our
delivery ; 'twas he alone that brought
us even under the very stroke of
death ; 'twas he alone that said unto
us, ' ' Ileturn again, ye sons of men ! "
'twas he alone that set us at liberty
again, that made us safe and free,
after that we had remained in the
former miserable condition the full
space of twenty hours ; to his glorious
name be the everlasting praise. The
manner of our delivery (for the rela-
tion of it will especially be expected)
was only this : The place whereon
we sat so fast Avas a firm rock, in a
cleft whereof it was we stuck on the
larboard side. At low water there was
not above six feet of depth in all on
the starboard ; within little distance,
as you have heard, no bottom to be
found ; the breeze during the whole
time that we stayed blew somewhat
stiff directly against our broadside,
and so perforce kept the ship upright.
It pleased God in the beginning of
the tide, while the water was yet al-
most at lowest, to slack the stiffness
of the wind ; and now our ship,
which required thirteen feet of water
to make her float, and had not at that
time on the one side above seven at
most, wanting her prop on the other
side, which had too long already kept
her up, fell a-heeling towards the
deep water, and by that means freed
her keel and made us glad men.
This shoal is at least three or four
leagues in length ; it lies in 2, lack-
ing three or four minutes, South
latitude. The day of this deliverance
was the 10th of January.
Of all the dangers that in our
whole voyage we met with, this was
the greatest ; but it was not the last,
as may appear by what ensueth.
Neither could we indeed for a long
season free ourselves from the con-
tinual care and fear of them ; nor
could we ever come to any convenient
anchoring, but were continually for the
most part tossed amongst the many
islands and shoals which lie in infinite
number round about on the South part
1580.]
of Celebes, till the 8th day of the
following month. January 12th, not
being able to bear our sails, by reason
of the tempest, and fearing of the
dangers, we let fall our anchors upon
a shoal in 3 30'. January 14th, we
were gotten a little farther South,
where, at an island in 4 6', we again
cast anchor, and spent a day in water-
ing and wooding. After this we met
with foul weather, Westerly winds,
and dangerous shoals, for many days
together ; insomuch that we were
utterly weary of this coast of Celebes,
and thought best to bear with Timor.
The Southernmost cape of Celebes
stands in 5 that side x the Line. But
of this coast of Celebes we could not
so easily clear ourselves. The 20th
of January we were forced to run
with a small island not far from
thence ; where having sent our boat
a good distance from us to search out
a place where we might anchor, we
were suddenly environed with no
small extremities. For there arose a
most violent, yea an intolerable flaw
and storm out of the South-west
against us, making us (who were on
a lee-shore amongst most dangerous
and hidden shoals) to fear extremely
not only the loss of our boat and
men, but the present loss of ourselves,
our ship, and goods, or the casting of
those men, whom God should spare,
into the hands of Infidels. Which
misery could not by any power or in-
dustry of ours have been avoided, if
the merciful goodness of God had not,
by staying the outrageous extremities
wherewith we were set upon, wrought
our present delivery ; by whose un-
speakable mercy our men and boats
also were unexpectedly, yet safely,
restored unto us. We got off from
this place as well as we could, and
continued on our course till the 26th
day [of January ], when the wind took us,
very strong against us, W. and WS W. ,
so as that we could bear no more sail till
the end of that month was full ex-
pired. February 1st, we saw very
high land, and as it seemed well in-
habited, we would fain have borne
OFF THE COAST OF CELEBES. 69
with it, to have got some succour,
but the weather was so ill that we
could find no harbour, but we were
very fearful of adventuring ourselves
too far amongst the many dangers
which were near the shore. The
third day also we saw a little island,
but being unable to bear any sail, but
only to lie at hull, 2 we were by the
1 That is, to the South side.
storm carried away and could not
fetch it. February 6th, we saw five
islands, one of them towards the
East, and four towards the West of
us, one bigger than another ; at the
biggest of which we cast anchor, and
the next day watered and wooded.
After we had gone on thence, on
February 8th, we descried two canoes,
who having descried us, as it seems,
before, came willingly unto us, and
talked with us, alluring and conduct-
ing us to their town not far off, named
Barativa ; it stands in 7 13' South
the Line. The people are Gentiles,
of handsome body and comely stature,
of civil demeanour, very just in deal-
ing, and courteous to strangers ; of all
which we had evident proof, they
showing themselves most glad of our
coming, and cheerfully ready to re-
lieve our wants with whatsoever their
country could afford. The men all
go naked, save their heads and secret
parts, every one having one thing or
other hanging at his ears. Their
women are covered from the middle
to the foot, wearing upon their naked
arms bracelets, and that in no small
number, some having nine at least
upon each arm, made for the most
part of horn or brass, whereof the
lightest, by our estimation, would
weigh two ounces. With this people
linen cloth, whereof they make rolls
for their heads and girdles to wear
about their loins, is the best merchan-
dise, and of greatest estimation. They
are also much delighted with mar-
garites, 3 which in their language they
call "Saleta," and such other like
2 A ship lies at hull, or a hull, when
either in a dead calm or in a storm
all her sails are taken in, and she
shows only bare masts and rigging.
3 Beads.
70
DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
[1580.
trifles. Their island is both rich and
fruitful ; rich in gold, silver, copper,
tin, sulphur, c. Neither are they
only expert to try those metals, "but
very skilful also in working of them
artificially into divers forms and
shapes, as pleaseth them best. Their
fruits are diverse likewise and plenti-
ful, as nutmegs, ginger, long pepper,
lemons, cucumbers, cocoas, figs, sago,
with divers other sorts, whereof we
had one in reasonable quantity, in
bigness, form, and husk, much like a
bay-berry, hard in substance, but
pleasant in taste, which being sodden
becomes soft, and is a most profitable
and nourishing meat. Of each of
these we received of them whatsoever
we desired for our need, insomuch
that (such was God's gracious good-
ness to us) the old proverb was veri-
fied with us, "After a storm cometh
a calm, after Avar peace, after scarcity
followeth plenty :" so that in all our
voyage, Ternate only excepted, from
our departure out of our own country,
hitherto we found not anywhere
greater comfort and refreshing than
we did at this time in this place. In
refreshing and furnishing ourselves
here we spent two days, and departed
hence February 10th. When we were
come into the height of 8 4', February
12th, in the morning we espied a green
island to the Southward ; not long
after, two other islands on the same
side, and a great one more towards
the "North : they seemed all to be
well inhabited, but we had neither
need nor desire to go to visit them,
and so we passed by them. The 14th
day we saw some other reasonably big
islands ; and February 16th we passed
between four or five big islands more,
which lay in the height 1 9 40'. The
18th, we cast anchor under a little
island, whence we departed again the
day following ; we wooded here, but
other relief, except two turtles, we
received none. The 22d, we lost
sight of three islands on our starboard
side, which lay in 10 and some odd
minutes. After this we passed on to
the Westward without stay or any-
1 Latitude (South of thr> Line).
thing to be taken notice of till the
9th of March, when in the morning
we espied land, some part thereof very
high, in 8 20' South latitude. Here
we anchored that night, and the next
day weighed again, and bearing fur-
ther North and nearer shore, we came
to anchor the second time. The llth
of March we first took in water, and
after sent our boat again to shore,
where we had traffic with the people
of the country ; whereupon, the same
day, we brought our ship more near
the town, and having settled ourselves
there that night, the next day our
General sent his man ashore to pre-
sent the King with certain cloth, both
linen and woollen, besides some silks ;
which he gladly and thankfully re-
ceived, and returned rice, cocoas, hens,
and other victuals in way of recom-
pense. This island we found to be
the Island of Java, the middle where-
of stands in 7 30' beyond the Equator.
The 13th of March our General him-
self, with many of his gentlemen and
others, went to shore, and presented
the King (of whom he was joyfully
and lovingly received) with his
music, and shewed him the manner
of our use of arms, by training his
men with their pikes and other wea-
pons which they had, before him.
For the present, we were entertained
as we desired, and at last dismissed
with a promise of more victuals to be
shortly sent us.
In this island there is one chief,
but many under-governors, or petty
kings, whom they call Rajahs, who
live in great familiarity and friend-
ship one with another. The 14th
day we received victuals from two of
them ; and the day after that, to wit
the 15th, three of these kings in their
own persons came aboard to see our
General, and to view our ship and
warlike munition. They were well
pleased with what they saw, and with
the entertainment which we gave
them. And after these had been
with us, and on their return had, as
it seems, related what they found,
Rajah Donan, the chief King of the
whole land, bringing victuals with
him for our relief, he also the next
1580.] VISIT FROM THE
day after came aboard us. Few were
the days that one or more of these
kings did miss to visit us, insomuch
that we grew acquainted with the
names of many of them, as of Rajah
Pataiara, Rajah Cabocapalla, Rajah
Manghango, Rajah Boccabarra, Rajah
Tiinbanton : whom our General al-
ways entertained with the best cheer
that we could make, and shewed them
all the commodities of our ship, with
our ordnance and other arms and
weapons, and the several furnitures
belonging to each, and the uses for
which they served. His music also,
and all things else whereby he might
do them pleasure, wherein they took
exceeding great delight with admira-
tion. One day, amongst the rest,
March 21st, Rajah Donan coming
aboard us, in requital of our music
which was made to him, presented
our General with his country music,
which though it were of a very strange
kind, yet the sound was pleasant and
delightful. The same day he caused
an ox also to be brought to the water's
side and delivered to us, for which he
was to his content rewarded by our
General with divers sorts of very
costly silks, which he held in great
esteem. Though our often giving en-
tertainment in this manner did hinder
us much in -the speedy despatching
of our businesses, and made us spend
the more days about them, yet there
we found all such convenient helps,
that to our contents we at last ended
them. The matter of greatest impor-
tance which we did, besides victual-
ling, was the new trimming and wash-
ing of our ship, which by reason of
our long voyage was so overgrown
with a kind of shellfish sticking fast
unto her, that it hindered her exceed-
ingly, and was a great trouble to her
sailing. The people, as are their
kings, are a loving, a very true, and
a just-dealing people. We trafficked
with them for hens, goats, cocoas,
plantains, and other kinds of victuals,
which they offered us in such plenty,
that we might have laden our ship if
we had needed. 1
1 In every village, other narratives
RAJAHS OF JAVA. 71
We took our leaves and departed
from them the 26th of March, and
set our course WS W. , directly towards
the Cape of Good Hope, or Bon
Esperance, and continued without
touch of aught but air and water
until the 21st of May, when we espied
land to wit, a part of the main of
Africa in some places very high,
under the latitude of thirty-one and
a half degrees. We coasted along till
June 15th, on which day, having very
fair weather, and the wind at South-
east, we passed the Cape itself so near
in sight, that we had been able with
our pieces to have shot to land. 2 July
15th we fell with the land again about
Rio de Sesto, where we saw many ne-
groes in their boats a-fishing, whereof
two came very near us, but we cared
not to stay, nor had any talk or deal-
ing with' them. The 22d of the
same month we came to Sierra Leone,
and spent two days for watering in
the mouth of Tagoine, and then put
to sea again ; here also we had oysters, 3
inform us, was a house of assembly or
public hall, where the people met
twice daily to partake of a common
meal and enjoy the pleasures of con-
versation. "To this festival every
one contributed, at his pleasure or
convenience, fruits, boiled rice, roast-
ed fowls, and sago. The viands were
spread on a table raised three feet,
and the party gathered round, one
rejoicing in the company of another."
2 The Cape is described by another
chronicler as "a most stately thing,
and the fairest cape we saw in the
whole circumference of the earth."
They passed it in perfectly calm and
clear weather ; making them affirm,
that the Portuguese had not less
falsely alleged the extreme peril of
the passage from continual tempests,
than the Spaniards, to deter voyagers
of other nations, had exaggerated the
dangers of the course round the south-
ern extremity of America.
3 The voyagers came here upon a
kind of oysters which "was found on
trees, spawning and increasing in-
finitely ; the oyster suffering no bud
to grow. "
72
DRAKE'S LAST VOYAGE.
[1580.
and plenty of lemons, which gave us
good refreshing. "We found ourselves
nnder the Tropic of Cancer, August
15th, having the wind at North-east,
and we fifty leagues off from the nearest
land. The 22d day we were in the
height of the Canaries.
And the 26th of September (which
was Monday in the just and ordinary
reckoning of those that had stayed at
home in one place or country, but in
our computation was the Lord's Day
or Sunday 1 ) we safely, with joyful
1 The same circumstance, which
"every schoolboy" can now explain,
had also astonished the companions
of Magellan, who, on their return
from their circumnavigation to San
Lucar in 1522, discovered that they
had "lost a day." Dampier notes
the same thing at the commencement
minds and thankful hearts to God,
arrived at Plymouth, the place of our
first setting forth, after we had spent
two years, ten months, and some few
odd days besides, in seeing the won-
ders of the Lord in the deep, in di
covering so many admirable things,
in going through with so many strange
adventures, in escaping out of so many
dangers, and overcoming so many
difficulties, in this our encompassing
of this nether globe, and passing
round about the world, which we
have related.
Soli rerum maximarum Effectori,
Soli totius nmndi Gubernatori,
Soli suorum Conservator!,
Soli Deo sit semper Gloria.
of his Fourteenth Chapter. See page
223.
END OF DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
DKAKE'S LAST VOYAGE.
1595.
[An account of Drake's unfortunate expedition to the "West Indies in
1595, written by Thomas Maynarde, one of his companions on the occasion,
is still preserved, and is given here though a little apart from the main,
purpose of the present volume as an appropriate sequel to Mr Fletcher's
narrative of his most brilliant achievement.]
IT appears by the attempts and
known purposes of the Spaniard as
by his greedy desire to be our neigh-
bour in Britain, his fortifying upon
the river of Brest, to gain so near us
a quiet and safe road for his fleet, his
carelessness in losing the strongholds
and towns which he possessed in the
Low Countries, not following those
wars in that heat which lie wonted,
the rebellious rising of the Earl of
Tyrone (wrought or drawn thereto
1595.]
EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES.
73
undoubtedly by his wicked practices)
that he leaveth no means unat-
tempted which he judged might be a
furtherance to turn our tranquillity
into accursed thraldom ; so robbing
us of that quiet peace which we, from
the hands of Her Majesty (next under
God), abundantly enjoy. This his
bloodthirsty desire foreseen by the wis-
dom of our Queen and Council, they
held no better means to curb his unjust
preten 2es, than by sending forces to
invado him in that kingdom from
whence he hath feathers to fly to the
top of his high desires ; they knowing
that if for two or three years a blow
were given him there that might hin-
der the coming into Spain of his
treasure, his poverty, by reason of his
huge daily payments, would be so
great, and his men of war, most of
them mercenaries, that assuredly
would fall from him, so would he
have more need of means to keep his
own territories, than he now hath of
superfluity to thrust into others' rights.
This invasion was spoken of in
June 1594, a long time before it was
put in execution ; and it being partly
resolved on, Sir Francis Drake was
named General in November follow-
ing : a man of great spirit and fit to
undertake matters : in my poor opin-
ion, better able to conduct forces and
discreetly to govern in conducting
them to places where service was to
be done, than to command in the ex-
ecution thereof. But, assuredly, his
very name was a great terror to the
enemy in all those parts, having hers-
tofore done many things in those
countries to his honourable fame and
profit. But entering into them as
the child of fortune, it may be his
sell- willed and peremptory command
was doubted, and that caused Her
Majesty, as should seem, to join Sir
John Hawkins in equal commission :
a man old and wary, entering into
matters with so laden a foot, that
the other's meat would be eaten before
his spit could come to the fire ; men
of so different natures and dispositions,
that what the one desireth the other
would commonly oppose against ; and
though their wary carriages sequestered
ing the distributing of so gr
their miserable providing for
it from meaner wits, yet was it appar-
ently seen to better judgments before
our going from Plymouth, that whom
the one loved, the other smally es-
teemed. Agreeing best, for what I
could conjecture, in giving out a glori-
ous title to their intended journey,
and in not so well victualling the navy
as, I deem, was Her Majesty's pleasure
it should be, both of them served them
to good purpose ; for, from this hav-
'eat sums,
or us would
free them frorn incurring any great
loss, whatsoever befell of the journey.
And the former l drew unto them so
great repair of voluntaries, 8 that they
had choice to discharge such few as
they had pressed, and to enforce the
stay of others who gladly would be
partakers of their voyage. But not-
withstanding matters were very for-
ward, and that they had drawn to-
gether three thousand men, and had
ready furnished twenty-seven ships,
whereof six were Her Majesty's, yet
many times was it very doubtful
whether the journey should proceed ;*
and had not the news of a galleon of
the King of Spain, which was driven
into Saint John de Puerto Rico with
two millions and a half of treasure,
come unto them by the report of cer-
tain prisoners, whereof they advertised
Her Majesty, it is very likely it had
been broken, but Her Majesty, per-
suaded by them of the easy taking
thereof, commanded them to hasten
their departure.
So on Thursday, being the 28th of
August, in the year 1595, having
stayed two months in Plymouth, we
went thence twenty-seven sail, and
1 That is, the "giving out a glori-
ous title" to their intended expedi-
tion.
2 Resort of volunteers.
3 It was detained, among othei
causes, by artfully propagated ru-
mours that another great Armada
was being prepared for the invasion
of England the Spaniards thus gain-
ing time to put their colonies in good
defence against the formidable attack
now menaced.
DRAKE'S LAST VOYAGE.
[1595.
were two thousand five hundred men
of all sorts. This fleet was divided
into two squadrons ; not that it was
so appointed by Her Majesty, for
from her was granted as powerful
authority unto either of them over
the whole as any part, but Sir Francis
victualling the one half and Sir John
the other, it made them, as men af-
fecting what they had done, 1 to chal-
lenge a greater prerogative over them
than the whole ; wherein they wronged
themselves and the action, 2 for we had
not run sixty or seventy leagues in
our course, before a flag of council
was put out in the Garland, unto which
all commanders with the chief masters
and gentlemen repaired. Sir Francis
complained that he had three hundred
men more in his squadron than were
in the other, and that he was much
pestered in his own ship, whereof he
would gladly be eased. Sir John
gave no other hearing to this motion,
but seemed to dislike that he should
bring more than was concluded be-
twixt them ; and this drew them to
some choleric speeches. But Sir John
would not receive any unless he were
entreated ; to this Sir Francis' stout 3
heart could never be driven. This
was on the 2d of September, and after
they were somewhat qualified,* they
acquainted us that Sir Thomas Bas-
kerville, our Colonel-general, was of
their council by virtue of the broad
seal, and that they would take unto
them Sir Nicholas Clifford and the
other captains appointed by Her
Majesty, who were, eleven for the
land, four for the ships in which they
themselves went not. They gave us
instructions for directing our course,
if, by foul weather or mischance, any
should be severed, and orders what
allowances we should put our men
into for preservation of victuals, with
other necessary instructions. In the
1 Taking a greater interest in what
had engaged their own attention and
touched their own pocket.
2 Enterprise.
3 Proud, stubborn.
4 After their passion had somewhat
abated.
end, Sir John revealed the places
whither we were bound, in hearing of
the basest mariner ; observing there-
in no warlike or provident advice,
nor was it ever amended to the time
of their deaths, but so he named Saint
John de Puerto Rico, where the trea-
sure before spoken of was to be taken,
even without blows ; from whence we
should go direct to Nombre de Dios,
and so over land to Panama. What
other things should fall out by the
way, he esteemed them not worth
the naming, this being sufficient to
make a far greater army rich to their
content.
Some seven or eight days after
this, we were called aboard the De-
fiance, where, Sir Francis Drake pro-
pounding unto us whether we should
give upon the Canaries or Madeiras
(for he was resolved to put for one of
them by the way), we seeing his bent
and the earnestness of the Colonel-
general, together with the apparent
likelihood of profit, might soon have
been drawn thereto, but for consider-
ing the weighty matters we had
undertaken, and how needful it was
to hasten us thither. But General
Hawkins utterly misliking this no-
tion it being a matter, as he said,
never before thought of knew no
cause why the fleet should stay in any
place till they came to the Indies,
unless it should be by his 5 taking in
of so great numbers to consume his
waters and other provision; the
which, if Sir Francis would acknow-
ledge, he would rid him and relieve
him the best he could. Now the fire
which lay hid in their stomachs began
to break forth, and had not the
Colonel pacified them, it would have
grown farther ; but their heat some-
what abated, and they concluded to
dine next day aboard the Garland
with Sir John, when it was resolved
that 'we should put for the Grand
Canaries, though, in my conscience,
whatsoever his tongue said, Sir John's
heart was against it. These matters
were well qualified, and for that
place we shaped our course ; in which
5 Drake's.
1595.]
AT ANCHOR OFF GUADALOUPE.
75
we met with a small Fleming bound
for the Straits, and a small man-of-
war of Weymouth, who kept us com-
pany to the Canaries. On Wednes-
day, the 24th day, we had sight of
Lancerotta and Forteventura. The
25th, at night we descried the Cana-
ries, it being a month after our de-
parture from Plymouth. On Friday,
being the 26th, we came to anchor
some saker-shot from a fort which
stands to the WNW. of the harbour.
Sir Francis spent much time in seek-
ing out the fittest place to land ;
the enemy thereby gaining time to
draw their forces in readiness to im-
peach x our approach. At length we,
putting for the shore in our boats and
pinnaces, found a great siege 2 and
such power of men to encounter us,
that it was then thought it would
hazard the whole action if we should
give further upon it, whereupon we
returned without receiving or doing
any harm worthy the writing ; but,
undoubtedly, had we launched under
the fort at our first coming to anchor,
we had put fair to be possessors of
the town, for the delays gave the
enemy great stomachs 3 and daunted
our own ; and it being the first ser-
vice our new men were brought into,
it was to be doubted they would prove
the worse the whole journey follow-
ing.
We presently weigned hence and
came to anchor the 27th at the
WSW. part of this island, where we
watered. Here Captain Grimstone,
one of the twelve captains for land,
was slain by the mountaineers, with
his boy and a surgeon. Hence we
departed the 28th, holding our course
SW. three weeks, then we ran WSW.
and W. by S. until the 27th of
October, on which day we had sight
of Maten, an island lying south-east
from Dominica. Our Generals meant
to water at Guadaloupe, for Dominica
being inhabited by Indians, our men
1 Prevent ; French, "empecher."
The word is still used in Ireland in
the sense of hindering or obstructing.
2 Fortification.
* Courage.
straggling soon would have their
throats cut. General Drake lying
ahead the fleet, ran in by the north
of Dominica, Sir John by south.
The 29th we anchored under Guada-
Loupe ; Sir Francis being there a day
before us. On the 30th, Josias, cap-
tain of the Delight, brought news to
the Generals, that the Francis, a
small ship of company, was taken by
nine frigates ; whereupon Sir Francis
would presently have followed them,
either with the whole fleet or some
part, for that he knew our intentions
were discovered by reason they were
so openly made known, as I afore
have set down, by Sir John Hawkins.
Sir John would in no wise agree to
either of these motions, and he was
assisted in his opinion by Sir Nicho-
Clifford, all others furthering
las
his desires, which might be a means
to stay them for going into Puerto
Rico before us ; but Sir John pre-
vailed, for that he was sickly, Sir
Francis being loth to breed his further
disquiet. The reason of his stay was,
to trim his ships, mount his ordnance,
take in water, set by some new pin-
naces, and to make things in that
readiness, that he cared not to meet
with the King's whole fleet. Here
we stayed doing these necessaries
three days. This is a desert, and
was without inhabitants.
On the 4th of November we depart-
ed, and being becalmed under the
lee of the land, Sir Francis caused the
Richard, one of the victuallers, to be
unladen and sunk. The 8th we
anchored among the Virgins, other
west islands : here we drew our com-
pany on shore, that every man
might know his colours, and we
found our company short of the one
thousand two hundred promised for
land service, few of the captains hav-
ing above ninety, most not eighty,
some not fifty ; which fell out partly
for that the Generals had selected to
them a company for their guard, of
many of the gallantest men of the
army. Sir John's sickness increased.
Sir Francis appointed captains to the
merchants' ships ; this consigned
time till the llth, when we passed a
76
sound, though, by 1 our mariners,
never passed by fleet afore, and \ve
came to anchor before Puerto Rico on
the 12th about three of the clock in
the afternoon, at which time Sir John
Hawkins died. I made my men
ready presently to have landed, know-
ing that our sudden resolution would
greatly have daunted the enemy, and
have held ours in opinion of assured
victory ; but I was countermanded
by authority, and during the time of
our deliberation the enemy laboured
by all means to cause us to disanchor,
so working, that within an hour he
had planted three or four pieces of
artillery upon the shore next to us,
and playing upon the Defiance, know-
ing her to be the Admiral, whilst our
Generals sat at supper with Sir Nicho-
las Clifford and divers others, a shot
came amongst them, wherewith Sir
Nicholas, Brute Brown, Captain
Strafford, who had Grimstone's com-
pany, and some standers-by, were
hurt. Sir Nicholas died that night,
so seconding Sir John Hawkins in his
death, as he did in his opinion at
Guadaloupe. My brother Brown
lived five or six days after, and died
much bewailed. This shot made our
General weigh and fall farther to the
westward, where we rode safely. The
frigates before spoken of rode within
their forts : we had no place now to
land our men but within them, in the
face of the town, which was danger-
ous, for that both forts and ships
could play on us ; it was therefore
concluded that boats should fire them
where they rode. Captain Poore and
myself had the command of this ser-
vice ; for the regiments, Captain
Salisbury commanding j the grand
captain company was sent by the
Generals ; divers sea commanders
were also sent ; and on the 13th at
night, passing in hard under the fort,
we set three of them on fire ; only
one of which, it was my chance to
undertake, was burnt ; on the others
the fire held not, by reason that be-
ing once out they were not maintain-
ed with new. The burnt ship gave a
DRAKE'S LAST VOYAGE. [1595.
great light, the enemy thereby play-
ing upon us with their ordnance and
small shot as if it had been fair day,
and sinking some of our boats : * a
man could hardly command his mar-
iners to row, they foolishly thinking
every place more dangerous than
where they were, when, indeed, none
was sure. Thus doing no harm, we
returned with two or three prisoners,
when, indeed, in my poor opinion, it
had been an easier matter to bring
them out of the harbour than fire
them as we did, for our men aboard
the ships numbered five thousand one
hundred and sixty pieces of artillery a
that played on us during this ser-
vice ; and it had been less dangerous
to have abidden them close in the
frigates and in the dark than as we
did. But great commanders many
times fail in their judgment, being
crossed by a co-partner. But I had
cause of more grief than the Indies
could yield me of joy, losing my
alferez, 3 Davis Pursell ; MrVaughan,
a brother-in-law of Sir John Haw
kins, with three others ; Thomas
Powton, with five or six more, hurl
and maimed ; and was somewhat dis-
comfited, for the General feigned here
to set up his rest ; but examining the
prisoners, by whom he understood
that these frigates were sent for his
treasure, and that they would have
fallen among us at Guadaloupe had
they not taken the Francis, his mind
altered : calling to council, he com-
manded us to give our opinions what
we thought of the strength of the
place. Most thought it would hazard
the whole action. 4 But one Rush, a
captain, more to me alleged, that
without better putting for it 5 than
bare looking upon the outside of the
forts, we could hardly give such judg-
According to the report of.
8 A number wholly incredible ; the
Spanish accounts say that there were
only seventy pieces.
3 Standard-bearer ; a word borrow-
ed from the Arabic, as its prefix
plainly enough shows.
4 That to attack it would bring the
whole expedition into jeopardy.
5 Without some further effort
1595.]
SOME SPANIARDS AND NEGROES TAKEN.
77
ment ; and I set it plainly tinder my
hand, that if we resolutely attempted
it, all was ours ; and that I persuad-
ed myself no town in the Indies
could yield us more honour or profit.
The General presently said : "I will
bring thee to twenty places far more
wealthy and easier to be gotten."
Such like speeches I think had be-
witched the Colonel, for he most de-
sired him to hasten him hence. The
enemy, the day after we had fired the
frigates, sunk together four to save
us labour, but chiefly to strengthen
their forts : two other great ships
they sunk and fired in the month of
the harbour, to give them light to
play on us from their forts, as \ve en-
tered the first night. And hence we
went the 15th. Here I left all hope
of good success.
On the 19th we came to anchor in
a fair bay, the Bay of Sta Jermana, 1
at the westernmost part of the island,
where we stayed till the 24th, setting
up more new pinnaces and unloading
the other new victualler, the General
taking the most part into his own
ship, as he did of the former. Cap-
tain Torke, in the Hope, was made
Vice-Admiral This is a very plea-
sant and fertile island, having upon
it good store of cattle, fruits, and fish,
with all things necessary to man's
sustenance ; and were itwell manured,
no place could yield it in greater
abundance or better. Departing
hence, we had our course for Curac,oa.
The second day after our putting off,
the Exchange, a small ship, sprung
her mast, and was sunk ; the men
and part of the victuals were saved by
other ships. Upon Curacoa there is
great store of cattle and goats, and
we fell with it upon Saturday the
29th ; but our General, deceived by
the current and westerly course, made
it for Aruba, 2 an island lying ten or
twelve leagues to the westward, and
so made no stay ; when, next morn-
ing descrying whether he found his
error, we bore with Cape de la Vela,
and from thence our Colonel, with all
1 San German.
2 Mistook it for Oruba.
the companies in the pinnaces and
boats, were sent to the city of Rio de
la Hacha, and with small resistance
we took it the 1st of December at
night. The General came unto us
the next morning with the fleet.
This town was left bare of goods ;
the inhabitants, having intelligence
of our coming, had carried all in the
woods, and hid their treasures in
caches; but, staying here seventeen
days, we made so good search, that
little remained imfouiid within four
leagues of the town. We took many
prisoners, Spaniards and Negroes,
some slaves repairing to us volun-
tarily. The General with two hundred
men went in boats to Lancheria, 3
which is a place where they fish for
pearl, standing ten leagues to the
eastward of their town, from whence
they brought good store of pearl, and
took a carvel, in which was some
money, wine, and myrrh. During
our stay here, the Governor once,
divers others often, repaired unto us
to redeem their town, Lancheria,
their boats, and slaves. They did
this to gain time to convey away the
King's treasure, and to advertise their
neighbour towns to convey their trea-
sure in more safety than themselves
had done ; for the whole (except the
slaves who voluntarily repaired unto
us) was yielded unto them for twenty-
four thousand pesos, five shillings and
sixpence a piece, to be paid in pearls ;
bringing these to their town at the
day, and valuing in double the price
they were worth. Our General deli-
vered the hostages and set their town
Lancheria and boats on fire, carrying
their slaves with us. The wealth we
had here was given to countervail the
charge of the journey ; but I fear it
will not so prove in the end. Our
Vice-Admiral, Captain Torke, died
here of sickness. This is an exceed-
ingly good country, champaign and
well inhabited ; great store of cattle,
horses, sheep, goats, fish, and fowl,
whereon we fed, but small store of
grain or fruit near the town, rich only
in pearl and cattle.
3 La Ranclieria.
78 DRAKE'S LAST VOYAGE.
The 20th, being Saturday, we came
to Santa Martha. We sunk two
ketches, before we came to Rio de la
Hacha, which we brought out of
England. Presently, iipon our com-
ing to anchor, we landed and gave
upon 1 the town. We found small re-
sistance more than a few shot playing
out of the woods as we marched to-
wards the town. Companies were
presently sent abroad to discover and
search the country. The inhabitants
had too long forewarning to carry
their goods out of our possibility to
find them in so short time ; little or
[1595.
left very bare ; 4 wherefore it was re-
solved that we should hasten with
speed to Panama. Nombre de Dios
standeth on the North Sea, Panama
upon the South, 5 distant some eigh-
teen or nineteen leagues. There were
only two ways to get thither ; one by
the River Chagre, which lies to the
westward twenty leagues ; upon this
it is passable within five leagues of
Panama : the other through deserts
and over mountains void of inhabi-
tants : this was troublesome and
hard, as well for want of means to
carry our provision of meat and
nothing of value was gotten, only the \ munition, as for the ill passage with
Lieutenant-Governor and some others
were taken prisoners ; and firing the
town the 21st, we departed. Captain
an army through these deserts and
unknown places. That by the river
our General held more dangerous,
Worrell, our trenchmastej-, 2 died at j feigning there was no place for our
' fleet to wade safely. This made our
Colonel yield to the way by the moun-
tain, though he and others foresaw
the danger before our setting hence ;
but he resolved to make trial of what
could be done.
So on Monday the 29th we began
our journey, taking with us the
strongest and lustiest of our army,
to the number of fifty 6 men and
seven colours. Before our setting
hence, we buried Captain Arnold
Baskerville, our Sergeant-major-gene-
ral, a gallant gentleman. The first
day we marched three leagues ; the
next, six leagues, where we came to a
great house which the enemy had set
on fire, it being a place where the
King's mules do use to lodge coming
from Panama to Nombre de Dios
with his treasure : it is the midway
betwixt both places. The house
would receive five hundred horses.
We had not marched fully a league
on Wednesday morning, when we
came to a place fortified upon the top
of a hill, which the enemy defended.
We had no other way to pass nor no
4 They found, however, at the top
of an adjacent watchtower, more than
2000 Ibs. of silver, with some gold
and other valuables.
5 The Atlantic and Pacific respec-
tively.
6 The number was really 750.
this town of sickness. This was a
very pretty town, and six leagues off
there was a gold mine. If part of our
company had been sent thither upon
our first arrival at Rio de la Hacha,
doubtless we had done much good ;
but now they had scrubbed it very
bare. In this place was great store
of fruit and much fernandobuck ; 3
for that the wind blew so extremely,
and the road wild, we could not ship
it. Before we departed hence, it was
concluded that we should pass Car-
thagena and go directly for N ombre
de Dios. We anchored in the road
on Sunday following, being the 28th ;
and landing presently, receiving some
small shot from the town, we found
small resistance more than a little fort
at the east end of their town, in which
they had left one piece of ordnance,
which brake at the first shot. They
gave upon us as we gave upon them :
certain prisoners were taken in the
flying, who made it known, that hav-
ing intelligence long before of our
coming, their treasure was conveyed
to places of more safety, either to
Panama, or secretly hidden ; and it
might very well be, for the town was
1 Attacked ; French, " donner
sur."
* Engineer.
3 Wood of Pernambuco or Fenian-
dobuco ; Brasil wood,
1596.]
means to make our approach but a
very deep lane, where but one could
pass at once, unless it were by clam-
bering upon the banks and creeping
up the hill through the brakes, which
some of our men did, and came to the
trees which they had plashed 1 to
make their palisado, over which they
could not pass, the many boughs so
hindered them. It was my chance,
clambering up the banks to repair to
three musketeers whom I had helped
up, to fall directly between two of
their places fortified, coming unto
two paths by which they fetched
their water, and giving presently
upon them, the place being open, my
small number found too good resist-
ance, and I was driven to retire with
the loss of these few. Here was the
only place to beat them from their
hold, whereof I sent the Colonel
word, Captain Poore and Bartlett and
others repairing to me. I shewed
them the path ; we heard the enemy
plashing and felling of trees far before
us. The Colonel sent for us to come
unto him : he debated with us what
he foresaw before our coming from
Nombre de Dios, and though he
thought, in his opinion, we should
fear the enemy hence, yet, having
retreats upon retreats, they would
kill our best men without taking
little or any hurt themselves ; and
our men began to drop apace ; our
powder and match were spoiled by
much rain and waters which we had
passed, unless it were such as some
of our soldiers had with more care
preserved. The provision for meat at
our coming from Nombre de Dios
was seven or eight cakes of biscuit or
rusk for a man, which was either by
wet spoiled, or their greediness had
devoured ; so there remained to few
one day's bread, to most none at all.
Our hurt men, as Captain Nicholas
Baskerville and some others of ac-
count, we should be driven to leave
to the mercy of the enemy, unless they
could hold company. Before our
coming to Panama, had we beaten
them from all these holds, which I
DANGEROUS MARCH. 79
think would have been too dangerous
for us to have attempted, considering
the estate we were in, we must have
fought with them at a bridge where
they had entrenched themselves in a
far greater number than we were ;
and it is manifest, if we had not
within three days gotten some relief,
we had been overthrown, though no
enemy had fought against us. But
our stomachs calling these, with
other dangers, to his careful consider-
ation, he resolved to retire, and so
commanded us to cause the slain to be
thrown out of sight, the hurt to be
sent to the quarters from whence we
came that morning, and the rest to
be drawn away. Here were slain Cap-
tain Marchant, our Quarter-master,
with some other officers, gentlemen,
and soldiers. Upon our coming to
the quarters, the Colonel took view
of the hurt, and for such as could
ride he procured all the horses of the
army ; for the other, he entreated the
enemy to treat them kindly, as they
expected the like from us towards
theirs, of which we had a far greater
number. On the 2d of January we
returned to Nombre de Dios ; our
men so wearied with the illness of the
way, surbatted 2 for want of shoes,
and weak with their diet, that it
would have been a poor day's service
that we should have done upon an
enemy had they been there to resist
us. I am persuaded that never army,
great or small, undertook a march
through so unknown places so weakly
provided and with so small means to
help themselves, unless it might be
some few going covertly to do some
sudden exploit before it were thought
of by the enemy, and so return un-
spied ; for, undoubtedly, two hundred
men foreknowing their intentions and
provided with all things necessary,
are able to break or weaken the great-
est force that any prince in Christen-
dom can bring thither, if he had
place to find more than we had. This
march had made many swear that he
will never venture to buy gold at such
a price again. I confess noble spirits,
1 Pleached, or plaited, like a hedge. 2 Bruised, wearied, footsore.
DRAKE'S LAST VOYAGE. [1506.
desirous to do service to their Prince | the furthest limit of his knowledge.
and country, may soon be persuaded
to all hardness and danger, but having
once made trial thereof, would be very
loth, as I suppose, to carry any force
that way again ; for beholding it in
many places, a man Avould judge it
dangerous for one man to pass alone,
almost impossible for horses and an
army.
The day that our General had
news of our return, he meant to
weigh and fall nearer to the River
Chagre with the fleet, leaving some
few to bring us if we were enforced to
retire, whereby , he little doubted.
But being beaten from the place
where it appeared all his hopes rested
for gaining to himself and others this
mass of treasure which he so confi-
dently promised before, it was high
time for him to devise of some other
course. Wherefore, on the 4th of
January, he called us to council, and
debated with us what was now to be
done. All these parts had notice
long before of all our intentions, as it
appeared by letters written from the
Governor of Lima to the Governor of
Panama and Nombre de Dios, giving
them advice to be careful and to look
well to themselves, for that Drake
and Hawkins were making ready in
England to come upon them. Lima
is distant from these places more than
three hundred leagues, all overlaid
with snakes. It appears that they
had good intelligence. This made
them to convey their treasure to
places which they resolved to defend
with better force than we were able to
attempt. Like as upon the coming of
the sun, dews and mists begin to
vanish, so our blinded eyes began now
to open, and we found that the glor-
ious speeches, of a hundred places
that they 1 knew in the Indies to
make us rich, was but a bait to draw
Her Majesty to give them honourable
employments, and us to adventure
our lives for their glory; for now
charts and maps must be our chiefest
directors, he 2 being in these parts at
1 The promoters of the expedition.
2 Drake.
There he found out a lake called
Laguna de Nicaragua, upon which
stand certain towns, as Granada,
Leon, and others ; also the Bay of
Honduras, a place known to be of
small wealth by itself, unless it be
brought thither to be embarked for
Spain. He demanded which of these
we would attempt ; our Colonel said,
"Both, one after the other, and all
too little to content us if we took
them." It was then resolved that
we should first for the river, and as
matters fell out, for the other.
Nombre de Dios, together with their
Negro town, was fired ; and we sunk
and fired fourteen small frigates
which we found in the road. We got
here twenty bars of silver, with some
gold and certain plate ; more would
have been found had it been well
sought : but our General thought it
folly to gather our harvest grain by
grain, being so likely at Panama to
thrust our hands into the whole
heaps ; and after our return, being
troubled in mind, he seemed little to
regard any counsel that should be
given him to that purpose, but to
hasten thence as fast as he might.
This is a most wealthy place, being
settled upon a ground full of cam-
phire, environed with hilly woods and
mountains, the bottom a dampish fen.
Hence we departed the 5th, and held
our course for Nicaragua.
On the 9th we found a very deep
and dangerous bay, playing it here
up and down ; all men weary of the
place. The 10th we descried a small
island called Escudes, 3 where we came
to anchor ; and here we took a frigate
which was an advice 4 of the King's.
By this we learned that the towns
standing upon this Lake 5 were of
small wealth and very dangerous, by
reason of many shoals and great
roughs our mariners should have, it
being a hundred leagues : yet if the
wind would have permitted, we had
3 Escudo Island, near the bottom
of Mosquito Bay.
4 An ' ' aviso, " or despatch-boat
f Of Nicaragua.
1596.]
DEATH OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE.
.81
assuredly put for them, and never re-
turned to one half again. Here we
stayed, at a waste 'island where tliere
was no relief but a few tortoises for
such as could catch them, twelve days.
This is counted the sickliest place of
the Indies; and here died many of
our men, victuals beginning to grow
scarce with us. In the end, finding
the wind to continue contrary, he re-
solved to depart, and to take the wind
as God sent it.
So on the 22d we went hence, hav-
ing there buried Captain Plott, Eger-
ton, and divers others. I questioned
with our General, being often private
with him whilst we stayed here, to
see whether he would reveal unto me
any of his purposes ; and I demanded
of him, why he so often conjured me,
being in England, to stay with him
in these parts as long as himself, and
where the place was ? He answered
me with grief, protesting that he was
as ignorant of the Indies as myself,
and that he never thought any place
could be so changed, as it were from
a delicious and pleasant arbour into a
waste and desert wilderness ; besides
the variableness of the wind and
weather, so stormy and blusterous as
he never saw it before. But he most
wondered that since his coming out
of England he never saw sail worth
giving chase unto : yet in the great-
ness of his mind, he would in the
end, conclude with these words : " It
matters not, man ; God hath many
things in store for us ; and I know
many means to do Her Majesty good
service and to make us rich, for we
must have gold before we see Eng-
land ; " when, good gentleman, in
my conceit, it fared with him as
with some careless-living man who
prodigally consumes his time, fondly
persuading himself that the nurse
that fed him in his childhood will
likewise nourish him in his old age,
and, finding the dug dried and wither-
ed, enforced then to behold his folly,
tormented in mind, dieth with a
starved body. He had, besides his
own adventure, gaged his own reputa-
tion greatly, in promising Her Majesty
to do her honourable service, and to
return her a very profitable adven-
ture ; and having sufficiently exper-
ienced, for seven or eight years
together, how hard it was to regain
favour once thought ill of, the mis-
tress of his fortune now leaving him
to yield to a discontented mind. 1
And since our return from Panama
he never carried mirth nor joy in his
face ; yet no man he loved must con-
jecture that he took thought thereof.
But here he began to grow sickly.
At this island we sunk a carvel which
we brought out of England, putting
her men and victuals into a last-taken
frigate. From hence a great current
sets towards the eastward ; by reason
whereof, with the scant of wind we
had, on "Wednesday, being the 28th,
we came to Portobello, which is with-
in eight or nine leagues of Nombre
de Dios. It was the best harbour we
came into since we left Plymouth.
This morning, about seven of the
clock, Sir Francis died. The next
day Sir Thomas Baskerville carried
him a league off, and buried him in
the sea. In this place, the inhabi-
tants of Nombre de Dios meant to
build a town, it being far more healthy
than where they dwell. Here they
began a fort which already cost the
King seven thousand purses, and a
few houses towards their town, which
they called Civitas Sti Philippi.
Them we fired, razing the fortifica-
tion to the ground. Here we found,
as in other places, all abandoned ;
their ordnance cast into the sea, some
of which we found, and carried aboard
the Garland.
Our Generals being dead, most
men's hearts were bent to hasten for
England as soon as they might ; but
Sir Thomas Baskerville, having the
command of the army by virtue of
1 Referring, doubtless, to the fail-
ure of the expedition to Portugal, for
the restoration of Dom Antonio,
which Drake undertook in 1589, with
Sir John Novis as commander of the
land forces. Though the Admiral
was acquitted honourably of all
blame, his reputation seems to have
for the time lain under a cloud.
82 DRAKE'S LAST VOYAGE.
Her Majesty's broad seal, endeavoured
to prevent the dissevering of the fleet,
and to that end talked with such as
he heard intended to quit company
before the}' were disembogued, 1 and
drew all companies to subscribe to
certain articles signifying our pur-
poses : viz., that putting hence, we
should turn it back to Santa Martha,
if the wind would surfer us, otherwise
to run over for Jamaica, where it was
thought w r e should be refreshed with
some victuals. Matters thus con-
cluded, the Delight, the Elizabeth,
and our late taken frigates were sunk.
Many of the Negro men and base 2
prisoners were here put on shore ; and
here we weighed on Sunday the 8th
of February. Our victuals began to
shorten apace, yet we had lain a long
time at very hard allowance four
men each morning one quart of beer
and cake of biscuit for dinner, and
for supper one quart of beer and two
cakes of biscuit and two cans of water,
with a pint of pease, or half a pint of
rice, or somewhat more of oatmeal.
This was our allowance being at Por-
tobello, and six weeks before, but that
we had sometimes stock-fish. From
thence there is a current that sets to
the eastward, by the help of Avhich,
on the 14th, we had sight of an is-
land short of Carthagena fifteen or
sixteen leagues ; further than this we
could not go to the eastward, for that
the current had left us. The loth at
night, it being fair weather, we lost
sight of our fleet. Here as I grew
discontented, knowing it touched
my poor regulation so to leave the
army ; and I had many things to
persuade me that it was done of pur-
pose by the captain and master,
thereby gaining an excuse to depart ;
I showed the captain the danger he
would run into by leaving so honour-
able forces when they had need of our
company; and God knoweth that
had I but had judgment which way
to have cast for them, I would rather
1 Before they passed the Boccas or
narrow seas, and entered the wider
Ocean.
2 Commoner sort.
f!596.
have lost my life than so forsake the
like. He deposed on the Bible, and
Christianity made me believe him.
But playing it up and down about
twelve of the clock, and discovering
none of them, the wind blew so con-
trary that the seamen affirmed by
holding this course we should be cast
back in the bay, and they were per-
suaded that our fleet could not attain
Santa Martha, but were gone over for
Jamaica, whither they would follow
them. I plainly foresaw that if we
missed them there, it was like that
we should no more meet till we came
to England, which would have made
me to persuade a longer search upon
the main ; but my hope of their being
there, together with the weakness of
our men and the small means we had
to retain them, fearing lest my delay
might endanger Her Majesty's ships
and the whole company, 1 yielded to
their persuasions. We were in ten de-
grees and a half when we put from hen ce,
and we came till the 22d, when we had
sight of a very dangerous shoal which
our seamen thought they had passed
near two days ago. If we had fallen in
with it in the night we had been all
lost. The shoal is named Secrana.
On Shrove "Wednesday, being the
24th, we fell with Jamaica, and by
means of a Mulatto and an Indian we
had, this night, forty bundles of dried
beef, which served our whole company
so many days. We came to anchor
at the westernmost part of the island,
in a fair sandy bay, where we watered,
and stayed, in hope to have some
news of our fleet, seven days. This
our stay brought no intelligence,
wherefore, our seamen thought that
our fleet, not able to recover this
place, were fallen either with Cape
Corrientes or Cape Saint Antonio ; 3
these places we meant to touch in
our course ; and hence we went the
1st of March. On the 6th we saw a
ship on the leeward of us, and the
next morning we made her to be the
Pegasine, one of our fleet, who, us
they said, lost the Admiral near the
time as we did, beii)g by the Colonel
3 At the west of Cuba.
1596.] HOMEWAKD BOUND.
sent to the Susan Bonaventure, whom
they left in great distress, by reason
of a leak they had taken, and I greatly
feared, by their report, they are per-
ished. There were in her one hundred
and thirty or one hundred and forty
persons, many gallant gentlemen and
good men. If they perish this ship
shall repent it. Holding our course
for these places, we descried five sails
astern of us. "We stayed for them,
and soon made them out to be none
of our fleet ; and we had good reason
to persuade us they were enemies.
They had the wind of us, but we soon
regained it upon them, which made
them, upon a piece of ordnance shot
oif by the greatest ship, tack about, ;
we tacked with them ; when the cap-
tain of this ship faithfully protested
unto me not to shoot a piece of ord-
nance till we came board and board,
and then I promised him, with our
small shot, to win the greatest or lose
our persons. This we might have
done without endangering Her Ma-
jesty's ships ; but our eiieni} 7 , playing
upon us with their ordnance, made
our gunners fall to it ere we were at
musket shot, and no nearer could I
bring them, though I had no hope to
take any of them but by boarding.
Here we popped away powder and
shot to no purpose, for most of our
gunners would hardly have stricken
Paul's steeple had it stood there. I
am a young seaman, yet my small
judgment and knowledge make me
avow, that never ship of Her Majesty's
went so vilely manned out of her
kingdom ; not twenty of them worthy
to come into her ships ; and I know
not what had possessed the captain,
but his mind was clean altered, tell-
ing me that he had no authority to
lay any ship aboard, whereby he
might endanger this, Her Majesty's ;
and they being, as he said, the King's
men of war, they would rather fire with
us than be taken., _Had I been a mer-
chant of her burthen (God favouring
me) they would have been mine, as
many as stood to the trial of their
fortune ; but the paltry Pegasie we
lately met withal never came near us
by a league, which was some colour to
83
our men to give them over. So after
I had endeavoured, by myself, my
lieutenant, and other gentlemen, by
persuasion, to work the captain reso-
lutely to attempt them, and finding
no disposition in him but to consume
powder and shot to no purpose but
firing it in the air, I yielded to give
them over, persuading myself that
God had even ordained that we should
not, with any nature, attempt where
we were resisted with never so weak
forces. Thus away we went, and the
wind chopping us southerly, our sea-
men held that our fleet could neither
ride at Corrientes nor at Saint Antonio,
which made me condescend to leave
the Indies, with all their treasure,
and to ply the next course to disem-
bogue, for little hope Avas left me that
we should do Her Majesty any ser-
vice, or good to ourselves, when, upon
the feigned excuse of endangering her
ships which she sent forth to fight if
occasion were offered ; and to persuade
myself that Her Majesty prizeth not
her ships dearer than the lives of so
many faithful subjects, who gladly
would have ventured their lives, and
upon no brain-sick humour, but from
a true desire to do Her Highness some
service for the charge and adventure
she had been at in this glorious spoken-
of j ourney. Fortune's child was dead,
things would not fall into our mouths,
nor riches be our portions, how dearly
soever we ventured for them. Thus
avoiding Scylla (after the proverb) we
fell into Charybdis, and indeed we were
not now far from it.
Our master, a careful old man, but
not experienced upon these coasts,
rather following the advice of others
than relying on his own judgment,
brought us, on the 12th three hours
before day, into a very shallow water,
upon a dangerous bank, which some
held to be the Meltilettes, others the
Tortugas, either like enough to have
swallowed us, had not God blessed us
with fair weather. Freeing ourselves
of this danger, upon Monday thejl 5th
of March we entered the Gulf, and by
ten of the clock we brought the Cape
of Florida west of us. On the 17th
(the Lord be thanked) we were dis-
84
embogued. After tins we ran with
most foul weather and contrary winds
till the 1st of May, when we had
soundings in ninety fathoms, being
in the Channel, and on the 3d we had
sight of Scilly ; the which day, ere
night we came to anchor (the Lord be
therefore praised) 1596.
To give mine opinion of the Indies,
I verily think that filching men-of-
war shall do more good, than such a
fleet if they have any forewarning of
their coming. And unless Her Ma-
jesty will undertake so royally as to
dispossess him of the lands of Puerto
Ilico, Hispaniola, and Cuba, her
charge will be greater in sending
thither, than the profit such a ileet
can return ; for having but a few
days' warning, it is easy for them to
convey their goods into assured safety,
as experience hath taught us. Their
towns they dare not redeem, being
enjoined the contrary by the King's
commandment. These places will be
taken and possessed by two thousand
men ; and by this Her Majesty might
debar the King of Spain of his whole
profit of the Indies ; and the first
gaining them will return her a suift-
cient requital for her adventure. God
grant I may live to see such an enter-
prise put in practice ; and the King
of Spain will speedily fly to what
conditions of peace Her Majesty will
require.
Thus I have truly set dowii the
DRAKE'S LAST VOYAGE. [1596.
whole discourse of our voyage, using
therein many idle words and ill-com-
pared sentences. It was done on the
sea, which I think can alter any dis-
position. Your loves, I think, can
pardon these faults, and secrete them
from the view of others.
The 1st of March the fleet fell in
with the Island of Finos, on the land
of Cuba, which day they had sight of
the Spanish fleet by eleven of the
clock ; where Sir Thomas Baskerville
gave directions for the fleet as thus :
the Garland, being Admiral, with one
half of the fleet, to have the van-
guard ; the Hope, being Vice-admiral,
with the other half, the rearward.
The fight continued fiercely three
hours within musket-shot. That
night they saw the Spanish Vice-
admiral, a ship of seven hundred
tons, burnt, witli other six lost and
sunk by the next morning, when they
departed. The Hope received a leak
and was forced to go from the fleet to
an island, called Saint Crusado, inha-
bited by cannibals, where they had
store of hens and Indian wheat for
nine weeks. March 8th, the fleet
shot the Gulf and came for England,
leaving Florida on the starboard side ;
and when they came to the Enchanted
Islands 1 they were dispersed, and
came home one by one.
THOMAS MAYNARDE.
1 The Azores.
ZKD OF DRAKE'S LAST VOYAG&
DAMPIER'S
VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
16791691.
THE AUTHOK'S ACCOUNT OF HIMSELF.
[The Second Edition of Dampier's
" Voyage Eound the Terrestrial Globe "
appeared in two volumes ; the first
containing the Circumnavigation
proper, the second occupied by three
Appendices, to which frequent refer-
ences were made in the chief recital.
These Appendices bore the following
titles: I. "A Supplement of the
Voyage round the World," being a
fuller account of the Author's voyag-
ings and observations during the time
he spent in the East Indies between
his arrival there in 1686 and his de-
parture for England in 1691. II.
"Two Voyages to Campeachy," nar-
rating Dampier's experiences among
the logwood cutters in the Bay of
Campeachy between 1675 and 1678,
and describing the western and south-
western coast of the Caribbean Sea.
III. "A Discourse of Trade Winds,
Breezes, Storms, Seasons of the Year,
Tides, and Currents of the Torrid
Zone," entirely meteorological and
professional. In the second Appendix
the Author gives an account of him-
self fuller than any that we have from
other sources ; and, both from their
autobiographical interest, and from
the direct way in which they lead up
to the greater subject, the main per-
sonal incidents of the Campeachy
Voyages are here prefixed to the
"Voyage Round the World."]
MY friends did not originally design
me for the sea, but bred rte at school
till I came to years fit for a trade. 1
But upon the death of my father and
mother, they who had the disposal
of me took other measures ; and hav-
ing removed me from the Latin school
to learn writing and arithmetic, they
soon after placed me with a master of
Dampier was born in 1652.
a ship at Weyinouth, 2 complying
with the inclinations I had very early
of seeing the world. With him I
made a short voyage to France ; and,
returning thence, went to Newfound-
land, being then about eighteen years
of age. In this voyage I spent one
summer, but [was] so pinched with
the rigour of that cold climate, that
upon my return I was absolutely
against going to those parts of the
world, but went home again to my
friends. Yet going up, a while after
to London, the offer of a warm voyage
and a long one, both which I always
desired, soon carried me to sea again.
For hearing of an outward-bound East
Indiaman, the John and Martha of
London, I entered myself aboard, and
was employed before the mast, for
which my two former voyages had
some way qualified me. We went
directly for Bantam in the Isle of
Java, and staying there about two
months, came home again in little
more than a year ; touching at San-
tiago of the Cape Verd Islands at our
going out, and at Ascension in our
return. In this voyage I gained more
experience in navigation, but kept
no journal. We arrived at Plymouth
about two months before Sir Robert
Holms went out to fall upon the
Dutch Smyrna fleet ; and the second
Dutch War breaking out upon this,
I forebore going to sea that summer,
retiring to my brother in Somerset-
shire. But growing weary of staying
ashore, I listed myself on board the
Royal Prince, commanded by Sir
Edward Spragge, and served under
him in the year 1673, being the last
of the Dutch War. We had three
engagements that summer ; I was in
two of them, but falling very sick, I
2 About 1669.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [1669-74.
88
was put on board an hospital ship, a
day or two before the third engage-
ment, seeing it at a distance only ; and
in this Sir Edward Spragge was killed.
Soon after I was sent to Harwich, with
the rest of the sick and wounded ; and
having languished a great while, I
went home to my brother to recover
my health. By this time the war
with the Dutch was concluded ; and
with my health I recovered my old
inclination for the sea. A neighbour-
ing gentleman, Colonel Hellier of
East Coker in Somersetshire, my
native parish, made uie a seasonable
offer to go and manage a plantation
of his in Jamaica, under one Mr
"VVhalley : for which place I set out
with Captain Kent in the Content of
London. J was then about twenty-
two years old, and had never been in
the West Indies ; and therefore, lest
I might be trepanned and sold as a
servant after my arrival in Jamaica,
I agreed with Captain Kent to work
as a seaman for my passage, and had
it under his hand to be cleared at our
first arrival. We sailed out of the River
Thames in the beginning of the year
1674, and, meeting with favourable
winds, in a short time got into the
trade-wind and went merrily along,
steering for the Island of Barbadoes.
When we came in sight of it Captain
Kent told his passengers, if they
would pay his port charges he would
anchor in the road, and stop whilst
they got refreshment ; but the mer-
chants not caring to part with their
money, he bore away, directing his
course towards Jamaica,
where we arrived,
bringing
with us the first news they had of
the peace with the Dutch. Here,
according to my contract, I was im-
mediately discharged ; and the next
day I went to the Spanish Town,
called Santiago de la Vega ; where
meeting with Mr Whalley, we went
together to Colonel Hellier' s planta-
tion in Sixteen-Mile Walk. . . .
I lived with Mr Whalley at Sixteen-
Mile Walk for almost six months,
and then entered myself into the
service of one Captain Heming, to
manage his plantation at St Ann's,
on the north side of the Island, and
accordingly rode from Santiago de la
Vega towards St Ann's. This road
has but sorry accommodation for
travellers. The first night I lay at
a poor hunter's hut, at the foot of
Mount Diabolo [Devil's Mountain],
on the south side of it, where for
want of clothes to cover me in the
night I was very cold when the land
wind sprang up.
The next
day, crossing Mount Diabolo, I got a
hard lodging at the foot of it on the
north side ; and the third day after
arrived at Captain Heming' s planta-
tion. I was clearly out of my element
there ; and therefore, as soon as Cap-
tain Heming came thither, I disen-
gaged myself from him, and took my
passage on board a sloop to Port
Royal, with one Mr Statham, who
used to trade round the Island, and
touched there at that time. From
Port Royal I sailed with one Mr
Fishook, who traded to the north
side of the Island, and sometimes
round it ; and by these coasting
voyages I came acquainted with all
the ports and bays about Jamaica, as
also with the benefit of the land and
sea winds. For our business was to
bring goods to, or carry them from
planters to Port Royal ; and we were
always entertained civilly by them,
both in their houses and plantations,
having liberty to walk about and
view them. They gave us also plan-
tains, yams, potatoes, &c., to carry
aboard with us; on which we fed
commonly all our voyage. But after
six or seven months I left that employ
also, and shipped myself aboard one
Captain Hudswell, who was bound to
the Bay of Campeachy to load logwood.
We sailed from Port Royal about the
beginning of August, in 1675, in
company with Captain Wren in a
small Jamaica bark, and Captain
Johnson, commander of a ketch be-
longing to New England. This
voyage is all the way before the
wind, and therefore ships commonly
sail it in twelve or fourteen days :
neither were we longer in our pas-
sage ; for we had very fair weather,
and touched nowhere till we came to
1675.] CUTTING LOGWOOD IN CAMPEACIIY BAY.
Trist Island, in the Bay of Campeachy,
which is the only place they go to.
. . . Trist is the road only for
big ships. Smaller vessels that draw
but a little water run three leagues
farther, by crossing over a great
lagoon that runs from the island up
into the mainland ; where they anchor
at a place called One Bush Key. "We
stayed at Trist three days to fill our
water, and then with our two consorts
sailed thence with the tide of flood ;
and the same tide arrived there.
This Key is not above forty paces
long, and five or six broad, having
only a little crooked tree growing on
it, and for that reason it is culled
One Bush Key. . . . [It] is
about a mile Irom the shore ; and
just against the island is a small
creek that runs a mile farther, and
then opens into another wide lagoon ;
and through this creek the logwood
is brought to the ships riding at the
Key. . . . Here we lay to take
in our lading. Our cargo to purchase
logwood was rum and sugar ; a very
good commodity for the logwood
cutters, who were then about 250
men, most English, that had settled
themselves in several places here-
abouts. Neither was it long before
we had these merchants come aboard
to visit us. \Ve were but six men
and a boy in the ship, and all little
enough to entertain them ; for be-
sides what rum we sold by the gallon
or firkin, we sold it made into punch,
wherewith they grew frolicsome. "We
had none but small arms to fire at
their drinking healths, and therefore
the noise was not very great at a dis-
tance - r but on board the vessels we
were loud enough till all our liquor
was spent. "We took no money for
it, nor expected any ; for logwood
was what we came hither for, and we
had of that in lieu of our commodi-
ties after the rate of 5 per ton, to be
paid at the place where they cut it ;
and we went with our long boat to
fetch small quantities. But because
it would have taken up along time to
load our vessel with our own boat
only, we hired a periago of the log-
wood cutters, to bring it on board,
89
and by that means made the quicker
despatch. 1 made two or three trips
to their huts, where I and those with
me were always very kindly enter-
tained by them with pork and pease,
or beef and dough-boys. Their beef
they got by hunting in the savannahs.
As long as the liquor lasted which
they bought of us, we were treated
with it, either in drams or punch.
It was the latter end of
September 1675, when we sailed from
One Bush Key with the tide of ebb,
and anchored again at Trist that same
tide ; where we watered our vessel in
order to sail. This we accomplished
in two days, and the third day sailed
from Trist towards Jamaica. A voyage
which proved very tedious and hazard-
ous to us, by reason of our ship's
being so sluggish a sailer that she
would not ply to windward, whereby
we were necessarily driven upon several
shoals that otherwise we might have
avoided, and forced to spend thirteen
weeks incur passage, [which] is usually
accomplished in half that time.
[Dampier gives a long and particu-
lar account of the voyage to Jamaica,
with descriptions of the Alacranes
Islands or Reefs on which the ship
struck, and the Island of Pines, near
Cuba, on which the crew landed in
pursuit of food. After narrowly es-
caping capture by the Spaniards,
shipwreck, and death by starvation,
the mountains of Jamaica were sight-
ed, and the ship anchored at Negril. ]
As soon as we came to anchor, we
sent our boat ashore to buy provisions
to regale ourselves, after our long
fatigue and fasting, and were very
busy going to drink a bowl of punch ;
when unexpectedly Captain Rawlings,
commander of a small New England
vessel that we left at Trist, and Mr
John Hooker, who had been in the
Bay [of Campeachy] a twelvemonth
cutting logwood, and was now com-
ing up to Jamaica to sell it, came
aboard, and were invited into the
cabin to drink with us. The bowl
had not yet been touched (I think
there might be six quarts in it), but
Mr Hooker being drunk to by Captain
Rawlings, who pledged Captain Hud-
90
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
swell, and having the bowl in his
hand, said, that he was under an oath
to drink but three draughts of strong
liquor a day ; and putting the bowl
to his head, turned it off at one
draught, and so making himself
drunk, disappointed us of our expecta-
tions, till we made another bowl.
The next day, having a brisk NW.
wind, ... we arrived at Port
Royal, and so ended this troublesome
voyage. It was not long after our
arrival at Port Royal, before we were
paid off, and discharged. Now, Cap-
tain Johnson of New England being
bound again into the Bay of Cam-
peachy, I took the opportunity of go-
ing a passenger with him, being re-
solved to spend some time at the log-
wood trade ; and accordingly provided
such necessaries as were required
about it, viz., hatchets, axes,
macheats 1 (i.e., long knives), saws,
wedges, &c., a pavilion to sleep in, a
gun, with powder and shot, &c. And
leaving a letter of attorney with Mi-
Fleming, a merchant of Port Royal,
as well to dispose of anything that I
should send up to him, as to remit to
me what I should order, I took leave
of my friends, and embarked. About
the middle of February 1675-6 we
sailed from Jamaica, and with a fair
wind and weather soon got as far as
Cape Catoche and there met a pretty
strong north, which lasted two days.
After that the trade [wind] settled
again at ENE., which speedily carried
us to Trist Island. In a little time I
settled myself in the west creek of the
west lagoon with some old logwood
cutters, to follow the employment
with them.
[Dam pier here suspends "the re-
lation of his own affairs," to give a
long description of the coast and
country bordering on the Bay of Cam-
peachy, with its natural products by
land and sea ; and an account of the
life and habits of the logwood cutters.]
. . . The logwood trade was
grown very common before I came
hither, there being, as I said before,
1 Spanish, ' ' machete, " a long knife,
or cutlass.
ROUND THE WORLD. [1675-76.
about 260 or 270 men living in all
the lagoon and at Beef Island. This
trade had its rise from the decay
of privateering ; for after Jamaica
was well settled by the English, and
a peace established with Spain, the
Privateers, who had hitherto lived
upon plundering the Spaniards, were
put to their shifts ; for they had pro-
digally spent whatever they got, and
now wanting subsistence, were forced
either to go to Petit Goave, 2 where
the Privateer trade still continued, or
into the Bay for logwood. The more
industrious sort of them came hither ;
yet even these, though they could
work well enough if they pleased,
yet thought it a dry business to toil
at cutting wood. They were good
marksmen, and so took more delight
in hunting ; but neither of these em-
ployments affected them 3 so much as
privateering ; therefore they often
made sallies out in small parties
among the nearest Indian towns,
where they plundered, and brought
away the Indian women to serve
them at their huts, and sent their
husbands to be sold at Jamaica.
Besides, they had not their old drink-
ing-bouts forgot, and would still
spend 30 or 40 at a sitting aboard
the ships that came hither from
Jamaica, carousing and firing off guns
three or four days together. And
though afterwards many sober men
came into the Bay to cut wood, yet
by degrees the old standers so de-
bauched them, that they could never
settle themselves under any civil
government, but continued in their
wickedness till the Spaniards, en-
couraged by their careless rioting,
fell upon them, and took most of
them singly at their own huts, and
carried them away prisoners to Cam-
peachy or La Vera Cruz ; from whence
they were sent to Mexico, and sold
to several tradesmen in that city ;
and from thence, after two or three
years, when they could speak Spanish,
many of them made their escapes,
2 See page 166.
3 They affected, or relished, neither
of these employments.
1676.] MANNER OF CUTTING AND SHIPPING LOGWOOD. 91
and marched in by paths back to La
Vera Cruz, and [were] by the Flota 1
conveyed to Spain, and so to England.
I have spoken with many of them
since, who told me that none of them
were sent to the silver mines to work,
but kept in or near the city, and
never suffered to go with their cara-
vans to New Mexico or that way. I
relate this, because it is generally
suggested that the Spaniards common-
ly send their prisoners thither, and
use them very barbarously ; but I
could never learn that any European
has been thus served ; whether for
fear of discovering their weakness, or
for any other reason, I know not.
But to proceed : it is most certain
that the logwood cutters that were
in the Bay when I was there were
all routed or taken ; a thing I ever
feared ; and that was the reason
that moved me at last to come away,
although at a place where a man
might have gotten an estate. 2 . . .
Though I was a stranger to their em-
ployment and manner of living, as
being known but to those few only of
whom we bought our wood in my
former voyage hither, yet that little
acquaintance I then got encouraged
me to visit them after my second
arrival here, being in hopes to strike
in to work with them. There were
six in compan} r , who had a hundred
tons ready cut, logged, and chipped,
but not brought to the creek's side ;
and they expected a ship from New
England in a month or two, to fetch
it away. When I came thither they
were beginning to bring it to the
creek ; and because the carriage is the
hardest work, they hired me to help
them, at the rate of a ton of wood per
month ; promising me that after this
carriage was over I should strike in
to work with them, for they were all
obliged in bonds to procure this 100
tons jointly together, but for no more.
1 An explanation of the terms
Armada and Flota will be found in
Chapter VII. of the Voyage : see
page 161 ; and the Flota is described
on next page.
2 Enriched himself.
This wood lay all in the circumference
of 500 or 600 yards, and about 300
from the creek side, in the middle of
a very thick wood, impassable with
burthens. The first thing we did
was to bring it all to one place in the
middle ; and from thence we cut a
very large 3 path to carry it to the
creek's side. We laboured hard at
this work five days in the week, and
on Saturdays went into the savannahs
and killed beeves. . . . When
my month's service was up, in which
time we brought down all the wood
to the creek's side, I was presently
paid my ton of logwood ; with which,
and some more that I borrowed, I
bought a little provision, and was
afterwards entertained as a companion
at work with some of my former
masters ; for they presently broke up
consortships, letting the wood lie
till either Mr West came to fetch it,
according to his contract, or else till
they should otherwise dispose of it.
Some of them immediately went to
Beef Island, to kill bullocks for their
hides, which they preserve. . . .
I was yet a stranger to this work,
therefore remained with three of the
old crew to cut more logwood. . . .
[By and by, two of the company,
Scotsmen, get tired of the work and
go away, the third a Welshman,
Price Morris by name, though the
author calls him a Scotsman also
proves lazy and self-indulgent; and
Dampier "keeps to his work by him-
self." He is hindered, however, by
a growth of worms in his leg ; after-
ward a great storm makes the region
so uninhabitable, that with some
other cutters he takes his departure for
One Bush Key, and finding little aid
from the ships there, themselves suffi-
ciently distressed, goes to Beef Island,
to hunt cattle for the sake of their
hides. Dampier describes very min-
utely the features, peoples, and pro-
ducts of the southern and western
coasts of the Bay of Campeachy ; in-
cidentally, in his mention of Vera
Cruz, giving the following account of
the Spanish West Indian squadrons :]
Broad.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [1676-79.
wounded in taking the fort ; being
four or five hours engaged in that
', in which time the inhabitants,
92
The Flota comes hither every three
years from Old Spain ; and besides
goods of the product of the country,
and what is brought from the East
Indies [across New Spain from the
port of Neapulco] and shipped aboard
them, the King's plate that is gathered
in this kingdom, together with what
belongs to the merchants, amounts to
a vast sum. Here also comes every
year the Barralaventa Fleet in Octo-
ber or November, and stays till
March. This is a small squadron,
consisting of six or seven sail of stout
ships, from 20 to 50 guns. These are
ordered to visit all the Spanish sea-
port towns once every year, chiefly to
hinder foreigners from trading, and to
suppress Privateers. ... If they
meet with any English or Dutch trad-
ing-sloops, they chase and take them,
if they are not too nimble for them ;
the Privateers keep out of their way,
having always intelligence where they
are.
[The personal narrative is resumed
and concluded thus : ]
The account I have given of the
Campeachy rivers, &c., was the result
of the particular observations I made
in cruising about that coast, in which
I spent eleven or twelve months. For
when the violent storm before-men-
tioned took us, I was but just settling
to work ; and not having a stock of
wood to purchase such provision as
was sent from Jamaica, as the old
standards had, I, with many more in
my circumstances, was forced to range
about to seek a subsistence in company
of some Privateers then in the Bay.
In which rambles we visited all the
rivers, from Trist to Alvarado ; and
made many descents into the country
among the villages there, where we
got Indian corn to eat with the beef
and other flesh that we got by the way,
or manatee, 1 and turtle, which was
also a great support to us. Alvarado
was the westernmost place I was at.
Thither we went in two barks with
thirty men in each, and had ten or
eleven men killed and desperately
1 Described in Voyage, Chapter III.
having plenty of boats and canoes,
carried all their riches and best mov-
ables away. It was after sunset before
the fort yielded ; and growing dark,
we could not pursue them, but rested
quietly that nig] it ; the next day we
killed, salted, and sent aboard twenty
or thirty beeves, and a good quantity
of salt tish, and Indian corn, as much
as we could stow away. Here were
but few hogs, and those ate very fishy ;
therefore we did not much esteem
them, but of cocks, hens, and ducks
were sent aboard in abundance. . . .
So that, with provision chests, hen-
coops, and parrot-cages, our ships were
full of lumber, with which we intend-
ed to sail ; but the second day after
we took the fort, having had a west-
erly wind all the morning, with rain,
seven armadilloes that were sent from
La Vera Cruz appeared in sight,
within a mile of the bar, coming in
with, full sail. But they could scarce
stem the current of the river ; which
was very well for us, for we were not
a little surprised. Yet we got under
sail, in order to meet them ; and clear-
ing our decks by heaving all the lum-
ber overboard, we drove out over the
bar, before they reached it : but they
being to windward, forced us to ex-
change a few shot with them. Their
admiral was called the Toro ; she had
10 guns and 100 men ; another had
4 guns and 80 men : the rest, having
no great guns, had only 60 or 70 men
a piece, armed with muskets, and the
vessels barricaded round with bull-
hides breast high. We had not above
50 men in both ships, 6 guns in one
and 2 in the other. As soon as we
were over the bar, we got our larboard
tacks aboard and stood to the east-
ward, as nigh the wind as we could
lie. The Spaniards came away quar-
tering on us ; and, our ship being the
headmost, the Toro came directly to-
wards us, designing to board us. We
kept firing at her, in hopes to have
lamed either mast or yard ; but fail-
ing, just as she was sheering aboard,
we gave her a good volley, and pre-
1676-79.] THE EPISTLE
sently clapped the helm a-weather,
wore our ship, and got our starboard
tacks aboard, and stood to the west-
ward : and so left the Toro, but were
saluted by all the small craft as we pass-
ed by them, who stood to the eastward,
after the Toro, that was now in pur-
suit [of] and close by our consort. We
stood to the westward till we were
against the river's mouth ; then we
tacked, and by the help of a current
that came out of the river, we were
near a mile to windward of them all :
then we made sail to assist our con-
sort, who was hard put to it ; but on
our approach the Toro edged away to-
wards the shore, as did all the rest,
and stood away for Alvarado ; and we,
glad of the deliverance, went away to
the eastward, and visited all the rivers
in our return again to Trist. . . . And
now the effects of the late storm being
almost forgot, the lagoon men settled
again to their employments j and I
DEDICATORY.
93
amongst the rest fell to work in the
east lagoon, where I remained till my
departure for Jamaica. . . . After
I had spent about ten or twelve months
at the logwood trade, and was grown
pretty well acquainted with the way
of traffic here, I left the employment ;
yet with a design to return hither
after I had been in England ; and
accordingly went from hence with
Captain Chambers of London, bound
to Jamaica. We sailed from Trist
the beginning of April 1678, and
arrived at Jamaica in May, where I
remained a small time, and then re-
turned for England with Captain
Loader of London. I arrived there
the beginning of August the same
year ; and at the beginning of the
following year I set out again for
Jamaica, in order to have gone thence
to Cam peachy : but it proved to be a
Voyage round the World. . . .
ME WILLIAM DAMPIER'S
VOYAGE EOUND THE TEEEESTEIAL GLOBE.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
To THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
CHARLES MOUNTAGUE, ESQ.,
President of the Royal Society, One of the
Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, <tc.
SIR, May it please you to pardon
the boldness of a stranger to your
person, if upon the encouragement of
common fame he presumes so much
upon your candour, as to lay before
you this Account of his Travels. As
the scene of them is not only remote,
but for the most part little frequented
also, so there may be some things in
them new even to you, and some,
possibly, not altogether unuseful to
the public : And that just veneration
which the world pays, as to your
general worth, so especially to that
zeal for the advancement of knowledge
and the interest of your country which
you express upon all occasions, gives
you a particular right to whatever
may any way tend to the promoting
these interests, as an offering due to
your merit. I have not so much of
the vanity of a traveller, as to be
fond of telling stories esDecially of
94 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
this kind ; nor can I think this plain
piece of mine deserves a place among
your more curious collections, much
less have I the arrogance to use your
name by way of patronage for the too
obvious faults both of the Author and
the Work. Yet dare I avow, accord-
ing to my narrow sphere and poor
abilities, a heavy zeal for the promot-
ing of useful knowledge, and of any-
thing that may never so remotely
tend to my country's advantage ; and
I must own an ambition of transmit-
ting to the public through your hands
these essays I have made toward those
great ends of which you are so deserv-
edly esteemed the patron. This hath
been my design in this publication,
being desirous to bring in my glean-
ings here and there in remote regions,
to that general magazine of the know-
ledge of foreign parts which the Eoyal
Society thought you most worthy the
custody of when they chose you for
their President; and if in perusing
these papers your goodness shall so
far distinguish the experience of the
Author from his faults, as to judge
him capable of serving his country
either immediately, or by serving
you, he will endeavour by some real
proofs to show himself,
Sir, Your most Faithful,
Devoted, Humble Servant,
W. DAMPIEE.
THE PREFACE.
BEFORE the Reader proceeds any
further in the perusal of this Work,
I must bespeak a little of his patience
here, to take along with him this short
account of it. It is composed of a
mixed relation of places and actions,
In the same order of time in which
ROUND THE WORLD.
they occurred ; for which end I kept
a Journal of every day's observations.
In the description of places, their
produce, &c., I have endeavoured to
give what satisfaction I could to my
countrymen ; though possibly to the
describing several things that may
have been much better accounted for
by others ; choosing to be more parti-
cular than might be needful with
respect to the intelligent Reader,
rather than to omit what I thought
might tend to the information of per-
sons no less sensible and inquisitive,
though not so learned or experienced.
For which reason my chief care hath
been to be as particular as was consist-
ent with my intended brevity in set-
ting down such observables l as I met
with, nor have I given myself any
great trouble since my return to com-
pare my discoveries with those of
others ; the rather, because, should it
so happen that I have described some
places or things which others have done
before me, yet in different accounts,
even of the same things, it can hardly
be but there will be some new light
afforded by each of them. But after
all, considering that the main of this
voyage hath its scene laid in long
tracts of the remoter parts both of the
East and West Indies, some of which
are very seldom visited by English-
men, and others as rarely by any
Europeans, I may without vanity en-
courage the Reader to expect many
things wholly new to him, and many
others more fully described than lie
may have seen elsewhere ; for which
not only this Voyage, though itself
of many years' continuance, but also
several former long and distant voy-
ages, have qualified me.
As for the actions of the company
among whom I made the greatest part
of this Voyage, a thread of which I
have carried on through it, it is not to
divert the Reader with them that I
mention them, much less that I take
any pleasure in relating them, but for
method's sake, andfortheReader'ssatis-
faction, who could not so well acquiesce
in my description of places, &c., without
1 Notable things or incidents.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE AND INTRODUCTION".
95
knowing the particular traverses I
made among them ; nor in these,
without an account of the concomitant
circumstances ; "besides that I would
not prejudice the truth and sincerity
of my relation, though by omissions
only. And as for the traverses them-
selves, they make for the Reader's
advantage, how little soever for mine,
since thereby I have been the better
enabled to gratify his curiosity ; as
one who rambles about a country can
give usually a better account of it,
than a carrier who jogs on to his inn
without ever going out of his road.
As to my style, it cannot be ex-
pected that a seaman should affect po-
liteness ; for were I able to do it, > et I
think I should be little solicitous about
It in a work of this nature. I have fre-
quently indeed divested myself of sea-
phrases to gratify the land Reader ; for
which the seamen will hardly forgive
me ; and yet possibly I shall not seem
complacent enough to the other ; be-
cause I still retain the use of so
many sea-terms. I confess I have
not been at x all scrupulous in this mat-
ter, either as to the one or the other
of these ; for I am persuaded, that if
what I say be intelligible, it matters not
greatly in what words it is expressed.
For the same reason I have not
been curious as to the spelling of the
names of places, plants, fruits, animals,
&c., which in many of these remoter
parts are given at the pleasure of tra-
vellers, and vary according to their
different humours : neither have I
confined myself to such names as are
given by learned authors, or so much
as inquired after many of them. I
write for my countrymen ; and have
therefore for the most part used such
names as are familiar to our English
seamen, and those of our colonies
abroad, yet without neglecting others
that occurred. And it may suffice me
to have given such names and descrip-
tions as I could : I shall leave to those
of more leisure and opportunity the
trouble of comparing these with
those which other authors have de-
signed. . . . x
1 Two paragraphs are omitted here,
I have nothing more to add, but
that there are here and there some
mistakes made, as to expression and
the like, which will need a favourable
correction as they occur upon reading.
For instance, the log of wood lying
out at some distance from [the] sides
of the boats described at Guam, 2 and
parallel to their keel, which for dis-
tinction's sake I have called the little
boat, might more clearly and properly
have been called the side-log, or by
some such name ; for though [it is]
fashioned at the bottom and ends
boatwise, yet [it] is not hollow at
top, but solid throughout. In other
places also I may not have expressed
myself so fully as I ought : but any
considerable omission that I shall re-
collect, or be informed of, I shall en-
deavour to make up in these accounts
I have yet to publish ; and for any
faults I leave the Reader to the joint
use of his judgment and candour.
THE INTRODUCTION.
I FIRST set out of England on this
voyage at the beginning of the year
1679, in the Loyal Merchant of Lon-
don, bound for Jamaica, Captain
Knapman, commander. I went a
passenger, designing when I came
thither to go from thence to the Bay
of Campeachy, in the Gulf of Mexico,
to cut logwood ; where in a former
voyage I had spent about three years
in that employ, and so was well ac-
quainted with the place and the
work. "We sailed with a prosperous
gale, without any impediment or re-
markable passage in our voyage : un-
less that, when we came in sight of
the Island of Hispaniola, and were
coasting along on the south side of it.
by the little Isles of Vacca, or Ash, 3 I
which refer to the Appendices already
noticed, and to the "maps and
draughts" that illustrated the earlier
editions of the work.
2 Chapter X. '
3 La Vache is a small island at the
south-west end of Hayti ; in Dam-
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD.
observed Captain Knapman was more
vigilant thaa ordinary, keeping at a
good distance off shore, for fear of com-
ing too near those small low islands ; as
he did once, in a voyage from England,
about the year 1673, losing his ship
there by the carelessness of his mates.
But we succeeded better, and arrived
safe at Port Royal in Jamaica some
time in April 1679, and went im-
mediately ashore. I had brought
some goods with me from England
which I intended to sell here, and
stock myself with rum and sugar,
saws, axes, hats, stockings, shoes,
and such other commodities as I
knew would sell among the Cam-
peachy logwood cutters. According-
ly I sold my English cargo at Port
Royal ; but upon some maturer con-
siderations of my intended voyage to
Campeach > y, I changed my thoughts
of that design, and continued at
Jamaica all that year, in expectation
of some other business.
I shall not trouble the Reader with
my observations at that isle, so well
known to Englishmen ; nor with the
particulars of my own affairs during
my stay there. But in short, having
there made a purchase of a small
estate in Dorsetshire, near my native
country of Somerset, of one whose
title to it I was well assured of, I
was just embarking myself for Eng-
land, about Christmas 1679, when
one Mr Hobby invited me to go first
a short trading voyage to the country
of the Mosquitoes. I was willing to
get up some money before my return,
having laid out what I had at Jamaica ;
so I sent the writing of my new pur-
chase along with the same friends
whom I should have accompanied to
England, and went on board Mr
Hobby. Soon after our setting out,
we came to an anchor again in Negril
Bay, at the west end of Jamaica ; but
finding there Captains Coxon, Sawkins,
Sharpe, and other Privateers, Mi-
Hobby's men all left him to go with
them upon an expedition they had
contrived, leaving not one with him
pier's time called "Ash " by English
[1C79.
besides myself; and being thus left
alone, after three or four days' st*y
with Mr Hobby, I was the more easily
persuaded to go with them too.
It was shortly after Christmas 1679
when we set out. The first expedi-
tion was to PortobellOj which being
accomplished, it was resolved to
march by land over the Isthmus of
Darien, upon some new adventures in
the South Seas. Accordingly, on the
5th of April 1680, we went ashore on
the Isthmus, near Golden Island, one
of the Sambaloes, 1 to the number of be-
tween 300 and 400 men, carrying with us
such provisions as were necessary, and
toys wherewith to gratify the wild
Indians through whose country we
were to pass. In about nine days'
march we arrived at Santa Maria, and
took it ; and after a stay there of
about three days, we went on to the
South Sea coast, and there embarked
ourselves in such canoes and
periagoes, 2 as our Indian friends fur-
nished us withal. We were in sight
of Panama by the 23d of April, and
having in vain attempted Pueblo
Nuevo, before which Sawkins, then
commander-in-chief, and others, were
killed, we made some stay at the
neighbouring Isles of Quibo. Here
we resolved to change our course and
stand away to the southward for the
coast of Peru. Accordingly we left
the Keys or Isles of Quibo the 6th of
June, and spent the rest of the year
in that southern course ; for, touch-
ing at the isles of Gorgona and Plata,
we came to Ylo, a small town on the
coast of Peru, and took it. This
was in October, and in November we
went thence to Coquimbo on the
same, coast, and about Christmas were
got as far as the Isle of Juan Fernan-
acamen.
1 Probably corresponding with
what is now called the Muletas Archi-
pelago, a number of small islands
and rocks extending along the north-
eastern coast of the Isthmus of
Darien, from Point San Bias.
2 Piroques ; large canoes made
square at one of the ends ; called
also "piraguas : " Italian, "piroga ; "
j Spanish, "piragua."
1681.] THE BUCCANEERS
dez, which was the furthest of our
course to the southward. After
Christmas, we went back again to
the northward, having a design upon
Arica, a strong town advantageously
situated in the hollow of the elbow
or bending of the Peruvian coast.
But being there repulsed with great
loss, we continued our course north-
ward, till by the middle of April we
were come in sight of the Isle of
Plata, a little to the southward of
the Equinoctial Line. . . .
While we lay at the Isle of Juan
Fernandez, Captain Sharpe 1 was by
general consent displaced from being
commander, the company being Dot
satisfied either with his courage or
behaviour. In his stead, Captain
Watling was advanced ; but, he being
killed shortly after before Arica, we
were without a commander during all
the rest of our return towards Plata.
Now, Watling being killed, a great
number of the meaner sort began to
be as earnest for choosing Captain
Sharpe again into the vacancy, as be-
fore they had been as forward as any to
turn him out ; and, on the other side,
the abler and more experienced men,
being altogether dissatisfied with
Sharpe's former conduct, would by
no means consent to have him chosen.
In short, by the time we were come
in sight of the Island of Plata, the
difference between the contending
parties was grown so high, that they
resolved to part companies, having
first made an agreement, that which
party soever should, upon polling,
appear to have the majority, they
should keep the ship, and the other
should content themselves with the
launch or longboat, and canoes, and
return back over the Isthmus, or go
to seek their fortune other ways, as
they would. Accordingly, we put it
to the vote, and, upon dividing,
Captain Sharpe's party carried it. I,
who had never been pleased with his
management, though I had hitherto
kept my mind to myself, now de-
1 Who had been made chief in com-
mand after Sawkins was killed at
Pueblo Nuevo.
PART COMPANY. 97
clared myself on the side ot those
that were outvoted ; and, according
to our agreement, we took our shares
of such necessaries as were fit to
carry overland with us (for that was
our resolution), and so prepared for
our departure.
CHAPTER I.
APRIL the 17th, 1681, about 10
o'clock in the morning, being twelve
leagues NW. from the Island of Plata,
we left Captain Sharpe and those who
were willing to go with him in the
ship, and embarked into our launch
and canoes, designing for the River
of Santa Maria, 2 in the Gulf of San
Miguel, which is about 200 leagiics
from the Isle of Plata, We were in
number forty -four white men, who
bore arms ; a Spanish Indian, who
bore arms also ; and two Mosquito
Indians, who always bare arms
amongst the Privateers, and are much
valued by them for striking fish and
turtle, or tortoise, and manatee or
sea-cow ; and five slaves taken in the
South Seas, who fell to our share.
The craft which carried us was a
launch or longboat, one canoe, and
another canoe which had been sawn
asunder in the middle, in order to
have made bumkins, or vessels for
carrying water, if we had not se-
parated from our ship. This we
joined together again and made it
tight, providing sails to help us along ;
and for three days before we parted,
we sifted as much flour as we could
well carry, and rubbed up 20 or 30 Ibs.
of chocolate, with sugar to sweeten
it ; these things and a kettle the
slaves carried also on their backs
after we landed. And because there
were some who designed to go with
us that we knew were not well able
to march, we gave out, that if any
man faltered in the journey overland,
he must expect to be shot to death ;
2 Now, apparently, the Tuyra,
which flows into the south-east cor-
ner of the Gulf,
G
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. I.
for we knew that the Spaniards would
soon be after us, and one man falling
into their hands might be the ruin
of us all, by giving an account of our
strength and condition ; yet, this
would not deter them from going
with us. We had but little wind
when we parted from the ship, but
before 12 o'clock the sea breeze came
in strong, which was like to founder
us before we got in with the shore.
For our security, therefore, we cut up
an old dry hide that we brought with
us, and barricaded the launch all
round with it, to keep the water out.
About 10 o'clock at night we got in
about seven leagues to windward of
Cape Pasado, under the Line, and
then it proved calm, and we lay and
drove all night, being fatigued the
preceding day. The 18th we had
little wind till the afternoon, and
then we made sail, standing along
the shore to the northward, having
the wind at SSW. , and fair weather.
At 7 o'clock we came abreast of Cape
Pasado, and found a small bark at
anchor in a small bay to leeward of
the Cape, which we took, our own
boats being too small to transport us.
We took her just under the Equinoc-
tial Line. She was not only a help
to us, but in taking her we were safe
from being described. We did not
design to have meddled with any
when we parted with our consorts,
nor to have seen any if we could
have helped it. The bark came from
Gallo, laden with timber, and was
bound for Guayaquil. The 19th, in
the morning, we came to an anchor
about twelve leagues to the southward
of Cape San Francisco, to put our
new bark into a better trim. In three
or four hours' time we finished our
business, and came to sail again, and
steered along the coast with the wind
at SSW., intending to touch at Gor-
gona.
Being to the northward of Cape
San Francisco, we met with very wet
weather ; but, the wind continuing,
we arrived at Gorgona the 24th, in
the morning, before it was light : we
were afraid to approach it in the day-
^time, for fear the Spaniards should
lie there for us, it being the place
where we careened lately, and where
they might expect us. When we
came ashore we found the Spaniards
had been there to seek after us, by a
house they had built which would
entertain 100 men, and by a great
cross before the doors. This was token
enough that the Spaniards did ex-
pect us this way again, therefore AVC
examined our prisoners if they knew
anything of it, who confessed they
had heard of a periago, that rowed
with fourteen oars, which was kept in
a river on the main, and once in two
or three days came over to Gorgona
purposely to seek for us ; and that,
having discovered us, she was to
make all speed to Panama with the
news, where they had three ships
ready to send after us. We lay here
all the day, and scrubbed our new
bark, that if ever we should be chased
we might the better escape ; we filled
our water, and in the evening went
from thence, having the wind at S W. ,
a brisk gale. The 25th we had much
wind and rain, and we lost the canoe
that had been cut and was joined to-
gether ; we would have kept all our
canoes to carry us up the river, the
bark not being so convenient. The
27th we went from thence with a
moderate gale of wind at SW. In
the afternoon we had excessive
showers of rain.
The 28th was very wet all the morn*
ing ; betwixt ten and eleven it cleared
up, and we saw two great ships about
a league and a half to the westward
of us, we being then two leagues from
the shore, and about ten leagues to
the southward of Point Garachina.
These ships had been cruising be-
tween Gorgona and the Gulf six
months; but whether our prisoners
did know it, I cannot tell. We pre-
sently furled our sails, and rowed in
close under the shore, knowing that
they were cruisers. The glare did
not continue long before it rained
again, and kept us from the sight of
each other ; but if they had seen and
chased us, we were resolved to run
our bark and canoes ashore, and take
ourselves to the mountains and travel
1681.] IN DANGER FROM
overland, for we knew that the In-
dians which lived in these parts never
had any commerce with the Spaniards,
so we might have had a chance for
our lives. The 29th, at 9 o'clock in the
morning, we came to an anchor at
Point Garachina, about seven leagues
from the Gulf of San Miguel, which
was the place where we first came in-
to the South Seas, and the way by
which we designed to return. Here
we lay all the day, and went ashore
and dried our clothes, cleaned our
guns, dried our ammunition, and
fixed ourselves 1 against our enemies if
we should be attacked ; for we did
expect to find some opposition at
landing ; we likewise kept a good
lookout all the day, for fear of those
two ships that we saw the day before.
The 30th, in the morning at 8 o'clock,
we came into the Gulf of San Miguel's
mouth ; for we put from Point Gar-
achina in the evening, designing to
have reached the islands in the Gulf
before day, that we might the better
work our escape from our enemies, if
we should find any of them waiting
to stop our passage. About 9 o'clock
we came to an anchor a mile without
a large island, which lies four miles
from the mouth of the river ; we had
other small islands without us, and
might have gone up into the river,
having a strong 'tide of flood, but
would not adventure farther till we
had looked well about us. "We im-
mediately sent a canoe ashore on the
island, where we saw (what we always
feared) a ship at the mouth of the
river, lying close by the shore, and a
large tent by it, by which we found
it would be a hard task for us to
escape them. When the canoe came
aboard with this news, some of our
men were a little disheartened ; but
it was no more than I ever expected.
- Our care was now to get safe over-
1 Prepared ourselves, put ourselves
in trim : the so-called Americanism
"to fix," like other words now speci-
ally used in the United States, having
really its origin in a possibly
technical or local English use of the
word.
THE SPANIARDS. 99
land, seeing we could not land here
according to our desire ; therefore,
before the tide of flood was spent, we
manned our canoe and rowed again
to the island, to see if the enemy w r as
yet in motion. When we came ashore
we dispersed ourselves all over the
island, to prevent our enemies from
coming any way to view us ; and
presently after high water, we saw a
small canoe coming over from the
ship to the island that we were on,
which made us all get into our canoe
and wait their coming j and we lay
close till they came within pistol
shot of us, and then, being ready, we
started out and took them. There
were in her one white man and two
Indians, who, being examined, told
us that the ship whicli we saw at the
river's mouth had lain there six
months guarding the river, waiting
for our coming; that she had 12
guns, and 150 seamen and soldiers ;
that the seamen all lay aboard, but
the soldiers lay ashore in their tent ;
that there were 300 men at the mines,
who had all small arms, and would
be aboard in two tides' time. They
likewise told us, that there were two
ships cruising in the bay, between
this place and Gorgona ; the biggest
had 20 guns and 200 men ; the other
10 guns and 150 men. Besides all
this, they told us that the Indians on
this side the country were our ene-
mies, which was the worst news of
all. However, we presently brought
these prisoners aboard, and got under
sail, turning out with the tide of ebb,
for it was not convenient to stay
longer there. We did not long con-
sider what to do, but intended to
land that night or the next day be-
times ; for we did not question but
we should either get a good com-
merce with the Indians by such toys
as we had purposely brought with us,
or else force our way through their
country in spite of all their opposi-
tion ; and we did not fear what these
Spaniards could do against us in case
they should land and come after us.
We had a strong southerly wind,
which blew right in ; and the tide of
ebb being far spent, we could not
100
DAMPIE7TS VOYAGE
turn out. I persuaded 1 them to run
into the River of Congo, which is a
large river, about three leagues from
the islands where we lay ; which, with
a southerly wind, we could have done ;
and when we were got as high as the
tide flows, then we might have landed.
But all the arguments I could use
were not of force sufficient to con-
vince them that there was a large
river so near us ; but they would
land somewhere, they neither did
know how, where, nor when. "When
we had rowed and towed against the
wind all night, we just got about Cape
San Lorenzo in the morning, and
sailed about four miles farther to the
westward, and ran into a small creek
within two keys 2 or little islands, and
rowed up to the head of the creek, being
about a mile up, and there we landed,
May 1st, 1681. We got out all our
provision and clothes, and then sunk
our vessel. While we were landing
and fixing our snapsacks 3 to march,
our Mosquito Indians struck a plenti-
ful dish of fish, which we immedi-
ately dressed, and therewith satisfied
our hunger.
Having made mention of the Mos-
quito Indians, it may not be amiss to
conclude this Chapter with a short
account of them. They are tall,
well made, rawboned, lusty, strong,
and nimble of foot; long-visaged,
lank black hair, look stern, hard-
favoured, and of a dark copper- colour-
ed complexion. They are but a small
nation or family, and not 100 men of
them in number, inhabiting on the
main, on the north side, near Cape
Cracias Dios, between Cape Honduras
1 Advised.
2 A key or cay (Latin, "cautes,"
a cliff; Spanish, "cayo;" French,
"cayes") is a low island or ledge of
rocks rising above the water ; it is
generally of coralline formation, and
differs from a reef inasmuch as the
latter is either below water, or washed
by the waves. Keys are numerous
among the West Indian Islands, and
in the Gulf of Mexico, &c.
3 (Swedish, "snappiick") soldiars'
bags, knapsacks.
HOUND THE WOULD. [CiiAK I.
and Nicaragua. They are very inge-
nious at throwing the lance, fisgig, 4
harpoon, or any manner of dart, being
bred to it from their infancy, for the
children, imitating their parents,
never go abroad without a lance in
their hands, which they throw at any
object, till use has made them masters
of the art. Then they learn to put by 5
a lance, arrow, or dart, The manner
is thus : Two boys stand at a small
distance, and dart a blunt stick at one
another, each of them holding a small
stick in his right hand, with which he
strikes away that which was darted at
him. As they grow in years they be-
come more dexterous and courageous,
and then they will stand a fair mark
to any one that will shoot arrows at
them, which they will put by with a
very small stick no bigger than the
rod of a fowling-piece ; and when they
are grown to be men, they will guard
themselves from arrows though they
come very thick at them, provided
two do not happen to come at once.
They have extraordinary good eyes,
and will descry a sail at sea farther,
and see anything better, than we.
Their chief employment in their own
country is to strike fish, turtle, or
manatee, the manner of which I de-
scribe elsewhere (Chapter III.). For
this they are esteemed and coveted by
all Privateers, for one or two of them
in a ship will maintain 100 men ; so
that when we careen our ships, we
choose commonly such places where
there is plenty of turtle or manatee
for these Mosquito men to strike ; and
it is very rare to find Privateers desti-
tute of one or more of them when the
commander or most of the men are
English; but they do not love the
French, and the Spaniards they hate
mortally. When they come among
Privateers they get the use of guns,
and prove very good marksmen. They
behave themselves very boldly in
4 A kind of harpoon or spear, with
several barbed prongs, and a line
attached ; it is used for striking fisli
at sea, and is also called a " fishgig "
or " fisgy."
5 Parry.
1681.] DESCRIPTION OF THE
fight, and never seem to flinch nor
hang back, for they think that the
White men with whom they are know
better than they do when it is best to
fight; and, let the disadvantage of
their party be never so great, they will
never yield nor give back while any of
their party stand. I could never per-
ceive any religion, nor any ceremonies,
or superstitious observations 1 among
them, being ready to imitate us in
whatsoever they saw us do at any
time. Only they seem to fear the
devil, whom they call IVallesaw; and
they say he often appears to some
among them, whom our men com-
monly call their priests, when they
desire to speak with him on urgent
business, but the rest know not any-
thing of him, nor how he appears,
otherwise than as these priests tell
them. Yet they all say they must
not anger him, for then he will beat
them, and that sometimes he carries
away these their priests. Thus much
I have heard from some of them who
speak good English.
They many but one wife, with
whom they live till death separates
them. At their first coming to-
gether the man makes a very small
plantation, for there is land enough,
and they may choose what spot they
please. They delight to settle near
the sea, or by some river, for the sake
of striking fish, their beloved employ-
ment. Far within land there are
other Indians with whom they are
always at war. After the man has
cleared a spot of land, and has planted
it, he seldom minds it afterwards but
leaves the managing of it to his wife,
and goes out a-striking. Sometimes
he seeks only for fish, at other times
for turtle or manatee ; and whatever
he gets he brings home to his wife,
and never stirs out to seek for more
till it is all eaten. When hunger
begins to bite, he either takes his
canoe and seeks for more game at sea,
or walks out into the woods and hunts
about for peccary, 2 warree each a
1 Observances.
2 The Mexican hog, or taja9U
Dicotyles taja$u.
MOSQUITO INDIANS. 101
sort of wild hogs or deer, and sel-
dom returns empty-handed, nor seeks
for any more so long as any of it lasts.
Their plantations are so small that
they cannot subsist with what they
produce, for their largest plantations
have not above twenty or thirty plan-
tain-trees, a bed of yams and pota-
toes, a bush of Indian pepper, and a
small spot of pine-apples, which last
fruit is a main thing they delight in,
for with these they make a sort of
drink which our men call pine-drink,
much esteemed by these Mosquitoes,
and to which they invite each othe?
to be merry, providing fish and flesh
also. Whoever of them makes of this
liquor treats his neighbours, making
a little canoe full at a time, and so
enough to make them all drunk; and
it is seldom that such feasts are made
but the party that makes them hath
some design, either to be revenged
for some injury done him, or to de-
bate of such differences as have hap-
pened between him and his neigh-
bours, and to examine into the truth
of such matters. Yet before they
are warmed with drink they never
speak one word of their grievances ;
and the women, who commonly know
their husbands' designs, prevent them
from doing any injury to each other
by hiding their lances, harpoons, bows
and arrows, or any other weapon that
they have.
While they are among the English
they wear good clothes, and take de-
light to go neat and tight ; but when
they return again to their own coun-
try they put by all their clothes, and
go after their own country fashion,
wearing only a small piece of linen
tied about their waists hanging down
to their knees.
CHAPTER II.
BEING landed, May the 1st, we began
our march about 3 o'clock in the
afternoon, directing our course by our
pocket compasses NE. ; and having
gone about two miles we came to the
foot of a hill, where we built small
102
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
huts and lay all niglit, having exces-
sive rains till 12 o'clock. The 2d, in
the morning, having fair weather, we
ascended the hill, and found a small
Indian path, Avhich we followed till
we found it ran too much easterly,
and then, doubting 1 il would carry
us out of our way, we climbed some
of the highest trees on the hill, which
was not meanly furnished with as
large and tall trees as ever I saw. At
length we discovered some houses in
a valley on the north side of the hill,
but it being steep [we] could not de-
scend on that side, but followed the
small path, which led us down the
hill on the east side, where we pre-
sently found several other Indian
houses. The first that we came to
at the foot of the hill had none but
women at home, who could not speak
Spanish, but gave each of us a good
calabash or shell full of corn-drink.
The other houses had some men
at home, but none that spoke
Spanish; yet we made a shift to
buy such food as their houses or
plantations afforded, which we dress-
ed and ate all together, having all
sorts of our provision in common,
because none should live better than
others, or pay dearer for anything
than it was worth. This day we had
marched six miles. In the evening the
husbands of those women came home,
and told us in broken Spanish that
they had been on board the guard-
ship which we fled from two days
before ; that we were now not above
three miles from the month of the
River of Congo, and that they could
go from thence aboard the guard-ship
in half a tide's time. This evening
we supped plentifully on fowls and
peccary which we bought of the
Indians; yams, potatoes, and plan-
tains served us for bread, whereof we
had enough. After supper we agreed
with one of these Indians to guide us
a day's march into the country to-
wards the north side ; he was to have
for his pains a hatchet, and his bar-
gain was to bring us to a certain
Indian's habitation who could speak
Suspecting, apprehending.
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. II.
Spanish, from whom we were in hopes
to be better satisfied of our journey.
The 3d, having fair weather, we
began to stir betimes, and set out
betwixt 6 and 7 o'clock, marching
through several old ruined planta-
tions. This morning one of our men,
being tired, gave us the slip. By 12
o'clock we had gone eight miles, and
arrived at the Indian's.house, who lived
on the bank of the River Congo, and
spoke very good Spanish ; to whom
we declared the reason of this visit.
At first he seemed to be very dubious
of entertaining any discourse with
us, and gave very impertinent an-
swers to the questions that we de-
manded of him ; he told us he knew
no way to the north side of the coun-
try, but could carry us to Chepo, or
to Santa Maria, which we knew to
be Spanish garrisons, the one lying to
the eastward of us, the other to the
westward : either of them at least
twenty miles out of our way. We could
get no other answer from him, and all
his discourse was in such an angry
tone as plainly declared he was not
our friend. However, we were forced
to make a virtue of necessity and
humour him ; for it was neither time
nor place to be angry with the In-
dians, all our lives lying in their
hand. We were now at a great loss,
not knowing what course to take, for
we tempted him with beads, money,
hatchets, macheats or long knives,
but nothing would work on him, till
one of our men took a sky-coloured
petticoat out of his bag, and put it
on his wife ; who was so much pleased
with the present, that she immedi-
ately began to chatter to her husband,
and soon brought him into a better
humour. He could then tell us that
he knew the way to the north side, and
would have gone with us, but that
he had cut his foot two days before,
which made him incapable of serving
us himself : but he would take care
that we should not want a guide ;
and therefore he hired the same In-
dian who brought us hither, to con-
duct us two days' march farther for
another hatchet. The old man would
have stayed us here all the day, be-
1681.] A MARCH TO
cause it rained very hard; but our
business required more haste, our
enemies lying so near us, for he told
us that he could go from his house
aboard the guard-ship in a tide's time ;
and this was the fourth day since they
saw us. So we inarched three miles
farther, and then built huts, where
we stayed all night ; it rained all the
afternoon, and the greatest part of
the night. The 4th, we began our
inarch betimes, for the forenoons were
commonly fair, but much rain after
noon ; though whether it rained or
shined it was much at one with us, for
I verily believed we crossed the rivers
thirty times this day : the Indians hav-
ing no paths to travel from one part
of the country to another, and there-
fore, guiding themselves by the rivers.
We marched this day twelve miles,
and then built our huts and lay down
to sleep ; but we always kept two
men on the watch, otherwise our own
slaves might have knocked us on the
head while we slept. It rained vio-
lently all the afternoon and most part
of the night. "We had much ado to
kindle a fire this evening : our huts
were but very mean or ordinary, and
our fire small, so that we could not
dry our clothes, scarce warm ourselves,
and no sort of food for the belly ; all
which made it very hard with us. I
confess these hardships quite expelled
the thoughts of an enemy ; for now,
having been four days in the country,
we began to have but few other cares
than how to get guides and food : the
Spaniardswere seldom in our thoughts.
The 5th, we set out in the morning
betimes, and having travelled seven
miles in those wild pathless woods, by
10 o'clock in the morning we arrived
at a young Spanish Indian's house who
had formerly lived with the Bishop
of Panama. The young Indian was
very brisk, spoke very good Spanish,
and received us very kindly. This
plantation afforded us store of provi-
sion, yams, and potatoes, but nothing
of any flesh besides two fatmonkeyswe
shot, part whereof we distributed to
some of our company who were weak
and sickly ; for others we got eggs,
and such refreshments as the Indians
THE COAST. 103
had ; for we still provided for the sick
and weak. We had a Spanish Indian
in our company, who first took up
arms with Captain Sawkins, and had
been with us ever since his death.
He was persuaded to live here by the
master of the house, who promised
him his sister in marriage, and to be
assistant to him in clearing a planta-
tion ; but we would not consent to
part with him here for fear of some
treachery, but promised to release
him in two or three days, when we
were certainly out of danger of our
enemies. We stayed here all the
afternoon, dried our clothes and am-
munition, cleared our guns, and pro-
vided ourselves for a march the next
morning. Our Surgeon, Mr Wafer,
came to a sad disaster here. Being
drying his powder, a careless fellow
passed by with his pipe lighted, and
set fire to his powder, which blew
up and scorched his knee, and re-
duced him to that condition that he
was not able to march ; wherefore we
allowed him a slave to carry his things,
being all of us the more concerned at
the accident, because liable ourselves
every moment to misfortune, and
none to look after us but him. This
Indian plantation was seated on the
bank of the River Congo, in a very
fat soil ; and thus far we might have
come in our canoe, if I could have per-
suaded them to it.
The 6th, we set out again, having
hired another guide. Here we first
crossed the River Congo in a canoe,
having been from our first landing on
the west side of the river ; and being
over, we marched to the eastwards
two miles, and came to another river,
which we forded several times, though
it was very deep. Two of our men
were not able to keep company with
us, but came after us as they were
able. The last time we forded the
river, it was so deep, that our tallest
men stood in the deepest place and
handed the sick, weak, and short
men ; by which means we all got
over safe, except those two who were
behind. Foreseeing a necessity of
wading through rivers frequently in
our land march, I took care, before I
104
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
left the ship, to provide^myself a large
joint of bamboo, which I stopped at
both ends, closing it with wax, so as
to keep out any water. In this I
preserved my journal and other writ-
ings from being wet, though I was
often forced to swim. When we were
over this river, we sat down to wait
the coming of our consorts who were
left behind, and in half an hour they
came. But the river by that time
\vas so high, that they could not get
over it ; neither could we help them
over, but bid them be of good comfort
and stay till the river did fall : but
we marched two miles farther by the
side of the river, and there built our
huts, having gone this day six miles.
We had scarce finished our huts be-
fore the river rose much higher, and,
overflowing the banks, obliged us to
remove into higher ground : but the
night came on before we could build
more huts, so we lay straggling in the
woods, some under one tree, some
under another, as we could find con-
yeniency; which might have been
indifferent comfortable if the weather
had been fair, but the greatest part
of the night we had extraordinary
hard rain, with much lightning and
terrible claps of thunder. These hard-
ships and inconveniences made us all
careless, and there was no watch kept
(though I believe nobody did sleep) ;
so our slaves, taking opportunity,
went away in the night, all but one
who was hid in some hole and knew
nothing of their design, or else fell
asleep. Those that went away carried
with them our Surgeon's gun and all
his money. The next morning, be-
ing the 8th, we went to the river's
side and found it much fallen ; and
here onr guide would have us ford
it again, which, being deep, and
the current running swift, we could
not. Then we contrived 1 to swim
over ; those that could not swim we
were resolved to help over as well as
we could ; but this was not so feasi-
ble, for we should not be able to get
all our things over. At length we
concluded to send one man over with
1 Planned, sought to devise means.
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. II.
a line, who should haul over all our
things first, and then get the men
over. This being agreed on, one
George Gayny took the end of a line,
and made it fast about his neck, and
left the other end ashore ; and one
man stood by the line, to clear it
away to him. But when Gayny was
in the midst of the water, the line in
drawing after him chanced to kink, or
grow entangled ; and he that stood
by to clear it away stopped the line,
which turned Gayny on his back,
and he that had the line in his hand
threw it all into the river after him,
thinking he might recover himself ;
but the stream running very swift,
and the man having three hundred
dollars at his back, [he] was carried
down, and never seen more by us.
Those two men whom we left behind
the day before told us afterwards that
they found him lying dead in a creek,
where the eddy had driven him ashore,
and the money on his back ; but they
meddled not with any of it, being
only in care how to work their way
through a wild unknown country.
This put a period to that contrivance.
This was the fourth man that we lost
in this land journey; for those two
men that we left the day before did
not come to us till we were in the
North Seas, so we yielded them also
for lost. Being frustrated of getting
over the river this way, we looked
about for r a tree to fell across the
river. At length we found one, which
we cut down, and it reached clear
over ; on this we passed to the other
side, where we found a small plantain
walk, which we soon ransacked.
While we were busy getting plantains,
our guide was gone ; but in less than
two hours came to us again, and
brought with him an old Indian, to
whom he delivered up his charge ;
and we gave him a hatchet and dis-
missed him, and entered ourselves
under the conduct of our new guide :
who immediately led us away, and
crossed another river, and entered
into a large valley of the fattest land
I did ever take notice of ; the trees
were not very thick, but the largest
that I saw in all my travels. We
1681.] THE MARCH
saw great tracks which were made by
the peccaries, but saw none of them.
We marched in this pleasant country
till 3 o'clock in the afternoon, in all
about four miles, and then arrived at
the old man's country-house, which
was only a habitation for hunting ;
there was a small plantain walk,
some yams and potatoes. Here we
took up our quarters for this day, and
refreshed ourselves with such food as
the place afforded, and dried our
clothes and ammunition. At this
place our young Spanish Indian pro-
vided to leave us, for now we thought
ourselves past danger. This was he
that was persuaded to stay at the last
house we came from, to marry the
young man's sister ; and we dismissed
him according to our promise.
The 9th the old man conducted
us towards his own habitation. We
inarched about five miles in this
valley, and then ascended a hill, and
travelled about five miles farther over
two or three small hills before we
came to any settlement. Half a mile
before we came to the plantations we
light of 1 a path, which carried us
to the Indians' habitations. We saw
many wooden crosses erected in the
way, which created some jealousy 2 in
us that here were some Spaniards ;
therefore we new-primed all our guns,
and provided ourselves for an enemy ;
but coming into the town [we] found
none but Indians, who wore all got
together in a large house to receive
us : for the old man had a little boy
with him that he sent before. They
made us welcome to such as they had,
which was very mean ; for these were
new plantations, the corn being not
eared. Potatoes, yams, and plantains
they had none but what they brought
from their old plantations. There
were none of them spoke good Span-
ish ; two young men could speak a
little ; it caused us to take more
notice of them. To these we made a
present and desired them to get us a
guide to conduct us to the north side,
CONTINUED.
105
1 Came upon, lighted upon.
2 Suspicion; to "jalouse" is still
used in Scotland for to suspect.
or part of the way ; which they pro-
mised to do themselves if we would
reward them for it ; but told us we
must lie still the next day. But we
thought ourselves nearer the North
Sea than we were, and proposed to go
without a guide rather than stay here
a whole day. However some of our
men who were tired, resolved to stay
behind ; and Mr Wafer, our Surgeon,
who marched in great pain ever since
his knee was burned with powder,
was resolved to stay with them. The
10th we got up betimes, resolving
to march, but the Indians opposed it
as much as they could ; but seeing
they could not persuade us to stay,
they came with us ; and having taken
leave of our friends we set out. Here
therefore we left the Surgeon and two
more, as we said, and marched away
to the eastward, following our guides.
But we often looked on our pocket
compasses, and showed them to the
guides, pointing at the way that we
would go ; which made them shake
their heads, and say they were pretty
things, but not convenient 3 for us.
After we had ascended the hill on
which the town stood, we came down
into a valley, and guided ourselves by
a river which we crossed thirty-two
times ; and having marched nine
miles, we built huts and lay there all
night. This evening I killed a quam, 4
a large bird as big as a turkey, where-
with we treated our guides ; for we
brought no provision with us. This
night our last slave ran away. The
llth we marched ten miles farther
and built huts at night, but went
supperless to bed. The 12th, in the
morning we crossed a deep river,
passing over it on a tree, and march-
ed seven miles in a low swampy
ground, and came to the side of a
great deep river, but could not get
over. We built huts upon its banks,
and lay there all night, upon our
3 Of no advantage.
4 Or Guan ; Penelope cristata, a bird
resembling the curassow, thirty inches
long, of a dusky black above, glossed
with green and olive, the neck and
breast spotted with white.
106 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. II.
abode all day. Not a man of us but
barbecues, or frames of sticks, raised
about three feet from the ground.
The 13th, when we turned out, the
river had overflowed its banks, and
was two feet deep in our huts, and
our guides went from us, not telling
us their intent, which made us think
they were returned home again. Now
we began to repent our haste in com-
ing from the last settlements, for we
had no food since we came from
thence. Indeed we got macaw-
berries in this place, wherewith we
satisfied ourselves this day, though
coarsely. The 14th, in the morning
betimes, our guides came to us again,
and, the waters being fallen within
their bounds, they carried us to a
tree that stood on the bank of the
river, and told us if we could fell that
tree across it, we might pass ; if not,
we could pass no farther. Therefore
we set two of the best axemen that Ave
had, who felled it exactly across the
river, and the boughs just reached
over ; on this we passed very safe.
"We afterwards crossed another river
three times, with much difficulty ;
and at 3 o'clock in the afternoon we
came to an Indian settlement, where
we met a drove of monkeys, and
killed four of them, and stayed here
all night ; having marched this day
six miles. Here we got plantains
enough, and a kind reception of the
Indian that lived here all alone, ex-
cept one boy to wait on him. The
15th, when we set out, the kind
Indian and his boy went with us in a
canoe, and set us over such places as
we could not ford, and being past
those great rivers he returned back
again, having helped us at least two
miles. "We marched afterwards five
miles, and came to large plantain walks,
where we took up our quarters that
night ; we there fed plentifully on plan-
tains, both ripe and green, and had
fair weather all the day and night.
I think these were the largest plan-
tain walks, and the biggest plantains
that ever I saw ; but no house [was]
near them. We gathered what we
pleased by our guides' orders. The
16th, we marched three miles, and
came to a large settlement, where we
wished the journey at an end : our
feet being blistered, and our thighs
stripped with wading through so
many rivers ; the way being almost
continually through rivers or pathless
woods. In the afternoon five of us
went to seek for game, and killed
three monkeys, which Ave dressed for
supper. Here we first began to have
fair weather, which continued with us
till we came to the North Seas. The
18th, we set out at 10 o'clock ; and
the Indians with five canoes carried
us a league up a river, and when we
landed, the kind Indians went with
us and carried our burthens. We
marched three miles farther, and
then built our huts, having travelled
from the last settlements six miles.
The 19th, our guides lost their way,
and we did not march above two
miles. The 20th, by 12 o'clock, we
came to Chepo River. The rivers
we crossed hitherto, ran all into the
South Seas ; and this of Chepo was
the last we met that ran that way.
Here an old man who came from the
last settlements distributed his bur-
then of plantains amongst us, and
taking his leave returned home.
Afterwards we forded the river and
marched to the foot of a very high
mountain, where we lay all night.
This day we marched about nine
miles. The 21st, some of the Indians
returned back, and we marched up a
very high mountain ; being on the
top, we went some miles on a ridge,
and steep on both sides ; then de-
scended a little, and came to a fine
spring, where we lay all night, having
gone this day about nine miles ; the
weather still very fair and clear.
The 22d, we marched over another
very high mountain, keeping on the
ridge, five miles. When we came to
the north end, we to our great com-
fort saw the sea ; then we descended
and parted ourselves into three com-
panies, and lay by the side of a river,
which was the first we met that runs
into the North Sea. The 23d, we
came through several large plantain
walks, and at 10 o'clock came to an
Indian habitation not far from the
1681,]
North Sea. Here we got canoes to
carry us down the River Concepcion
to the seaside ; having gone this day
about seven miles. We found a great
many Indians at the mouth of this
river. They had settled themselves
here for the benefit of trade with the
Privateers, and their commodities
were yams, potatoes, plantains, sugar-
canes, fowls, and eggs. These In-
dians told us that there had been a
great many English and French ships
here, which were all gone but one
barcolongo, 1 a French Privateer, that
lay at La Sound's Key or Island.
This island is about three leagues
from the mouth of the River Concq>
cion, and is one of the Sambaloes, a
range of islands reaching for about
twenty leagues from Point Samballas 2
to Golden Island eastward. These
islands or keys, as we call them, were
first made the rendezvous of Priva-
teers in the year 1679, being very
convenient for careening, and had
names given to some of them by
the Captains of the Privateers ; as
this La Sound's Key particularly.
Thus we finished our journey from
the South Sea to the North in twenty-
three days ; in which time, by my
account, we travelled 110 miles, cross-
ing some very high mountains ; but
our common march was in the valleys
among deep and dangerous rivers.
On the 24th of May, having lain
one night at the river's mouth, we all
went on board the Privateer who lay
at La Sound's Key. It was a French
vessel ; Captain Tristian, commander.
The first thing we did was to get such
things as we could to gratify our
Indian guides, for we were resolved
to reward them to their hearts' con-
tent. This we did by giving them
beads, knives, scissors, and looking-
glasses, which we bought of the
Privateer's crew; and half-a-dollar
a man from each of us, which we
1 A small, low, long, sharp-built
vessel without a deck, going with oars
and sails ; Spanish, " barcalonga. "
2 Point San Bias, from which
Dampier's title for the islands seems
to be corrupted.
ON BOARD A PRIVATEER, 107
would have bestowed in goods also,
but could not get any, the Privateer
having no more toys. They were so
well satisfied with these, that they
returned with joy to their friends,
and were very kind to our consorts
whom we left behind ; as Mr "Wafer
our Surgeon, and the rest of them
told us, when they came to us some
months afterwards, as shall be said
hereafter.
CHAPTER III.
THE Privateer on board which we
went being now cleaned, and our In-
dian guides satisfied and set ashore,
we set sail in two days for Springer's
Key, another of the Sambaloes Isles,
about seven or eight leagues from La
Sound's Key. Here lay eight sail of
Privateers more, viz. :
English commanders and English
men.
Captain Coxon, 10 guns, 100 men.
Captain Payne, 10 guns, 100 men.
Captain Wright, a barcolongo, 4
guns, 40 men.
Captain Williams, a small barco-
longo.
Captain Yanky, a barcolongo, 4
guns, about 60 men, English, Dutch,
and French ; himself a Dutchman.
French commanders and men.
Captain Archembo, 8 guns, 40 men.
Captain Tucker, 6 guns, 70 men.
Captain Rose, a barcolongo.
An hour before we came to the
fleet, Captain Wright, who had been
sent to the Chagres River, arrived at
Springer's Key, with a large canoe or
periago laden with flour, which he
took there. Some of the prisoners
belonging to the periago came from
Panama not above six days before he
took her, and told the news of our
coming overland, and likewise related
the condition and strength of Panama,
which was the main thing they in-
quired after ; for Captain Wright was
sent thither purposely to get a
prisoner that was able to inform them
108
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. III.
how many families ? whether most
Spaniards? or whether the major
of the strength of that city, because
these Privateers designed to join all
their force, and by the assistance of
the Indians (who had promised to be
their guides) to march overland to
Panama ; and there is no other way
of getting prisoners for that purpose
but by absconding 1 between Chagres
and Porto Bello, because there are
much goods brought that way from
Panama, especially when the Armada
lies at Porto Bello. All the com-
manders were aboard of Captain
"Wright when we came into the fleet,
and were mighty inquisitive of the
prisoners to know the truth of what
they related concerning us. But as
soon as they knew we were come,
they immediately came aboard of
Captain Tristian, being all overjoyed
to see us ; for Captain Coxon and
many others had left us in the South
Seas about twelve months since, and
had never heard what became of us
since that time. They inquired of
us what we did there? how we lived ?
how far we had been ? and what dis-
coveries we made in those seas ? After
we had answered these general ques-
tions, they began to be more particu-
lar in examining us concerning our
passage through the country from the
South Seas. We related the whole
matter, giving them an account of
the fatigues of our march, and the in-
conveniences we suffered by the rains,
and disheartened them quite from
that design. Then they proposed
several other places where such a
party of men as were now got to-
gether might make a voyage ; but the
objections of some or other still hin-
dered any proceeding. For the
Privateers have an account of most
towns within twenty leagues of the
sea on all the coast from Trinidad
down to La Vera Cruz, and are able
to give a near guess of the strength
and riches of them, for they make it
their business to examine all prisoners
that fall into their hands concern-
ing the country, town, or city they
belong to : whether born there,
or how long they have known it?
Lying in ambush or concealment,
part are
or
not
copper-coloured, as
mulattoes, Mustesoes, or Indians ?
whether rich, and what their riches
consist in? and what their chief
manufactures ? If fortified, how
many great guns, and what number
of small arms ? whether it is possible
to come undescried on them ? how
many look-outs or sentineLs ? for such
the Spaniards always keep ; how the
look-outs are placed ? whether possi-
ble to avoid the look-outs or take
them ? If any river or creek comes
near it, or where the best landing?
with innumerable other such ques-
tions, which their curiosity leads
them to demand. And if they have
had any former discourse of such
places from other prisoners, they
compare one with the other ; then
examine again, and inquire if he
or any of them are capable to be
guides to conduct a party of men
thither ; if not, where and how any
prisoner may be taken that may do
it ; and from thence they afterwards
lay their schemes to prosecute what-
ever design they take in hand.
It was seven or eight days before
any resolution was taken, yet consul-
tations were held every day. The
French seemed very forward to go
to any town that the English could
or would propose, because the Go-
vernor of Petit Goave (from whom
the Privateers take commissions) had
recommended a gentleman lately come
from France to be General of the'ex-
pedition, and sent word by Captain
Tucker, with whom this gentleman
came, that they should if possible
make an attempt on some town be-
fore he returned again. The English,
when they were in company with the
French, seemed to approve of what
the French said, but never looked on
that General to be lit for the service
in hand. At length it was concluded
to go to a town called Coretaga, a
2 Cartago, near San Jose, the pie-
sent capital of Costa Rica ; the "Car-
penter's River " afterwards mention eel
would be the Matina,
CAPTURE OF A SPANISH "TARTANE."
1G81.]
which Iks a great way in the country,
but not such a tedious march as it
would be from hence to Panama.
Our way to it lay up Carpenter's
River, which is about sixty leagues
to the westward of Porto Bello. Our
greatest obstruction in this design
was our want of boats, therefore it
was concluded to go with all our fleet
to St Andreas, 1 a small uninhabited
island lying near the Isle of Provi-
dence, to the W. of it, in 13 15' 1ST. Lat.,
and from Porto Bello NNW. about
seventy leagues, where we should be
but a little way from Carpenter's
River. And besides, at this island
we might build canoes, it being
plentifully stored with large cedars for
such a purpose ; and for this reason
the Jamaica-men come hither fre-
quently to build sloops, cedar being
very fit for building, and being to be
had here at free cost, besides other
wood. Jamaica is well stored with
cedars of its own, chiefly among the
Rocky Mountains ; these also of St
Andreas grow in stony ground, and
are the largest that ever I knew or
heard of, the bodies alone being ordi-
narily forty or fifty feet long, many
sixty or seventy and upwards, and of
a proportionable bigness. The Ber-
mudas Isles are well stored with them ;
so is Virginia, which is generally a
sandy soil. I saw none in the East
Indies, nor in the South Sea coast, ex-
cept on the Isthmus as I came over it. 2
We reckon the periagoes and canoes
that are made of cedar to be the best of
any ; they are nothing but the tree it-
self made hollow boat-wise, with a flat
bottom, and the canoegenerally sharp
at both ends, the periago at one only,
with the other end flat. But what is
commonly said of cedar, that the worm
will not touch it, is a mistake ; for I
have seen it very much worm-eaten.
All things being thus concluded on,
we sailed from hence, directing our
course toward St Andreas. "We kept
1 St Andrew's Island.
2 The Author afterwards (Chapter
IX., page 193) tells us that he found
large cedars at the Three Marias
Islands, off the coast of Mexico.
109
company the first day, but at night
it blew a hard gale at NE., and some
of our ships bore away. The next
day others were forced to leave us,
and the second night we lost all our
company. I was now belonging to
Captain Archembo, for all the rest of
the fleet were over-manned. Captain
Archembo wanting men, we that came
out of the South Seas must either sail
with him or remain among the In-
dians. Indeed, we found no cause to
dislike the Captain ; but his French
seamen were the saddest creatures
that ever I was among ; for though
we had bad weather that required
many hands aloft, yet the biggest
part of them never stirred out of
their hammocks but to eat or ease
themselves. We made a shift to find
the Island the fourth day, where we
met Captain Wright, who came thither
the day before, and had taken a
Spanish tartane, 3 wherein were thirty
men, all well armed. She had four
petercroes, 4 and some long guns placed
in a swivel on the gunwale. They
fought an hour before they yielded.
The news they related was, that they
came from Carthagena in company of
eleven armadilloes (which are small
vessels of war) to seek for the fleet of
Privateers lying in the Sambaloes ;
that they parted from the armadil-
loes two days before ; that they were
ordered to search the Sambaloes for
us, and if they did not find us, then
they were ordered to go to Porto
Bello, and lie there till they had
further intelligence of us; and he
supposed these armadilloes to be
now there. We that came overland
out of the South Seas, being weary
of living among the French, desired
Captain Wright to fit up his prize the
tartane, and make a man-of-war of
3 A small coasting vessel used in
the Mediterranean, with one mast and
a large lateen sail; Spanish, "tar-
tana;" French, "tartane."
4 Or pedereroes (Spanish, "pedrero,"
from "piedra," a stone) ; a sort of
swivel-gun which, before the inven-
tion of iron balls, were loaded with
stone shot.
110
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
her for us, which he at first seemed
to decline, because he was settled
among the French on Hispaniola, and
was very well beloved both by the
Governor of Petit Goave, and all the
gentry ; and they would resent it ill
that Captain Wright, who had no
occasion of men, should be so unkind
to Captain Archembo as to seduce his
men from him ; he being so meanly
manned that he could hardly sail his
ship with his Frenchmen. We told
him we would no longer remain with
Captain Archembo, but would go
ashore there andb"ild canoes to trans-
port ourselves d-^n to the Mosquitoes
if he would not entertain us ; for Priva-
teers are not obliged to any ship, but
free to go ashore where they please,
or to go into any other ship that will
entertain them, only paying for their
provision. When Captain Wright
saw our resolution, he agreed with us
on condition we should be under his
command as one ship's company, to
which we unanimously consented.
We stayed here about ten days to
see if any more of our fleet would
come to us ; but there came no more
of us to the island but three, Captain
Wright, Captain Archembo, and Cap-
tain Tucker. Therefore we conclud-
ed the rest were bore away either for
Boca del Toro or Blewfields River on
the main ; and we designed to seek
them. We had fine weather while
we lay here, only some tornadoes or
thunder-showers. But in this Isle
of St Andreas there being neither
fish, fowl, nor deer, and it being
therefore but an ordinary place for us
who had but little provision, we sailed
from hence again in quest of our scat-
tered fleet, directing our course for some
islands lying near the main, called by
the Privateers the Corn Islands ; being
in hopes to get corn there. These islands
I take to be the same which are gene-
rally called in the maps the Pearl Is-
lands, lying about the lat. of 12 10' N.
Here we arrived the next day, and
went ashore on one of them, but
found none of the inhabitants, for
there are but a few poor naked Indians
that live here, who have been so often
plundered by the Privateers, that
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. III.
they have but little provision ; and
when they see a sail they hide them-
selves, otherwise ships that come here
would take them, and make slaves of
them ; and I have seen some of them
that have been slaves. They are peo-
ple of a mean stature, yet strong
limbs ; they are of a dark copper-
colour, black hair, full round faces,
small black eyes, their eye-brows
hanging over their eyes, low fore-
heads, short thick noses, not high
but flattish ; full lips, and short chins.
They have a fashion to cut holes in
the lips of the boys when they are
young, close to their chin, which they
keep open with little pegs till they are
fourteen or fifteen years old : then they
wear beards in them made of turtle or
tortoise shell. A little notch at the
upper end they put in through the
lip, where it remains between the
teeth and the lip ; the under part
hangs down over their chin. This
they commonly wear all day, and
when they sleep they take it out.
They have likewise holes bored in
their ears, both men and women,
when young ; and by continual
stretching them with great pegs,
they grow to be as big as a milled
five-shilling piece : herein they wear
pieces of wood cut very round and
smooth, so that their ear seems to be
all wood, with a little skin about it.
Another ornament the women use is
about their legs, which they are very
curious in ; for from the infancy of
the girls their mothers make fast a
piece of cotton cloth about the small
of their leg, from the ankle to the
calf, very hard, which makes them
have a very full calf : this the women
wear to their dying day. Both men
and women go naked, only a clout
about their waists; yet they have
but little feet though they go bare-
foot. Finding no provision here, we
sailed towards Blewfields River, where
we careened our tartan e ; and there
Captain Archembo and Captain Tuc-
ker left us, and went towards Boca del
Toro. This Blewfields River 1 comes
1 Marked on some modern maps as
the River Escondido or Segovia ; it
1681.]
STRIKING THE MANATEE OR SEA-COW.
Ill
out betvvivn the Rivers of Nicaragua
and Veragua. It had this name from
Captain Blewfield, a famous Privateer
living on Providence Island long be-
fore Jamaica was taken : which Island
of Providence was settled by the Eng-
lish and belonged to the Earls of War-
wick. In this river we found a canoe
coming down the stream ; and though
we went with our canoes to seek for
inhabitants, yet we found none, but
saw in two or three places signs that
Indians had made on the side of the
river. The canoe which we found was
but meanly made for want of tools ;
therefore we concluded these Indians
have no commerce with the Spaniards
nor with other Indians that have.
While we lay here, our Mosquito-
men went in their canoe and struck
us some manatee or sea-cow. 1 Be-
sides this Blewfields River I have
seen the manatee in the Bay of Cam-
peachy, 011 the coasts of Boca del
Drago and Boca del Toro, in the
River of Darien, and among the south
keys or little islands of Cuba. I have
heard of their being found on the
north of Jamaica, a few ; and in the
rivers of Surinam in great multitudes,
which is a very low land. I have
seen them also at Mindanao, one of
the Philippine Islands, and on the
coast of New Holland. This creature
is about the bigness of a horse, and
ten or twelve feet long. The mouth
of it is much like the mouth of a cow,
having great thick lips. The eyes
are no bigger than a small pea. The
ears are only two small holes on each
side of the head. The neck is short
and thick, bigger than the head.
The biggest part of this creature is at
the shoulders, where it has two large
fins, one on each side of its belly.
Under each of these fins the female
has a small dug to suckle her young.
runs south-eastward to the sea through
the Mosquito country, and at its
mouth are Blewfields town and lagoon.
1 The description generally applies
to some variety of the Phoca, or seal
known in different seas and to dif-
ferent navigators as the sea-dog, the
sea-calf, the sea- cow, and the sea-lion.
From the shoulders towards the tail
it retains its bigness for about two feet,
then grows smaller and smaller to the
very tail, which is flat, and about
fourteen inches broad and twenty
inches long, and in the middle
four or five inches thick, but about
the edges not above two inches
thick. From the head to the tail
it is round and smooth, without any
fin but those two before-mentioned.
I have heard that some have weighed
above 1200 Ibs., but I never saw any
so large. The manatee delights to
live in brackish water ; and they are
commonly in creeks and rivers near
the sea. They live on grass seven or
eight inches long, and of a narrow
blade, which grows in the sea in many
places, especially among islands near
the main ; this grass grows likewise in
creeks or in great rivers near the sides
of them, in such places where there
is but little tide or current. They
never come ashore, nor into shallower
water than where they can swim. Their
flesh is white, both the fat and the
lean, and extraordinary sweet whole-
some meat. The tail of a young cow
is most esteemed ; but if old both
head and tail are very tough. A calf
that sucks is the most delicate meat ;
Privateers commonly roast them, as
they do also great pieces cut out of
the bellies of the old ones. The skin
of the manatee is of great use to Priva-
teers; for they cut them outinto straps,
which they make fast on the sides of
their canoes, through which they put
their oars in rowing, instead of tholes a
or pegs. The skin of the bull or of
the back of the cow is too thick for
this use ; but of it they make horse-
whips, cutting them two or three feet
long ; at the handle they leave the full
substance of the skin, and from thence
cut it away tapering, but very even
and square [on] all the four sides.
While the thongs are green they twist
them and hang them to dry ; which
in a week's time become as hard as
wood. The Mosquito-men have al-
ways a small canoe for their use, to
oar in
2 Pins in the gunwale to support th
rin rowing; also called "thowls.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. III.
112
strike fish, tortoise, or manatee :
which they keep usually to them-
selves, and very neat and clean. They
use no oars, "but paddles, the broad
part of which does not go tapering
towards the staff, pole, or handle of
it as in the oar ; nor do they use it in
the same manner, by laying it on the
side of the vessel, but hold it perpen-
dicularly, gripping the staff hard with
both hands, and putting back the
water by main strength and very
quick strokes. One of the Mosquitoes
(for there go but two in a canoe) sits
in the stern, the other kneels down
in the head ; and both paddle till
they come to the place where they
expect their game. Then they lie still,
or paddle very softly, looking well
about them ; and , he that is in the
head of the canoe lays down his pad-
dle and stands up with his striking
staff in his hand. This staff is about
eight feet long, almost as big as a
man's arm at the great end, in
which there is a hole to place his
harpoon in. At the other end of his
staff there is a piece of light wood
called bob-wood, with a hole in
it through which the small end
of the staff comes ; and on this
piece of bob-wood there is a line of
ten or twelve fathoms wound neatly
about, and the end of the line made
fast to it. The other end of the line
is made fast to the harpoon, which is
at the great end of the staff ; and the
Mosquito-man keeps about a fathom
of it loose in his hand. When he
strikes, the harpoon presently comes
out of the staff, and as the manatee
swims away the line runs off from the
bob ; and although at first both staff
and bob may be carried under water,
yet as the line runs off it will rise
again. Then the Mosquito-men pad-
dle with all their might to get hold of
the bob again, and spend usually a
quarter of an hour before they get it.
When the manatee begins to be tired,
it lies still ; and then the Mosquito-
men paddle to the bob and take it
up, and begin to haul in the line.
When the manatee feels them he j
swims away again with the canoe after
him ; then he that steers must be j
nimble to turn the head of the canoe
that way that his consort points, who
being in the head of his canoe, and
holding the line, both sees and feels
which way the manatee is swimming.
Thus the canoe is towed with a vio-
lent motion till the manatee's strength
decays. Then they gather in the
line, which they are often forced to
let all go to the very end. At length,
when the creature's strength is spent,
they haul it up to the canoe's side,
and knock it on the head, and tow it
to the nearest shore, where they make
it fast, and seek for another ; which
having taken, they go ashore with it
to put it into their canoe. For it is so
heavy that they cannot lift it in ; but
they haul it up in shoal water as near
the shore as they can, and then over-
set the canoe, laying one side close to
the manatee. Then they roll it in,
which brings the canoe upright ngain ;
and when they have heaved out the
water they fasten a line to the other
manatee that lies afloat, and tow it
after them. 1
When we had cleaned our tartane
we sailed from hence, bound for Boca
del Toro, which is an opening between
two islands about 10 10' N., between
the Rivers of Veragua and Chagres.
Here we met with Captain Yanky,
who told us that there had been a
fleet of Spanish armadilloes to seek
us : that Captain Tristian having
fallen to leeward, was coming to
Boca del Toro, and fell in amongst
them, supposing them to be our fleet :
that they fired and chased him, but
he rowed and towed, and they sup-
posed he got away ; that Captain
Payne was likewise chased by them,
1 The manner of striking the tor-
toise is also given at length, but be-
ing much the same as the method
employed in striking the sea-cow, it
has been omitted. Instead of a har-
poon, a four-square sharp iron peg
on the end of a striking staff is used,
with a line attached. When the tor-
toise is struck it flies off, but the iron
with the end of the line attached be-
ing buried beneath the shell, there is
no possibility of its escape.
1631.1
SEEKING PROVISIONS.
113
and Captain "Williams, and that they
had not seen them since ; that they
lay within the islands ; that _the
Spaniards never came in to him ;
and that Captain Coxon was in at the
careening place. This Boca del Toro
is a place that the Privateers use to
resort to as much as any place in all
the coast, because here is plenty of
green tortoise and a good careening
place. The Indians here have no
commerce with the Spaniards, but
are very barbarous, and will not be
dealt with. They have destroyed
many Privateers, as they did not
long after this some of Captain Payne's
men ; who having built a tent ashore
to put his goods in while he careened
his ship, and some men lying there
with their arms, in the night the In-
dians crept softly into the tent and
cut oil the heads of three or four men,
and made their escape ; nor was this
the first time they had served the Pri-
vateers so. There grow on this coast
vinelloes in great quantity, with
which chocolate is perfumed ; these
I shall describe elsewhere. 1
Our fleet being thus scattered, there
were now no hopes of getting toge-
ther again ; therefore every one did
what they thought most conducing
to obtain their ends. Captain Wright,
with whom I now was, was resolved
to cruise on the coast of Carthagena ;
and it being now almost the westerly
wind season, we sailed from hence,
and Captain Yanky with us ; and we
consorted, because Captain Yanky
had no commission, and was afraid
the French would take away his bark.
"We passed by Scuda, 2 a small island
where it is said Sir Francis Drake's
bowels were buried, and came to a small
river to westward of Chagres, where we
took two new canoes, and carried them
with us into the Sambaloes. "We had
the wind at W. with much rain ; which
brought us to Point Samballas. 3 Here
1 See Chapter VIII.
2 Escudo de Veragua, off the Lagoon
of Chiriqui. In Maynarde's narrative,
however (ante, page 81), it is stated
that Drake was buried at sea,
3 San Bias.
Captain "Wright and Captain Yanky
left us in the tartane to fix the
canoes, while they went on the coast
of Carthagena to seek for provision.
We cruised in among the islands, and
kept our Mosquito-men or strikers
out, who brought aboard some half-
grown tortoise ; and some of us went
ashore every day to hunt for what we
could find in the woods. Sometimes
we got peccary, warree, or deer j at
other times we lighted on a drove of
large fat monkeys or quams, corro-
soes 4 (each a large sort of fowl), pig-
eons, parrots, or turtle-doves. We
lived very well on what we got, not
staying long in one place : but some-
times we would go on the islands,
where there grow great groves of sap-
podillas, 5 which is a sort of fruit much
like a pear, but more juicy ; and un-
der those trees we found plenty of
soldiers, 6 a little kind of animals that
live in shells, and have two great
claws like a crab, and are good food.
One time our men found a great many
large ones, and, being sharp-set had
them dressed, but most of them were
very sick afterwards, being poisoned
by them : for on this island were
many manchineel trees, 7 whose fruit
4 For Quam or Guan see Note 4,
page 105. The Corroso, orCurassow,
is described elsewhere by Dampier as
" a larger fowl than the quam : the
cock is black, the hen is of a dark
brown. The cock has a crown of
black feathers on his head, and ap-
pears very stately. These live also
on berries, and are very good to eat ;
but their bones are said to be poison-
ous ; therefore we do either burn or
bury them, or throw them into the water
for fear our dogs should eat them."
5 Sappodilla is the name applied to
plants of the genus Ackras, natives
of the West Indies and some parts of
South America ; the plum, or fruit,
according to Lindley, is esteemed as
an article of the dessert ; the bark is
employed in medicine as an astring-
ent.
6 Soldier-crab, or hermit-crab.
7 Spanish, '" Manzanilla ;" a West
Indian tree, used for furniture, and
H
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. III.
114
is like a small crab, 1 and smells very
well, but they are not wholesome ;
and we commonly take care of med-
dling with any animals that eat them.
And this we take for a general rule :
when we find any fruits that we have
not seen before, if we see them peck-
ed by birds we may freely eat ; but if
we see no such sign we may let them
alone ; for of this fruit no birds will
taste. - Many of these islands have
these manchineel trees growing on
them. Thus cruising in among these
islands at length we came again to
La Sound's Key ; and the day before,
having met with a Jamaica sloop that
was come over on the coast to trade,
she went with us. It was in the
evening when we came to an anchor,
and the next morning we fired two
guns for the Indians that lived on the
main to come aboard ; for by this
time we concluded we should hear
from our five men that we left in the
heart of the country among the Indians,
this being about the latter end of
August, and it was the beginning of
May when we parted from them.
According to our expectation the In-
dians came aboard and brought our
friends with them. Mr Wafer wore
a clout about him, and was painted
like an Indian ; and he was some
time aboard before I knew him. One
of them, named Richard Cobson, died
within three or four days after, and
was buried on La Sound's Key. After
this we went to other keys to the
eastward of these, to meet Captain
Wright and Captain Yanky, who met
with a fleet of periagoes laden with
Indian corn, hog, and fowls, going
to Carthagena ; being convoyed by a
small armadillo of two guns and six
petereroes. Her they chased ashore,
and most of the periagoes ; but they
got two of them off and brought
them away. Here Captain Wright's
and Captain Yanky's barks were clean-
ed ; and we stocked ourselves with
corn and then went towards the coast
of Carthagena. In our way thither we
well known for its poisonous white
juice ; the Ilippoma'iie, mancinella.
1 Apple.
passed by the River of Darien ; which
is very broad at the mouth, but not
above six feet [of] water on a spring-
tide ; for the tide rises but little here.
Captain Coxon, about six months be-
fore we came out of the South Seas,
went up this river with a party of
men : every man carried a small
strong bag to put his gold in, expect-
ing great riches there, though they
got little or none. They rowed up
about 100 leagues before they came
to any settlement, and then found
some Spaniards who lived there to
truck 2 with the Indians for gold ;
there being gold scales in every
house. The Spaniards admired 3 how
they came so far from the mouth of
the river ; because there are a sort of
Indians living between that place and
the sea who are very dreadful to the
Spaniards, and will not have any com-
merce with them, nor with any white
people.
To return therefore to the prosecution
of our voyage. Meeting with nothing
of note, we passed by Carthagena,
which is a city so well known that I
shall say nothing of it. We sailed
by in sight of it, for it lies open to
the sea ; and had a fair view of Madre
de Popa, or Nuestra Sefiora de Popa,
a monastery of the Virgin Mary,
standing on the top of a very steep
hill just behind Carthagena. It is a
place of incredible wealth, by reason
of the offerings made there continu-
ally ; and for this reason often in
danger of being visited by the Priva-
teers, did not the neighbourhood of
Carthagena keep them in awe. It is,
in short, the very Loretto of the West
Indies : it has innumerable miracles
related of it. Any misfortune that
befalls the Privateers is attributed to
this Lady's doing ; and the Spaniards
report that she was abroad that night
the Oxford man-of-war was blown up
at the Isle of Vacca near Hispaniola,
and that she came home all wet ; as,
belike, she often returns with her
clothes dirty and torn with passing
2 Barter, traffic by exchange ; Span-
ish, "trocar," French, "troquer."
3 Wondered.
1631.]
ANOTHER PRIZE TAKEN.
115
through woods and bad ways when
she has been out upon any expedi-
tion ; deserving doubtless a new suit
for such eminent pieces of service.
From hence we passed on to the Rio
Grande, 1 where we took up fresh
water at sea, a league off the mouth
of that river. From thence we sailed
eastward, passing by Santa Marta,
a large town and good harbour belong-
ing to the Spaniards : yet hath it
within these few years been twice
taken by the Privateers. It stands
close upon the sea, and the hill within
land is a very large one, towering up
a great height from a vast body of
land. 2 I am of opinion that it is higher
than the Peak of Teneriffe ; others also
that Lave seen both, think the same ;
though its bigness makes its height
jess sensible. I have seen it in pass-
ing by, thirty leagues off, at sea ;
others, as they told me, above sixty.
Its head is generally hid in the
clouds ; but in clear weather, when
the top appears, it looks white, sup-
posed to be covered with snow. Santa
Marta lies in Lat. 12. Being ad-
vanced five or six leagues to the east-
ward of Santa Marta, we left our
ships at anchor, and returned back
in our canoes to the Rio Grande, en-
tering it by a mouth of it that disem-
bogues itself near Santa Marta : pur-
posing to attempt some towns that
lie a pretty way up that river. But
this design meeting with discourage-
ments, we returned to our ships and
set sail to Rio la Hacha. This hath
been a strong Spanish town, and is
well built ; but being often taken by
the Privateers, the Spaniards deserted
it some time before our arrival. It
lies to the westward of a river ; and
right against the town is a good road
for ships, the bottom clean and sandy.
The Jamaica sloops used often to
come over to trade here : and I am
informed that the Spaniards have
again settled themselves in it and
1 Now Rio Magdalena.
* The Sierra de Santa Marta, the
highest point of which, about thirty
miles from the town, is 19,000 feet in
devation.
made it very strong. We entered
the fort and brought two small guns
aboard. From thence we went to the
Rancherias, one or two small Indian
villages where the Spaniards keep
two barks to fish for pearl.
When we had spent some time
here, we returned again towards the
coast of Carthagena ; and being be-
tween Rio Grande and that place, we
met with westerly winds, which kept
us still to the eastward of Carthagena
three or four days ; then in the morn-
ing we descried a sail oif at sea, and
we chased her at noon. Captain
Wright, who sailed best, came up
with her and engaged her j and in
half an hour after, Captain Yanky,
who sailed better than the tartane
(the vessel that I was in), came up
with her likewise and laid her aboard,
then Captain Wright also ; and they
took her before we came up. They
lost two or three men, and had seven
or eight wounded. The prize was a
ship of 12 guns and forty men, who
had all good small arms; she was
laden with sugar and tobacco, and
had eight or ten tons of marmalade on
board : she came from Santiago de
Cuba, and was bound to Carthageua.
We went back with her to Rio
Grande to fix our rigging, which was
shattered in the fight, and to consider
what to do with her ; for these were
commodities of little use to us, and
not worth going into a port with.
At the Rio Grande, Captain Wright
demanded the prize as his due by
virtue of his commission ; Captain
Yanky said it was his due by the law
of Privateers. Indeed Captain Wright
had the most right to her, having by
his commission protected Captain
Yanky from the French, who would
have turned him out because he had
no commission ; and he likewise be-
gan to engage her first. But the
company were all afraid that Captain
Wright would presently carry her
into a port ; therefore most of Captain
Wright's men stuck to Captain Yanky,
and Captain Wright losing 3 his prize,
burned his own bark, and had Captain
3 Yielding up.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CuAP. III.
116
Yanky's, it being bigger than his
own ; the tartane was sold to a
Jamaica trader, and Captain Yanky
commanded the prize ship. We went
again from hence to Rio la Hacha,
and set the prisoners ashore : and it
being now the beginning of Novem-
ber, we concluded to go to Curagoa to
sell our sugar, if favoured by westerly
winds, which were now come in. We
sailed from thence, having fair
weather and winds to our mind, which
brought us to Curacoa, a Dutch
island. Captain Wright went ashore
to the Governor, and offei-ed him the
sale of the sugar : but the Governor
told him he had a great trade with
the Spaniards, therefore he could not
admit us in there ; but if we would
go to St Thomas, which is an island
and free port belonging to the Danes,
and a sanctuary for Privateers, he
would send a sloop with such goods
as we wanted, and money to buy the
sugar, which he would take at a cer-
tain rate ; but it was not agreed to.
Curacoa is the only island of im-
portance that the Dutch have in the
West Indies. It is about five leagues
in length, and may be nine or ten
in circumference : the northernmost
point is laid down in N. Lat. 12 40',
and it is about seven or eight leagues
from the main, near Cape San Roman.
On the south side of the east end is a
good harbour called Santa Barbara ;
but the chief harbour is about three
leagues from the SE. end, on the south
side of it, where the Dutch have a very
good town and a very strong fort. At
the east end are two hills, one of them
much higher than the other, and
steepest towards the north side. The
rest of the island is in different level ;
where of late some rich men have
made sugar-works ; which formerly
was all pasture for cattle. There are
also some small plantations of potatoes
and yams, and they have still a great
many cattle on the island : but it is
not so much esteemed for its produce,
as for its situation for the trade with
the Spaniards. Formerly the harbour
was never without ships from Cartha-
gena and Porto Bello, that did use to
buy of the Dutch here, 1000 or 1500
Negroes at once, besides great quanti-
ties of European commodities ; but of
late that trade is fallen into the hands
of the English at Jamaica : yet still
the Dutch have a vast trade over all
the West Indies, sending from Holland
ships of good force laden with Euro-
pean goods, whereby they make very
profitable returns. The Dutch have
two other islands there, but of little
moment in comparison of Curacoa ;
the one lies seven or eight leagues
to the westward of Curacoa, called
Oruba ; the other nine or ten leagues
to the eastward of it, called Buen
Ayre. ^ From these islands the Dutch
fetch in sloops, provision for Curacoa,
to maintain their garrison and Negroes.
I was never at Oruba, therefore cannot
say anything of it as to my own
knowledge ; but by report it is much
like Buen Ayre, which I shall de-
scribe, only not so big. Between
Cura?oa and Buen Ayre is a small is-
land called Little Curacoa ; it is not
above a league from Great Curacoa.
The King of France has long had an
eye on Curacoa, and made some at-
tempts to take it, but never yet suc-
ceeded. I have heard that about
twenty -three or twenty -four years
since the Governor had sold it to the
French, but died a small time before
the fleet came to demand it ; and by
his death that design failed. After-
wards, in the year 1678, the Count
D'Estrecs, who a year before had
taken the Isle of Tobago from the
Dutch, was sent hither also with a
squadron of stout ships, very well
manned, and fitted with bombs and
carcasses, 1 intending to take it by
storm. This fleet first came to
Martinico ; where, while they stayed,
orders were sent to Petit Goave for
all Privateers to repair thither and
assist the Count in his design. There
were but two Privateers' ships that
went thither to him, which were
1 Carcasses (Italian, "carcassa,"
Spanish, "carcax" or "carcaza")
are hollow cases made of ribs of iron,
filled with inflammable matter, and
thrown into besieged places with
incendiary intent.
ISLANDS OF BUEN AYKE AND AVES.
1681.]
manned partly with French, partly
with Englishmen. These set out
with the Count ; but in their way to
Cura^oa, the whole fleet was lost on a
reef or ridge of rocks that runs off
from the Isle of Aves ; not above two
ships escaping, one of which was one
of the Privateers : and so that design
perished.
Wherefore not driving a bargain
for our sugar with the Governor of
Curacoa, we went from thence to
Buen Ayre, another Dutch island,
where we met a Dutch sloop come
from Europe laden with Irish beef
which we bought in exchange for
some of our sugar. Buen Ayre is the
easternmost of the Dutch islands, and
the largest of the three, though not
the most considerable. The middle
of the island is laid down in Lat. 12
16' [N.]. It is about twenty leagues
from the main, and nine or ten from
Cura?oa, and is accounted sixteen or
seventeen leagues round. The road
is on the SW. side, near the middle
of the island, where there is a pretty
deep bay runs in. The houses are
about half-a-mile within land, right
in the road. There is a Governor
lives here, a deputy to the Governor
of Cura9oa, and seven or eight soldiers,
with five or six families of Indians.
There is no fort ; and the soldiers in
peaceable times have little to do but
to eat and sleep, for they never watch
but in time of war. The Indians are
husbandmen, and plant maize and
Guinea corn, and some yams and
potatoes : but their chief business is
about cattle ; for this island is plenti-
fully stocked with goats ; and they
send great quantities every year in
salt to Curacoa. There are some
horses, and bulls and cows ; but I
never saw any sheep, though I have
been all over the island. The south
side is plain low land, and there are
several sorts of trees, but none very
large. There is a small spring of
water by the houses, which serves
the inhabitants, though it is brackish.
At the west end of the island there is
a good spring of fresh water, and three
or four Indian families live there ;
but no water nor houses at any other
117
place. On the south side near the
east end is a good salt-pond, where
Dutch sloops come for salt. From
Buen Ayre we went to the Isle of Aves,
or birds ; so called from its great
plenty of birds, as man-of-war and
boobies, but especially boobies. The
booby is a water-fowl, somewhat less
than a hen, of a light greyish colour.
I observed the boobies of this island
to be whiter than others. This bird
has a strong bill, longer and bigger
than a crow's, and broader at the
end ; its feet are flat like a duck's
feet. The man-of-war (as it is called
by the English) is about the bigness
of a kite, and in shape like it, but
black ; and the neck is red. It lives
on fish, yet never lights on the water,
but soars aloft like a kite, and when
it sees its prey, it flies down head-
foremost to the water's edge, very
swiftly takes its prey out of the sea
with its bill, and immediately mounts
again as swiftly, never touching the
water with its body. His wings are
very long ; his feet are like other
land-fowl ; and he builds on trees,
where he finds any ; but where they
are wanting, on the ground. This
Island of Aves lies about eight or nine
leagues to the eastward of the island
Buen Ayre, about fourteen or fifteen
leagues from the main, and about the
Lat. of 11 45' north. It is but
small, not above four miles in length,
and towards the east end not half-a-
mile broad. On the north side it is
low land, commonly overflown with
the tide ; but on the south side there
is a great rocky bank of coral thrown
up by the sea. The west end is, for
near a mile's space, plain even sa-
vannah land, without any trees.
There are two or three wells dug by
Privateers, who often frequent this
island, because there is a good har-
bour about the middle of it on the
north side, where they may conveni-
ently careen. The reef or bank of
rocks on which the French fleet was
lost, runs along from the east end to
the northward about three miles, then
trends away to the westward, making
as it were a half-moon. This reef
breaks off all the sea, and there is
118
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. Ill,
good riding in even sandy ground to
the westward of it. There are two or
three small low sandy keys or islands
within this reef, about three miles
from the main island. The Count
D'Estrees lost his fleet here in this
manner : Coming from the eastward,
he fell in on the back of the reef,
and fired guns to give warning to the
rest of his fleet. But they, suppos-
ing their Admiral was engaged with
enemies, hoised up their topsails, and
crowded all the sail they could make,
and ran full sail ashore after him ;
all within half-a-mile of each other.
For his light being in the maintop
was an unhappy beacon for them to
follow ; and there escaped but one
King's ship, and one Privateer. The
ships continued whole all day, and
the men had time enough, most of
them, to get ashore ; yet many
perished in the wreck : and many
of those that got safe on the
island, for want of being accustom-
ed to such hardships, died like rotten
sheep. But the Privateers who had
been used to such accidents, lived
merrily ; from whom I had this re-
lation : and they told me that if
they had gone to Jamaica with 30
a man in their pockets they could not
have enjoyed themselves more. For
they kept in a gang by themselves,
and watched when the ships broke to
get the goods that came from them ;
and though much was staved against
the rocks, yet abundance of wine and
brandy floated over the reef, where
these Privateers waited to take it up.
They lived here about three weeks,
waiting an opportunity to transport
themselves back again to Hispaniola ;
in all which time they were never
without two or three hogsheads of
wine and brandy in their tents, and
barrels of beef and pork, which they
could live on without bread well
enough, though the new comers out
of France could not. There were
about forty Frenchmen on board one
of the ships where there was good
store of liquor, till the after part of
her broke away and floated over the
reef, and was carried away to sea,
with all the men drinking and sing-
ing, who, being in drink, did not
mind the danger, but were never
heard of afterwards. In a short time
after this great shipwreck, Captain
Payne, commander of a Privateer of
6 guns, had a pleasant accident befell
him at this island. He came hither
to careen, intending to fit himself
very well ; for here lay driven on the
island, masts, yards, timbers, and
many things that he wanted, there-
fore he hauled into the harbour, close
to the island, and unrigged his ship.
Before he had come, a Dutch ship of
20 guns was sent from Curac,oa to
take up the guns that were lost on
the reef. But seeing a ship in the
harbour, and knowing her to be a
French Privateer, they thought to
take her first, and came within a
mile of her, and began to fire at her,
intending to warp in the next day ;
for it is very narrow going in. Cap-
tain Payne got ashore some of his
guns, and did what he could to refit
them, though he did in a manner
conclude he must be taken. But,
while his men were thus busied, he
spied a Dutch sloop turning to get
into the road, and saw her at the
evening anchor at the west end of the
island. This gave him some hope of
making his escape, which he did, by
sending two canoes in the night
aboard the sloop, who took her, and
got considerable purchase in her, and
he went away in her, making a good re-
prisal, and leaving his own empty ship
to the Dutch man-of-war. There is an-
other island to the eastward of the
Isle of Aves about four leagues, called
by Privateers the Little Isle of Aves,
which is overgrown with mangrove
trees. I have seen it, but was never
on it. There are no inhabitants that
I could learn on either of these islands
but boobies, and a few other birds.
While we were at the Isle of Aves we
careened Captain Wright's bark, and
scrubbed the sugar prize, and got two
guns out of the wrecks, continuing
here till the beginning of February
1681-2. We went from hence to the
Isles Roques to careen the sugar
prize, which the Isle of Aves was not
a place so convenient for. Accord-
1682.] ROQUES AND TORTUGA ISLANDS DESCRIBED.
119
ingly we hauled close to one of the
small islands, and got our guns
ashore the first thing we did, and
built a breastwork on the point, and
planted all our guns there, to hin-
der an enemy from coming to us while
we lay on the careen ; then we made
a house, and covered it with our
sails, to put our goods and provisions
in. While we lay here, a French
man-of-war, of 36 guns, came through
the keys or little islands, to whom we
sold about ten tons of sugar. I was
aboard twice or thrice, and very
kindly welcomed both by the captain
and his lieutenant, who was a Cava-
lier of Malta ; and they both offered
me great encouragement in France,
if I would go with them ; but I ever
designed to continue with those of
my own nation. The Islands Roques
are a parcel of small uninhabited
islands, lying about the Lat. of 11
40', about fifteen or sixteen leagues
from the main, and about twenty
leagues NW. by W. from Tortuga,
and six or seven leagues AV. of Or-
chillo, another island, lying about the
same distance from the main. [Los]
Roques stretch themselves E. and
W. about five leagues, and their
breadth [is] about three leagues. The
northernmost of these islands is the
most remarkable, by reason of a high
white rocky hill at the west end of it,
which may be seen a great way ; and
on it there are abundance of tropic
birds, men-of-war, boobies, and nod-
dies, which breed there. The booby
and man-of-war I have described
already. 1 The middle of this island
is low plain land, overgrown with
1 The noddy is described as a small
black bird, about the size of an Eng-
lish blackbird, and esteemed good for
food by voyagers there. In shape,
they are round and plump like a par-
tridge, and all white, save two or
three feathers in each wing, which
are of a light grey.
On the Roques Islands here de-
scribed, the water was found to taste
"copperish," and after two or three
days' use of it, no other water seemed
to possess any taste.
long grass, where there are multi-
tudes of small grey fowls, no bigger
than a blackbird ; yet [they] lay eggs
bigger than a magpie's : and they are
therefore by Privateers called egg-
birds. The east end of the island is
overgrown with black mangrove
trees. 2 The other islands are low,
and have red mangroves, and other
trees on them. Here also ships
may ride ; but no such place for
careening as where we lay, because at
that place ships may haul close to the
shore ; and, if they have but four
guns on the point, may secure the
channel, and hinder any enemy from
coming near them.
After we had filled what water we
could from hence, we set out again
in April 1682, and came to Salt Tor-
tuga ; so called to distinguish it from
the shoals of Dry Tortugas, near
Cape Florida, and from the Isle of
Tortugas by Hispaniola, which was
called formerly French Tortugas ;
though not having heard any men-
tion of that name a great while, I am
apt to think it is swallowed up in
that of Petit Goave, the chief garri-
son the French have in those parts.
This island we arrived at is pretty
large, uninhabited, and abounds with
salt. It is in Lat. 11 N., and lies
W. and a little K from Margarita,
an island inhabited by the Spaniards,
strong and wealthy; it is distant
from it about fourteen leagues, and
seventeen or eighteen from Cape
Blanco on the main. 3 At this isle we
2 The mangrove trees according to
Dampier, are of three sorts, black,
red, and white. Of these, the black
and red form the most serviceable
timber. The young saplings were
used by the Privateers for making
that part of the oar within the boat,
called the "loom" or handle.
3 Some remarks not generally in-
teresting, are here made on a large
salt pond at the east end of the
Island of Tortuga, and often visited
by ships to lade salt. This island had
its name from the turtle or tortoise,
which came upon the sandy bays to
lay their eggs.
120
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
thought to have sold our sugar among
the English ships that come hither
for salt ; but failing there we designed
for Trinidad, an island near the main
inhabited by the Spaniards, tolerably
strong and wealthy : but the current
and easterly winds hindering us, we
passed through between Margarita
and the main, and went to Blanco, 1
a pretty large island almost north of
Margarita, about thirty leagues from
the main, and in 11 50' N. Lat.
It is a flat, even, low, uninhabited
island, dry and healthy, most savannah
of long grass, and has some trees of
Liynum-vitcc growing in spots, with
shrubby bushes of other wood about
them. It is plentifully stored with
guanos, 2 which are an animal like a
lizard, but much bigger. The body
is as big as the small of a man's leg,
and from the hind quarter the tail
grows tapering to the end, which is
very small. If a man takes hold of
the tail, except very near the hind
quarter, it will part and break off in
one of the joints, and the guano will
get away. They lay eggs, as most of
those amphibious creatures do, and
arc very good to eat. Their flesh is
much esteemed by Privateers, who
commonly dress them for their sick
men ; for they make very good broth.
They are of divers colours, as almost
black, dark brown, light brown, daik
green, light green, yellow, and
speckled ; they all live as well in the
water as on land, and some of them
are constantly in the water, and
among rocks : these are commonly
black. Others that live in swampy
wet ground are commonly on bushes
and trees : these are green. But such
as live on dry ground, as here at
Blanco, are commonly yellow ; yet
these also will live in the water, and
are sometimes on trees. There are
sandy bays round the island, where
1 Or Blanquilla.
* Guana, or iguana, is the designa-
tion of several species of lizards, the
best known being the Iguana tuler-
culatum, found in many parts of
America and the West Indies, and
valued for its ilesh.
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. III.
turtle or tortoise come up in great
abundance, going ashore in the night.
Those that frequent this island are
called green turtle ; and they are the
best of that sort, both for largeness
and sweetness, of any in all the West
Indies.
We stayed at the Isle of Blanco not
above ten days, and then went back
to Salt Tortuga again, where Captain
Yanky parted with us. And from
thence, after about four days, all
which time our men were drunk and
quarrelling, we in Captain Wright's
ship went to the coast of Caracas on
the mainland. 3 The cacao tree 4 has
a body about a foot and a half thick
(the largest sort) and seven or eight
feet high to the branches, which
are large, and spreading like an oak,
with a pretty thick, smooth, dark-
green leaf, shaped like that of a plum
tree, but larger. The nuts are en-
closed in cods as big as both a man's
fists put together, at the broad end of
which there is a small, tough, limber 5
tree, by which they hang pendulous
from the body of the tree in all parts
of it from top to bottom, scattered at
irregular distances, and from the
greater branches a little way up, espe-
cially at the joints of them, or part-
ings, where they hang thickest, but
never on the smaller boughs. There
may be ordinarily about twenty or
thirty of these cods upon awell-bearing
tree, and they have two crops of them
in a year, one in December, but the
best in June. The cod itself, or shell,
is almost half-an-inch thick ; neither
spongy nor woody, but of a substance
between both, brittle, yet harder than
the rind of a lemon, like which, its
3 The low-lying lands on the coast
of Caracas are here characterised as
extremely fertile, well watered, and
inhabited by Spaniards and their
Negroes, and that the main product
of these valleys is the cacao nut, of
which the chocolate is made, and of
which such a painstaking description
follows.
4 Not to be confused with tie
cocoa-nut tree.
5 Supple, flexible.
1682.] CARACAS AND ITS CACAO TREES.
surface is grained or knobbed, but
more coarse and unequal. The cods
at first are of a dark green, but the
side of them next the sun of a muddy
red. As they grow ripe the green
turns to a fine bright yellow and the
muddy to a more lively beautiful red,
very pleasant to the eye. They neither
ripen nor are gathered [all] at once;
but for three weeks or a month, when
the season is, the overseers of the
plantations go every day about to see
which are turned yellow, cutting at
once, it may be, not above one from
a tree. The cods thus gathered they
lay in several heaps to sweat, and
then, bursting the shell with their
hands, they pull out the nuts, which
are the only substance they contain,
having no stalk or pith among them ;
and (excepting that these nuts lie in
regular rows) are placed like the
grains of maize, but sticking to-
gether, and so closely stowed, that
after they have been once separated,
it would be hard to place them again
in so narrow a compass. There are
generally near 100 nuts in a cod, in
proportion to the greatness of which,
for it varies, the nuts are bigger or
less. When taken out they dry them
in the sun upon mats spread on the
ground, after which they need no
more care, having a thin hard skin of
their own, and much oil, which pre-
serves them. Salt water will not
hurt them, for we had our bags rotten
lying in the bottom of our ships, and
yet the nuts never the worse. They
raise the young trees [from] nuts set
with the great end downward in fine
black mould, and in the same places
where they are to bear, which they
do in four or five years' time without
the trouble of transplanting. There
are ordinarily of these trees from 500
to 2000 and upwards in a plantation,
or cacao walk as they call them ; and
they shelter the young trees from the
weather with plantains set about them
for two or three years, destroying all
the plantains by such time the cacao
trees are of a pretty good body and
able to endure the heat, which I take
to be most pernicious to them of any-
thing; for though these valleys lie
121
open to the north winds, unless a
little sheltered here and there by some
groves of plantain trees which are
purposely set near the shores of the
several bays, yet, by all that I could
either observe or learn, the cacaos in
this country are never blighted, as I
have often known them to be in other
places. Cacao nuts are used as money
in the Bay of Campeachy.
The chief town of this country is
called Caracas, a good way within
land ; it is a large wealthy place, where
live most of the owners of these cacao
walks that are in the valleys by the
shore, the plantations being managed
by overseers and Negroes. It is in a
large savannah country that abounds
with cattle; and a Spaniard of my
acquaintance, a very sensible man
who hath been there, tells me that
it is very populous, and he judges it to
be three times as big as Corufia in
Galicia. The way to it is very steep
and craggy, over that ridge of hills
which 1 said closes up the valleys and
partition hills of the cacao coast. In
this coast itself the chief place is La
Guayra, a good town close by the
sea; and though it has but a bad
harbour, yet it is much frequented
by the Spanish shipping, for the
Dutch and English anchor in the
sandy bays that lie here and there in
the mouth of several valleys, and
where there is very good riding. The
town is open, but has a strong fort,
yet both were taken some years since
by Captain Wright and his Priva-
teers. It is seated about four or five
leagues to the westward of Cape
Blanco, which is the easternmost boun-
dary of this coast of Caracas. Farther
eastward, about twenty leagues, is a
great lake or branch of the sea, called
La Laguna de Venezuela, about which
are many rich towns ; but the mouth
of the lake is [so] shallow that no
ships can enter. Near this mouth is
a place called Cumana, where the
Privateers were once repulsed without
daring to attempt it any more, being
the only place in the North Seas they
attempted in vain for many years;
and the Spaniards since throw it in
their teeth frequently as a word of
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. III.
122
reproach or defiance to them. Not
far from that place is Varinas, a small
village and Spanish plantation famous
for its tobacco, reputed the best in the
world. But to return to Caracas.
All this coast is subject to dry winds,
generally north-east, which caused us
to have scabby lips; and we always
found it thus, and that in different
seasons of the year, for I have been
on this coast several times. In other
respects it is very healthy, and a sweet
clear air. The Spaniards have look-
outs or scouts on the hills, and
breastworks in the valleys, and most
of their Negroes are furnished with
arms also for defence of the bays.
The Dutch have a very profitable
trade here almost to themselves. I
have known three or four great ships
at a time on the coast, each, it may
be, of 30 or 40 guns. They carry
hither all sorts of European commo-
dities, especially linen, making vast
returns, chiefly in silver and cacao.
And I have often wondered and re-
gretted that none of my own country-
men find the way thither directly
from England, for our Jamaica-men
trade thither indeed, and find the
sweet 1 of it, though they carry Eng-
lish commodities at second or third
hand.
While we lay on this coast we went
ashore in some of the bays and took
seven or eight tons of cacao ; and after
that, three barks, one laden with
hides, the second with European com-
modities, the third with earthenware
and brandy. With these three barks
we went again to the Islands of
Roques, where we shared our commo-
dities, and separated, having vessels
enough to transport us all whither
we thought most convenient. Twenty
of us (for we were about sixty) took
one of the vessels and our share of the
goods, and went directly for Virginia.
In our way thither we took several of
the sucking-fishes, 2 for when we see
them about the ship we cast out a line
and hook, and they will take it with
1 Advantage, gratification.
2 The Echcneis remora, or sea lam-
prey.
any manner of bait, whether fish or
flesh. The sucking-fish is about the
bigness of a large whiting, and much
of the same shape towards the tail,
but the head is flatter. From the
head to the middle of its back there
grows a sort of flesh of a hard gristly
substance, like that part of the lim-
pet, a shell-fish tapering up pyramidi-
cally, which sticks to the rocks; or
like the head or mouth of a shell-
snail, but harder. This excrescence
is of a flat oval form about seven or
eight inches long and five or six
broad, and rising about half-an-inch
high. It is full of small ridges, with
which it will fasten itself to anything
that it meets with in the sea, just as
a snail does to a wall. When any of
them happen to come about a ship,
they seldom leave her, for they will
feed on such filth as is daily thrown
overboard, or on mere excrements.
When it is fair weather and but little
wind, they will play about the ship ;
but in blustering weather, or when
the ship sails quick, they commonly
fasten themselves to the ship's bot-
tom, from whence neither the ship's
motion, though never so swift, nor
the most tempestuous sea, can remove
them. They will likewise fasten
themselves to any other bigger fish,
for they never swim fast themselves
if they meet with anything to carry
them. I have found them sticking
to a shark after it was hauled in on
the deck, though a shark is so strong
and boisterous a fish, and throws
about him so vehemently for half-an-
hour together, it may be, when caught,
that did not the sucking-fish stick at
no ordinary rate it must needs be cast
off by so much violence. It is usual
also to see them sticking to turtle, to
any old trees, planks, or the like,
that lie driving at sea. Any knobs
or inequalities at a ship's bottom are
a great hindrance to the swiftness of
its sailing, and ten or twelve of these
sticking to it must needs retard it as
much, in a manner, as if its bottom
were foul. So that I am inclined to
think that this fish is the JRemora, of
which the ancients tell such stories :
if it be not, I know no other that is,
1682.]
PREPARATIONS FOR A NEW VOYAGE.
123
and I leave the reader to judge. 1 I
have seen these sucking-fishes in great
plenty in the Bay of Campeachy, and
in all the sea between that and the
coast of Caracas, as about those islands
particularly I have lately described,
Roques, Blanco, Tortuga, &c. They
have no scales, and are very good meat.
We met nothing else worth remark
in our voyage to Virginia, where we
arrived in July 1682. That country
is so well known to our nation, that
I shall say nothing of it ; nor shall I
detain the reader with the story of
my own affairs, and the troubles that
befell me during about thirteen
months of my stay there : but in the
next Chapter enter immediately upon
my Second Voyage into the South
Seas and round the Globe.
CHAPTER IV.
BEING now entering upon the rela-
tion of a new voyage, which makes
up the main body of this book, pro-
ceeding from Virginia by the way of
Tierra del Fuego and the South Seas,
the East Indies, and so on, till my
return to England by the way of the
Cape of Good Hope, I shall give my
reader this short account of my first
entrance upon it. Among those who
accompanied Captain Sharpe into the
South Seas in our former expedition,
and, leaving him there, returned
overland (as is said in the Introduc-
1 Pliny, in the opening chapter of
his 32d book, is very eloquent on the
powers of the echineis, or remora, or
delaying-fish. ' ' Let the winds rush, "
he says, among other grandiose
things, "and the storms rage, one
little ftshling lays commands on their
fury, and controls their mighty forces,
and compels the ships to stand still :
a thing that could be done by no
bonds, by no anchor cast with irrevo-
cable weight. It curbs the shocks
and tames the madness of the world
by no labour of its own, not by hold-
ing back, nor in any other way than
simply by adhering."
tion and in the First and Second
Chapters), there was one Mr Cooke,
an English native of St Christopher's,
a Creole, as we call all born of Euro-
pean parents in the West Indies.
He was a sensible man, and had been
some years a Privateer. At our join-
ing ourselves with those Privateers
we met at our coming again to the
North Seas, his lot was to be with
Captain Yanky, who kept company
for some considerable time with Cap-
tain Wright, in whose ship I was,
and parted with us at our second
anchoring at the Isle of Tortuga.
After our parting, this Mr Cooke,
being Quarter-master under Captain
Yanky, the second place in the ship,
according to the law of Privateers,
laid claim to a ship they took from
the Spaniards ; and such of Captain
Yanky 's men as were so disposed, par-
ticularly all those who came with us
overland, went aboard this prize ship,
under the new Captain Cooke. This
distribution was made at the Isle of
Vacca, or the Isle of Ash, as we call
it ; and here they parted also such
goods as they had taken. But Cap-
tain Cooke having no commission, as
Captain Yanky, Captain Tristian, and
some other French commanders had,
who lay then at that island, and they
grudging the English such a vessel,
they all joined together, plundered
the English of thefr ship, goods, and
arms, and turned them ashore. Yet
Captain Tristian took in about eight
or ten of these English, and carried
them with him to Petit Goave ; of
which number Captain Cooke was
one, and Captain Davis another, who
with the rest found means to seize
the ship as she lay at anchor in the
road, Captain Tristian and many of
his men being then ashore. And the
English sending ashore such French-
men as remained in the ship and were
mastered by them, though superior
in number, stood away with her im-
mediately for the Isle of Vacca, before
any notice of this surprise could reach
the French Governor of that Isle ; so
deceiving him also by a stratagem,
they got on board the rest of their
countrymen who had been left on
124
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. IV.
that island ; and going thence they
took a ship newly come from France
laden with wines. They also took a
ship of good force, in which they re-
solved to embark themselves and
make a new expedition into the South
Seas, to cruise on the coast of Chili
and Peru. But first they went for
Virginia with their prizes ; where they
arrived the April after my coming
thither. The best of their prizes
carried eighteen guns : this they
fitted up there with sails and every-
thing necessary for so long a voyage ;
selling the wines they had taken for
such provisions as they wanted.
Myself and those of our fellow-travel-
lers over the Isthmus of America who
came with me to Virginia the year
before this (most of whom had since
made a short voyage to Carolina, and
were again returned to Virginia), re-
solved to join ourselves to these new
adventurers ; and as many more en-
gaged in the same design as made our
whole crew consist of about seventy
men. So having furnished ourselves
with necessary materials, and agreed
upon some particular rules, especially
of temperance and sobriety, by reason
of the length of our intended voyage,
we all went on board our ship.
August 23d, 1683, we sailed from
Achamack 1 in Virginia, under the
command of Captain Cooke, bound
for the South Seas. I shall not
trouble the reader with an account of
every day's run, but hasten to the
less known parts of the world, to give
a description of them : only relating
such memorable accidents as happened
to us, and such places as we touched
at by tjie way. We met nothing
worth observation till we came to the
Islands of Cape Verd, except a terrible
storm, which [we] could not escape :
this happened in a few days after we
left Virginia, with a SSE. wind just
in our teeth. The storm lasted above
1 Accomack is a county in or rather
of Virginia, lying in some sort as an
enclave in the peninsula of Maryland,
which runs down towards Cape Charles
between the Chesapeake and the At-
lantic Ocean.
a week : it drenched us all like so
many drowned rats, and was one of
the worst storms I ever was in. One
I met with in the East Indies was
more violent for the time, but of not
above twenty-four hours' continuance.
After that storm we had favourable
winds and good weather ; and in a
short time we arrived at the Island [of]
Sal, which is one of the easternmost
of the Cape Verd Islands. Of these
there are ten in number, so consider-
able as to bear distinct names ; and
they lie several degrees off from Cape
Verd in Africa, whence they receive
that appellation ; taking up about 5
of longitude in breadth, and about as
many of latitude in their length, viz.,
from near 14 to 19 North. They
are mostly inhabited by Portuguese
banditti. This of Sal is an island,
lying in Lat. 16, in Long. 19 33'
W. from the Lizard in England,
stretching from north to south
about eight or nine leagues, and
not above a league and a half or two
leagues wide. It has its name from
the abundance of salt that is natur-
ally congealed there, the whole island
being full of large salt ponds. The
land is very barren, producing no tree
that I could see, but some small
shrubby bushes by the sea-side ;
neither could I discern any grass ;
yet there are some poor goats on it.
[The island was also well stocked with
wild fowl, especially flamingoes,
which build their nests in shallow
ponds among the mud. The bird
itself is in shape like a heron, but
bigger, and of a reddish colour. The
flesh of both the young and old birds
they found eatable, especially the
tongue, "a dish of flamingoes'
tongues being fit for a prince's
table."]
There were not above five or six
men on this Island of Sal, and a poor
Governor, as they called him, who
came aboard in our boat, and brought
three or four poor lean goats for a
present to our Captain, telling him
they were the beet that the island
did afford. The Captain, minding
more the poverty of the giver than
the value of the present, gave him iu
1683.]
AMONG THE CAPE VERB ISLANDS.
125
requital a coat to clothe him ; for
he had nothing but a few rags on his
hack, and an old hat not worth three
farthings ; which yet I believe he
wore but seldom, for fear he should
want before he might get another, for
he told us there had not been a ship in
three years before. "We bought of
him about twenty bushels of salt for
a few old clothes ; and he begged a
little powder and shot. We stayed
here three days : in which time one
of these Portuguese offered to some
of our men a lump of ambergris in
exchange for some clothes, desiring
them to keep it secret ; for he said if
the Governor should know it he should
be hanged. At length one Mr Cop-
pinger bought it for a small matter ;
yet 1 believe he gave more than it
was worth. We had not a man in the
ship that knew ambergris : but I
have since seen it in other places,
and therefore am certain it was not
right. It was of a dark colour like
sheep's dung, and very soft, but of
no smell ; and possibly it was some of
their goats' dung. . . . We went
from this Island of Sal to San Nicolas,
another of the Cape Verd Islands,
lying WSW. from Sal about twenty-
two leagues. We arrived there the
next day after we left the other, and
anchored on the SE. side of the
island. This is a pretty large island ;
it ' is one of the biggest of all the
Cape Yerd, and lies in a triangular
form. The largest side, which lies
to the east, is about thirty leagues
long, and the other two above twenty
leagues each. It is a mountainous
barren island, and rocky all round
towards the sea ; yet in the heart of
it there are valleys where the Portu-
guese which inhabit here have vine-
yards and plantations and wood for
fuel. Here are many goats, which
are but poor in comparison with those
in other places, yet much better than
those at Sal ; there are likewise many
asses. The Governor of this island
came aboard us, with three or four
gentlemen more in his company, who
were all indifferently well clothed, and
accoutred with swords and pistols ;
tut the rest that accompanied him to
the sea-side, which were about twenty
or thirty men more, were but in a
ragged garb. The Governor brought
aboard some wine made in the island,
which tasted much like Madeira
wine ; it was of a pale colour, and
looked thick. He told us the chief
town was in a valley fourteen miles
from the bay where we rode ; that he
had there under him above one hun-
dred families besides other inhabitants
that lived scattering in valleys more
remote. They were all very swarthy ;
the Governor was the clearest of them,
yet of a dark tawny complexion. At
this island we scrubbed the bottom
of our ship ; and here also we dug
wells ashore on the bay, and filled
all our water ; and after five or six
days' stay we went from hence to
Mayo, another of the Cape Verd
Islands, lying about forty miles E.
and by S. from the other ; arriving
there the next day, and anchoring on
the N W. side of the island. We sent
our boat on shore, intending to have
purchased some provision, as beef or
goats, with which this island is better
stocked than the rest of the islands.
But the inhabitants would not suffer
our men to land ; for about a week
before our arrival, there came an Eng-
lish ship, the men of which came ashore
pretending friendship, and seized on
the Governor with some others, and
carrying them aboard made them
send ashore for cattle to ransom their
liberties : and yet after this set sail,
and carried them away, and they had
not heard of them since. The Eng-
lishman that did this, as I was after-
wards informed, was one Captain
Bond of Bristol. Whether ever he
brought back those men again, I
know not. He himself and most of
his men have since gone over to the
Spaniards : and it was he who had
like to have burnt our ship after this
in the Bay of Panama, as I shall have
occasion to relate. * This Isle of Mayo
is but small and environed with
shoals, yet a place much frequented
by shipping, for its great plenty ol
salt ; and though there is but bad
1 In Chapter VII.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. IV.
12G
landing, yet many ships lade here
every year. Here are plenty of bulls,
cows, and goats ; and at a certain
season in the year, as May, June, July,
and August, a sort of small sea tor-
toise come hither to lay their eggs :
but these turtle are not so sweet as
those in the West Indies. The inha-
bitants plant corn, yams, potatoes,
and some plantains, and breed a few
fowls ; living very poor, yet much
better than the inhabitants of any
other of these islands, Santiago ex-
cepted, which lies four or five leagues
to the westward of Mayo, and is the
chief, the most fruitful, and best in-
habited of all the Islands of Cape
Vcrd ; yet mountainous, and much
barren land in it.
On the east side of the Isle of San-
tiago is a good port, which in peace-
able times especially is seldom with-
out ships ; for this hath long been a
place which ships have been wont to
touch at for water and refreshments,
as those outward bound to the East
Indies, English, French, and Dutch ;
many of the ships bound to the coast
of Guinea, and Dutch to Surinam,
and their own Portuguese Fleet going
for Brazil, which is generally about
the latter end of September : but few
ships call in here in their return for
Europe. When any ships are here
the country people bring down their
commodities to sell to the seamen
and passengers, viz., bullocks, hogs,
goats, fowls, eggs, plantains, and
cocoa-nuts ; which they Avill give in
exchange for shirts, drawers, hand-
kerchiefs, hats, waistcoats, breeches,
or in a manner for any sort of cloth,
especially linen ; for woollen is not
much esteemed there. They care not
willingly to part with their cattel * of
any sort but in exchange for money,
or linen, or some other valuable com-
modity,
of these
Travellers must have a care
people, for they are very
thievish, and, if they see an oppor
tunity, will snatch anything from
you and run away with it. We did
not touch at this island in this voyage ;
but I was there before this in the year
Goods, chattels.
1670, when I saw a fort here lying on
the top of an hill, and commanding
the harbour. The Governor of this
island is chief over all the rest of the
islands. I have been told that there are
two large towns on this island, some
small villages, and a great many in-
habitants ; and that they make a
great deal of wine, such as is that of
San Nicolas. I have not been on
any other of the Cape Yerd Islands,
nor near them, but have seen most
of them at a distance. They seem to be
mountainous and barren, some of these
before mentioned being the most fruit-
ful and most frequented by strangers,
especially Santiago and Mayo. As to
the rest of them, Fogo and Brava are
two small islands lying to the west-
ward of Santiago, but of little note ;
only Fogo is remarkable for its being
a volcano. It is all of it one large
mountain of a good height, out of the
top whereof issue flames of fire, yet
only discerned in the night ; and then
it may be seen a great way at sea.
Yet this island is not without inha-
bitants, who live at the foot of the
mountain near the sea. Their sub-
sistence is much the same as in the
other islands ; they have some goats,
fowls, plantains, cocoa-nuts, &c., as
I am informed. The remainder of
these islands of Cape Yerd are San
Antonia, Santa Lucia, San Yincente,
and Bona Yista : of which I know
nothing considerable.
Our entrance among these islands
was from the NE. ; for in our passage
from Virginia we ran pretty far to-
ward the coast of Gualata 2 in Africa,
to preserve the trade-wind, lest we
should be borne off too much to the
westward, and so lose the islands.
We anchored at the south of Sal, and
passing by the south of San Nicolas
anchored again at Mayo, as hath been
said ; where we made the shorter
stay, because we could get no flesh
among the inhabitants, by reason of
2 Apparently the coast north of
Cape Blanco, under the Tropic of
Cancer ; two Arab tribes with the
designation of Aoulad or Walad in-
habit the interior.
ON THE GUINEA COAST.
1683-1]
the regret they had at their Governor
and his men being carried away by
Captain Bond. So leaving the Isles
of Cape Verd we stood away to the
southward with the wind at ENE.,
intending to have touched no more
till we came to the Straits of Magel-
lan. But when we came into the Lat.
of 10 N., we met the winds at S. by
W. and SSW., therefore we altered
our resolutions, and steered away for
the coast of Guinea, and in few
days came to the mouth of the River
of Sherboro', which is an English
factory lying south of Sierra Leone.
We had one of our men who was well
acquainted there ; and by his direc-
tion we went in among the shoals,
and came to an anchor. Sherboro'
was a good way from us, so I can give
no account of the place, or our factory
there ; save that I have been inform-
ed, that there is a considerable trade
driven there for a sort of red wood for
dyeing, which grows in that country
very plentifully ; it is called by our
people Camwood. A little within the
shore where we anchored was a town
of Negroes, natives of this coast. It
was screened from our sight by a
large grove of trees that grew between
them and the shore ; but we went
thither to them several times during
the three or four days of our stay
here, to refresh ourselves ; and they
as often came aboard us, bringing
with them plantains, sugar-canes,
palm-wines, rice, fowls, and honey,
which they sold us. They were no
way shy of us, being well acquainted
with the English, by reason of our
Guinea factories and trade. This
town seemed pretty large ; the houses
but low and ordinary ; but one great
house in the midst of it, where their
chief men meet and receive strangers :
and here they treated us with palm-
wine. As to their persons they are
like other Negroes. While we lay
here we scrubbed the bottom of our
ship, and then filled all our water-
casks ; and buying up two puncheons
of rice for our voyage, we departed from
hence about the middle of November
1683, prosecuting our intended course
towards the Straits of Magellan.
127
We had but little wind after we
got out, and very hot weather, with
some fierce tornadoes, commonly ris-
ing out of the NE., which brought
thunder, lightning, and rain. These
did not last long ; sometimes not a
quarter of an hour ; and then the
wind would shuffle about to the south-
ward again, and fall flat calm; for
these tornadoes commonly come
against the wind that is then blowing,
as our thunder-clouds are often ob-
served to do in England. At this
time many of our men were taken
with fevers : yet we lost but one.
While we lay in the calms we caught
several great sharks ; sometimes two
or three in a day, and ate tbem all,
boiling and squeezing them dry, and
then stewing them
pepper, &c., for
with vinegar,
we had but little
flesh aboard. We took the benefit of
every tornado, which came sometimes
three or four in a day, and carried
what sail we could to get to the south-
ward, for we had but little wind when
they were over; and those small
winds between the tornadoes were
much against us till we passed the
Equinoctial Line. In the Lat. of 5 S.
we had the wiud at ESE., where it
stood a considerable time, and blew a
fresh topgallant gale. We then mad e
the best use of it, steering on briskly
with all the sail we could make ; and this
wind by the 18th of January carried
us into the Lat. of 36 S. In all this
time we met with nothing worthy
remark ; not so much as a fish, except
flying fish, which have been so often
described, that I think it needless for
me to do it. Here we found the sea
much changed from its natural green-
ness, to a white or palish colour,
which caused us to sound, supposing
we might strike ground ; for when-
ever we find the colour of the sea to
change, we know we are not far from
land, or shoals which stretch out into
the sea, running from some land.
But here we found no ground with 100
fathom line. The 20th, one of our
Surgeons died, much lamented, be-
cause we had but one more for such a
dangerous voyage.
January 28th, we made the Sibbel
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. IV.
de "Wards, 1 which are three islands
lying in the Lat. of 51 25' S., and
Long. W. from the Lizard in Eng-
land, by my account, 57 28'. I had,
for a month before we came hither,
endeavoured to persuade Captain Cooke
and his company to anchor at these
islands, where I told them we might
probably get water, as I then thought ;
and in case we should miss it here,
yet by being good husbands of what
we had, we might reach Juan Fer-
nandez in the South Seas, before our
water was spent. This I urged to
hinder their designs of going through
the Straits of Magellan, which I knew
would prove very dangerous to us ;
the rather, because our men being
Privateers, and so more wilful and
less under command, would not be so
ready to give a watchful attendance
in a passage so little known. For
although these men were more under
command than I had ever seen any
Privateers, yet I could not expect to
find them at a minute's call in coming
to anchor, or weighing anchor : be-
sides, if ever we should have occasion
to moor, or cast out two anchors, we
had not a boat to carry out or weigh
an anchor. These Islands of Sibbel
de Wards were so named by the
Dutch. They are all three rocky
barren islands without any tree, only
some dildo bushes growing on them ;
and I do believe there is no water on
any one of them, for there was no ap-
pearance of any water.
Leaving therefore the Sibbel de
Ward Islands, as having neither good
anchorage nor water, we sailed on,
directing our course for the Straits of
Magellan. But the winds hanging in
the wester-board, and blowing hard,
oft put us by our topsails ; so that we
could not fetch it. The 6th of
February we fell in with the Straits
1 The Sebaldine group, lying on
the north-west of the Falkland Is-
lands ; they were discovered by the
Dutch navigator Sebald de Wert in
1600, and, until Commodore Byron
rechristened them in 1765, they gave
their name to the whole group now
called the Falklands.
of Le Maire, which is very high land
on both sides, and the Straits very
narrow. We had the wind at NNW.
a fresh gale ; and seeing the opening
of the Straits, we ran in with it, till
within four miles of the mouth, and
then it fell calm, and we found a
strong tide setting out of the Straits
to the northward, and like to founder
our ship ; but whether flood or ebb I
know not ; only it made such a short
cockling sea as if we had been in a
race, or place where two tides meet.
For it ran every way, sometimes
breaking in over our waist, sometimes
over our poop, sometimes over our
bow, and the ship tossed like an egg-
shell, so that I never felt such uncer-
tain jerks in a ship. At 8 o'clock in
the evening we had a small breeze at
WNW., and steered away to the east-
ward, intending to go round the
Staten Island, the east end of which
we reached the next day by noon,
having a fresh breeze all night. At
the east end of Staten Island are three
small islands, or rather rocks, pretty
high, and white with the dung of
fowls. Having observed the sun, we
hauled up south, designing to pass
round to the southward of Cape Horn,
which is the southernmost land of
Tierra del Fuego. The winds hung
in the western quarter betwixt the
NW. and the W., so that we could
not get much to the westward, and
we never saw Tierra del Fuego after
that evening that we made the Straits
of Le Maire. I have heard that there
have been smokes and fires on Tierra
del Fuego, not on the tops of hills,
but in plains and valleys, seen by
those who have sailed through the
Straits of Magellan ; supposed to be
made by the natives. 3
The 14th of February, being in Lat.
57, and to the west of Cape Horn, we
had a violent storm, which held us
till the 3d day of March, blowing
commonly at SW. and SW. by W.
2 In the account of Drake's voyage
(ante, page 56), we find it stated:
"The people inhabiting these parts
made fires as we passed by la divers
places."
1684.] THE MOSQUITO INDIAN
and WSW., thick weather all the
time, with small drizzling rain, but
not hard. We made a shift, however,
to save twenty-three barrels of rain-
water besides what we dressed our
victuals withal. March the 3d, the
wind shifted at once, and came about at
S., blowing a fierce gale of wind ; soon
after it came about to the eastward,
and we stood into the South Seas.
The 9th, having an observation of the
sun, not having seen it of late, we
found ourselves in Lat. 47 10'. The
wind stood at SE. , we had fair weather,
and a moderate gale; and the 17th,
we were in Lat. 36 by observation.
The 19th day, when we looked out in
the morning, we saw a ship to the
southward of us coming with all the
sail she could make after us. We lay
muzzled to let her come up with us,
for we supposed her to be a Spanish
ship come from Valdivia bound to
Lima; we being now to the north-
ward of Valdivia, and this being the
time of the year when ships that trade
thence to Valdivia return home. They
had the same opinion of us, and there-
fore made sure to take us, but coming
nearer we both found our mistakes.
This proved to be one Captain Eaton,
in a ship sent purposely from London
for the South Seas. We hailed each
other, and the Captain came on
board, and told us of his actions on
the coast of Brazil and in the river of
Plate. He met Captain Swan, one
that came from England to trade
here, at the east entrance into the
Straits of Magellan, and they accom-
panied each other through the Straits,
and were separated after they were
through by the storm before men-
tioned. Both we and Captain Eaton
being bound for Juan Fernandez's
Isle, we kept company, and we spared
him bread and beef and he spared
iis water, which he took in as he
passed through the Straits.
March the 22d, 1684, we came in
sight of the island, and the next day
got in and anchored in a bay at the
south end of the island, in twenty-five
fathom water, not two cables' length
from the shore. We presently got out
our canoe and went ashore to seek for
OF JUAN FERNANDEZ. 129
a Mosquito Indian whom we left here
when we were chased hence by three
Spanish ships in the year 1681, a little
before we went to Arica, Captain
Watling being then our commander,
after Captain Sharpe was turned out.
This Indian lived here alone above
three years, and although he was
several times sought after by the
Spaniards, who knew he was left on
the island, yet they could never find
him. He was in the woods hunting
for goats when Captain Watling drew
off his men, and the ship was under
sail before he came back to shore. H :
had with him his gun and a knife,
with a small horn of powder, and fe
few shot, which being spent, he con-
trived a way, by notching his knife,
to saw the barrel of his gun into small
pieces, wherewith he made harpoons,
lances, hooks, and a long knife ; heat-
ing the pieces first in the fire, which
he struck with his gun-flint, and a
piece of the barrel of his gun, which
lie hardened, haying learnt to do that
among the English. The hot pieces
of iron he would hammer out and
bend as he pleased with stones, and
saw them with his jagged knife, or
grind them to an edge by long labour,
and harden them to a good temper as
there was occasion. All this may
seem strange to those that are not
acquainted with the sagacity of the
Indians ; but it is no more than these
Mosquito men are accustomed to in
their own country, where they make
their own fishing and striking instru-
ments without either forge or anvil,
though they spend a great deal of
time about them. Other wild Indians
who have not the use of iron, which
the Mosquito men have from the Eng-
lish, make hatchets of a very hard
stone, with which they will cut down
trees (the cotton tree especially, which
is a soft tender wood), to build their
houses or make canoes; and though
in working their canoes hollow they
cannot dig them so neat and thin, yet
they will make them fit for their ser-
vice. This their digging or hatchet-
work they help out by fire, whether
for the felling of the trees or for the
making the inside of their canoes hol-
I
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. IV.
130
low. These contrivances are used
particularly by tlie savage Indians of
Blewfields River, whose canoes and
stone hatchets I have seen. These
stone hatchets are about ten inches
long, four broad, and three inches
thick in the middle. They are
ground away flat and sharp at both
ends; right in the midst, and clear
round it, they make a notch, so wide
and deep that a man might place his
finger along it ; and taking a stick or
withe about four feet long, they bind
it round the hatchet-head in that
notch, and so twisting it hard, use it
as a handle or helve, 1 the head being
held by it very fast. Nor are other
wild Indians less ingenious. Those
of Patagonia, particularly, head their
arrows with flint cut or ground, which
I have seen and admired. 8
But to return to our Mosquito man
on the Isle of Juan Fernandez. With
such instruments as he made in that
manner, he got such provision as the
island afforded, either goats or fish.
He told us that at first he was forced
to eat seal, which is very ordinary
meat, before he had made hooks ; but
afterwards he never killed any seals
but to make lines, cutting their skins
into thongs. He had a little house
or hut half-a-mile from the sea,
which was lined with goatskin ; his
couch, or barbecue, of sticks, lying
along about two feet distant from the
ground, was spread with the same,
and was all his bedding. He had no
clothes left, having worn out those
he brought from Watling's ship, but
only a skin about his waist. He saw
our ship the day before we came to an
anchor, and did believe we were Eng-
lish, and therefore killed three goats
in the morning before we came to
anchor, arid dressed them with cab-
bage to treat us when we came ashore.
He came then to the sea-side to con-
gratulate our safe arrival. And when
we landed, a Mosquito Indian, named
Robin, first leaped ashore, and run-
ning to his brother Mosquito-man,
1 From Anglo-Saxon "helf," a
haft or handle.
8 Marvelled at.
threw himself flat on his face at jiis
feet, who, helping him up and em-
bracing him, fell flat with his face
on the ground at Robin's feet, and
was by him taken up also. We stood
with pleasure to behold the surprise
and tenderness and solemnity of this
interview, which was exceedingly af-
fectionate on both sides; and when
their ceremonies of civility were over,
we also that stood gazing at them
drew near, each of us embracing him
we had found here, who was overjoyed
to see so many of his old friends come
hither, as he thought, purposely to
fetch him. He was named Will, as
the other was named Robin. These
were names given them by the Eng-
lish, for they have no names among
themselves; and they take it as a
great favour to be named by any of
us, and will complain for want of it
if we do not appoint them some name
when they are with us, saying, of
themselves they are poor men and
have no name.
This island is in Lat. 34 15', and
about 120 leagues from the main. It
is about twelve leagues round, full of
high hills and small pleasant valleys,
which, if manured, would probably
produce anything proper for the cli-
mate. The sides of the mountains
are part savannahs, part woodland.
Savannahs are clear pieces of land
without woods, not because more
barren than the woodland, for they
are frequently spots of as good land
as any, and often are intermixed with
woodland. [The grass in these savan-
nahs is here described as long and
flaggy, and the valleys well stocked
with wild goats, these having been first
left there by Juan Fernandez in his
voyage from Lima to Valdivia. The
sea about it is described as swarming
with fish, "so plentiful that two men
in an hour's time will take with hook
and line as many as will serve 100
men."]
Seals swarm as thick about this
island as if they had no other place
to live in, for there is not a bay
nor rock that one can get ashore
on but is full of them. The seals
are a sort of creatures pretty well
1684.] DESCRIPTION OF THE SEAL AND "SEA-LION.
known, yet it may not "be amiss to
describe them. They are as big as
calves, the head of them like a dog,
therefore called by the Dutch sea-
hounds. Under each shoulder grows
a long thick fin ; these serve them to
swim with them in the sea, and are
instead of legs to them when on the
land, for raising their bodies up on
end by the help of these fins or
stumps, and so having their tail-parts
drawn close under them, theyrebound,
as it were, and throw their bodies
forward, drawing their hinder parts
after them ; and then again rising up
and springing forward with their
fore-parts alternately, they lie tum-
bling up and down all the while they
are moving on land. From their
shoulders to their tails they grow
tapering like fish, and have two small
fins on each side of the rump, which
is commonly covered with their fins.
These fins serve instead of a tail in
the sea, and on land they sit on them
when they give suck to their young.
Their hair is of divers colours, as
black, grey, dun, spotted, looking
very sleek and pleasant when they
come first out of the sea ; for these at
Juan Fernandez have fine thick short
fui, the like I have not taken notice
of anywhere but in these seas. Here
are always thousands, I might say
possibly millions of them, sitting on
the bays or going and coming in the
sea round the island, which is covered
with them, as they lie at the top of
the water playing and sunning them-
selves for a mile or two from the
shore. When they come out of the
sea, they bleat like sheep for their
young ; and though they pass through
hundreds of others' young ones before
they come to their own, yet they will
not suffer any of them to suck. The
young ones are like puppies, and lie
much ashore; but when beaten by
any of us, they, as well as the old
ones, will make towards the sea, and
swim very swift and nimble, though
on shore they lie very sluggishly, and
will not go out of our ways unless we
beat them, but snap at us. A blow
on the nose soon kills them. Large
ships might here load themselves with
131
seal-skins and train-oil, for they are
extraordinary fat. Seals are found as
well in cold as hot climates, and in
the cold places they love to get on
lumps of ice, where they will lie and
sun themselves as here on the land.
They are frequent in the northern
parts of Europe and America, and
in the southward parts of Africa,
as about the Cape of Good Hope,
and at the Straits of Magellan ;
and though I never saw any in the
West Indies but in the Bay of Cam-
peachy, at certain islands called the
Alecranes, and at others called the
Desertas, yet they are over all the
American coast of the South Seas,
from Tierra del Fuego up to the Equi-
noctial Line ; but to the north of the
Equinox again in these seas I never
saw any till as far as 21 N. Nor did
I ever see any in the East Indies. In
general they seem to resort where
there is plenty of fish, for that is their
food ; and fish such as they feed on,
as cods, groopers, &c., are most plen-
tiful on rocky coasts, and such is
mostly the western coast of South
America.
The sea -lion 1 is a large creature
about twelve or fourteen feet long.
The biggest part of his body is as big
as a bull : it is shaped like a seal, but
six times as big. The head is like a
lion's head ; it hath a broad face,
with many long hairs growing about
its lips like a cat. It has a great goggle
eye, the teeth three inches long,
about the bigness of a man's thumb.
In Captain Sharpe's time some of our
men made dice with them. They
have no hair on their bodies like the
seal ; they are of a dun colour, and
are all extraordinary fat : one of them
being cut up and boiled will yield a
hogshead of oil, which is very sweet
and wholesome to fry meat withal.
The lean flesh is black, and of a
coarse grain, yet indifferent good
food. They will lie a week at a time
ashore if not disturbed. Where
three or four or more of them come
ashore together, they huddle one on
1 A large species of seal, the male
of which has a mane on its nek.
182 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. V.
and their diseases were chiefly scor-
butic.
another like swine, and grunt like
them, making a hideous noise. They
eat fish, which I believe is their com-
mon food. The snapper is a fish
made much like a roach, but a great
deal bigger. It has a large head and
mouth, and great gills. The back is
of a bright red, the belly of a silver
colour. The scales are as broad as a
shilling. The snapper is excellent
meat. They are in many places in
the West Indies and the South Seas.
The rock-fish 1 is called by seamen a
grooper : the Spaniards call it " bac-
calao," which is the name for cod,
because it is much like it. It is
rounder than the snapper, of a dark
brown colour, and hath small scales
no bigger than a silver penny. This
fish is good sweet meat, and is found
in great plenty on all the coast of
Peru and Chili.
There are only two bays in the
whole island where ships may anchor ;
these are both at the east end, and in
both of them is a rivulet of good fresh
water. Either of these bays may be
fortified, with little charge, to that
degree that fifty men in each may be
able to keep off 1000 ; and there is no
coming into these bays from the west
end but with great difficulty, over
the mountains, where if three men
are placed they may keep down as
many as come against them on any
side. This was partly experienced
by five Englishmen that Captain
Davis left here, who defended them
selves against a great body of Span-
iards who landed in the bays, and
came here to destroy them ; and
though the second time one of their
consorts deserted and fled to the
Spaniards, yet the other four kept
their ground, and were afterward
taken in from hence by Captain
Strong of London.
We remained at Juan Fernandez
sixteen days. Our sick men were
ashore all the time, and one of Cap-
tain Eaton's doctors (for he had four
in his ship) tending and feeding them
with goat, and several herbs, whereof
here is plenty growing in the brooks ;
The Golius niqtr, or black goby.
CHAPTER V.
THE 8th of April 1684, we sailed from
the Isle of Juan Fernandez with the
wind at SE. We were now two ships
in company : Captain Cooke's, whose
ship I was in, and who here took the
sickness of which he died a while
after; and Captain Eaton's. Our
passage lay now along the Pacific Sea,
properly so called. For though it be
usual with our map-makers to give
that name to this whole Ocean, call-
ing it Mare Australe, Mare del Zur, or
Mare Pacificum ; yet, in my opinion,
the name of the Pacific Sea ought not
to be extended from S. to N. farther
than from 30 to about 4 S. Lat. , and
from the American shore westward
indefinitely. In this sea we made
the best of our way towards the Line,
till in the Lat. of 24 S., where we
fell in with the mainland of South
America. All this course of the
land, both of Chili and Peru, is vastly
high ; therefore we kept twelve or
fourteen leagues off from shore, being
unwilling to be seen by the Spaniards
dwelling there. The land (especially
beyond this, from 24 S. Lat. to 17 ,
and from 14 to 10") is of a most pro-
digious height. It lies generally in
ridges parallel to the shore, and three
or four ridges one within another,
each surpassing other in height ; and
those that are farthest within land
are much higher than the others.
They always appear blue when seen
at sea : sometimes they are obscured
with clouds, but not so often as the
high lands in other parts of the world ;
for here are seldom or never any rains
on these hills, any more than in the
sea near it ; neither are they subject
to fogs. These are the highest moun-
tains that ever I saw, far surpassing
the Peak of Teneriffe, or Santa Marta,
and I believe any mountains in the
world. The excessive height of these
mountains may possibly be the rea-
son that there are no rivers of note
that fall into these seas. Some small
1684.] A "TIMBER"
rivers indeed there are, but very few
of them, for in some places there is
not one that comes out into the sea
in 150 or 200 leagues; and where
they are thickest, they are thirty,
forty, or fifty leagues asunder, and
too little and shallow to be navigable.
Besides, some of these do not con-
stantly run, but are dry at certain
seasons of the year, being rather tor-
rents or land-floods caused by their
rains at certain seasons far within
land than perennial streams.
"We kept still along in sight of this
coast, but at a good distance from it,
encountering nothing of note, till in
the Lat. of 9 40' S., on the 3d of
May, we descried a sail to the north-
ward of us, plying to windward. We
chased her, and Captain Eaton being
ahead soon took her. She came from
Guayaquil about a month before, laden
with timber, and was bound to Lima.
Three days before we took her she
came from Santa, whither she had
gone for water, and where they had
news of our being in these seas by an
express from Valdivia ; for, as we
afterwards heard, Captain Swan had
been at Valdivia to seek a trade there,
and he having met Captain Eaton in
the Straits of Magellan, the Spaniards
of Valdivia were doubtless informed
of us by him ; suspecting him also to
be one of us, though lie was not.
Upon this news, the Viceroy of Lima
sent expresses to all the seaports, that
they might provide themselves against
our assaults. We immediately steered
away for the Island of Lobos, which
lies in Lat. 6 24' S., and is five leagues
from the main : it is called Lobos de
la Mar, 1 to distinguish it from an-
other that is not far from it, and
extremely like it, called Lobos de la
Tierra, for it lies near the main.
Lobos, or Lovos, is the Spanish name
for a seal, of which there are great
plenty about these and several other
islands in these seas that go by this
name. The 9th of May, we arrived
at this Isle of Lobos de la Mar, and
came to an anchor with our prize.
This Lobos consists indeed of two
Or Lobos de Afuera.
PRIZE TAKEN. 133
little islands, each about a mile round,
of an indifferent height, a small chan-
nel between, fit for boats only ; and
several rocks lying on the north side
of the islands, a little way from shore.
Within land they are both of them
partly rocky and partly sandy, barren,
without any fresh water, tree, shrub,
grass, or herbs ; or any land animals
(for the seals and sea-lions come
ashore here) but fowls, of which there
are great multitudes j as boobies,
but mostly penguins, which J have
seen plentifully all over the South
Seas, on the coast of Newfoundland,
and off the Cape of Good Hope. They
are a sea fowl, about as big as a duck,
and such feet, but a sharp bill ; feeding
on fish. They do not fly, but flutter,
having rather stumps like a young
gosling's than wings ; and these are
instead of fins to them in the water.
Their feathers are downy. Their
flesh is but ordinary food ; but their
eggs are good meat. There is an-
other sort of small black fowl, that
make holes in the sand for their night
habitations, whose flesh is good sweet
meat : I never saw any of them but
here, and at Juan Fernandez.
Here we scrubbed our ships, and
being in readiness to sail, the pri-
soners were examined, to know if any
of them could conduct us to some
town where we might make some at-
tempt ; for they had before informed
us that we were descried by the
Spaniards, and by that we knew that
they would send no riches by sea so
long as we were here. Many towns
were considered on, as Guayaquil,
Sana, Truxillo, and others. At last
Truxillo was pitched on as the most
important, therefore the likeliest to
make us a voyage if we could conquer
it, which we did not much question,
though we knew it to be a very popu-
lous city. But the greatest difficulty
was in landing ; for Huanchaco [to
the north of Truxillo], which is the
nearest seaport to it, but six miles off,
is an ill place to land, since some-
times the very fishermen that live
there are not able to go out in three
or four days. However, the I7tb of
May, in the afternoon, our men were
134
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
mustered of both ships' companies,
and their arms proved. We were in
all 108 men fit for service, besides the
sick ; and the next day we intended
to sail and take the wo<jd prize with
us. But the next day one of our
men, being ashore betimes on the
island, descried three sail bound to
the northward ; two of them without
the island to the westward, the other
between it and the continent. We
soon got our anchors up and chased ;
and Captain Eaton, who drew the
least draught of water, put through
between the westernmost island and
the rocks, and went after those two
that were without the islands. We
in Captain Cooke's ship went after
the other, which stood in for the
mainland ; but we soon fetched her
up ; and, having taken her, stood in
again with her to the island, for we
saw that Captain Eaton wanted no
help, having taken both those that
he went after. He came in with one
of his prizes ; but the other was so
far to leeward, and so deep, that he
could not then get her in, but he
hoped to get her in the next day ;
but being deeply laden, as designed
to go down before the wind to Pana-
ma, she would not bear sail. The
19th, she turned all day, but got no-
thing nearer the island. Our Mos-
quito strikers, according to their cus-
tom, went out and struck six turtles ;
for here are indifferent plenty of
them. These ships that we took the
day before we came from Huanchaco
were all three laden with flour, bound
for Panama. Two of them were laden
as deep as they could swim ; the
other was not above half laden, but
was ordered by the Viceroy of Lima
to sail with the other two, or else she
should not sail till we were gone out
of the seas ; for he hoped they might
escape us by setting out early. In
the biggest ship was a letter to the
President of Panama from the Vice-
roy of Lima, assuring him that there
were enemies come into that sea ; for
which reason he had despatched these
three ships with flour, that they
might not want (for Panama is sup-
plied from Peru), and desired him to
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. V.
be frugal of it, for he knew not when
he should send more. In this ship
were likewise seven or eight tons of
marmalade of quinces, and a stately
mule sent to the President, and a very
large image of the Virgin Mary in
wood, carved and painted, to adorn
a new church at Panama, and sent
from Lima by the Viceroy ; for this
great ship came from thence not long
before. She brought also from Lima
890,000 pieces of eight, to carry with
her to Panama ; but while she lay at
Huanchaco, taking in her lading of
flour, the merchants, hearing of Cap-
tain Swan's being at Valdivia, ordered
the money ashore again. These pri-
soners likeAvise informed us that the
gentlemen, inhabitants of Truxillo,
were building a fort at Huanchaco,
close by the sea, purposely to hinder
the designs of any that should attempt
to land there. Upon this news we
altered our former resolutions, and
resolved to go with our three prizes
to the Galapagos, which are a great
many large islands, lying some under
the Equator, others on each side
of it.
The 19th, in the evening, we sailed
from the Island of Lobos, with Cap-
tain Eaton in our company. We
carried the three flour prizes with us,
but our first prize, laden with timber,
we left here at anchor. We steered
away NW. by N., intending to run
into the latitude of the Isles of Gala-
pagos, and steer off AY., because we
did not know the certain distance,
and therefore could not shape a direct
course to them. When we came
within 40' of the Equator, we steered
W., having the wind at S., a very
moderate gentle gale. It was the
31st of May when we first had sight
of the Islands Galapagos. Some of
them appeared on our weatherbow,
some on our lee bow, others right
ahead. We at first sight trimmed our
sails, and steered as nigh the wind as
we could, striving to get to the
southernmost of them ; but our prizes
being deep laden, their sails but
small and thin, and a very small gale,
they could not keep up with us.
Therefore we likewise edged away agaii 1
1684.]
AMONG THE GALAPAGOS ISLANDS.
135
a point from the wind, to keep near
them ; and, in the evening, the ship
that I was in, and Captain Eaton,
anchored on the east side of one of
the easternmost islands, a mile from
the shore, in sixteen fathoms water,
clean, white, hard sand. The Gala-
pagos Islands are a great number of
uninhabited islands lying under and
on both sides of the Equator. The
easternmost of them are about 110
leagues from the main. The Span-
iards who first discovered them, and
in whose draughts alone they are laid
down, report them to be a great
number, stretching north-west from
the Line as far as 5 N. ; but we saw
not above fourteen or fifteen. They
are some of them seven or eight
leagues long, and three or four broad.
They are of a good height, most of
them flat and even on the top ; four
or five of the easternmost are rocky,
barren, and hilly, producing neither
tree, herb, nor grass, but a few dildo
trees, except by the sea-side. The
dildo tree is a green prickly shrub,
that grows about ten or twelve feet
high, without either leaf or fruit. It
is as big as a man's leg from the root
to the top, and it is full of sharp
prickles, growing in thick rows from
top to bottom. This shrub is fit for
no use, not so much as to burn.
Close by the sea there grow in some
places bushes of Burton-wood, which
is very good firing. This sort of wood
grows in many places in the West
Indies, especially in the Bay of Cam-
peachy, and in the Sambaloes. I did
never see any in these seas but here.
There is water on these barren
islands, in ponds and holes among
the rocks. Some others of these
islands are mostly plain and low, and
the land more fertile ; producing trees
of divers sorts unknown to us. Some
of the westernmost of these islands are
nine or ten leagues long, and six or
seven broad ; the mould deep and
black. These produce trees of great and
tall bodies, especially mammee trees, 1
1 The Mammeo Americana, a genus
with only one species ; it bears a fruit
sweet in taste and aromatic in odour.
which grow here in great groves. In
these large islands there are some
pretty big rivers; and on many of
the other lesser islands there are
brooks of good water. The Spaniards,
when they first discovered these
islands, found multitudes of guanas,
and land-turtle or tortoise, and named
them the Galapagos Islands. I do
believe there is no place in the world
that is so plentifully stored with these
animals. The guanas here are as fat
and large as any that I ever saw;
they are so tame, that a man may
knock down twenty in an hour's time
with a club. The land-turtle are so
numerous, that 500 or 600 men might
subsist on them alone for several
months, without any other sort of
provision ; they are extraordinary
large and fat, and so sweet, that no
pullet eats more pleasantly. One of
the largest of these creatures will
weigh 150 or 200 Ibs., and some of
them are two feet or two feet six
inches over the gallapee 2 or belly. I
did never see any but at this place
that will weigh above 30 Ibs. I have
heard that at the Isle of St Lawrence
or Madagascar, and at the English
Forest, an island near it, called also
Don Mascarin, 3 and now possessed
by the French, there are very large
ones ; but whether so big, fat, and
sweet as these, I know not. There
are three or four sorts of these crea-
tures in the West Indies. One is
called by the Spaniards "hecatee;"
these live most in fresh-water ponds,
and seldom come on land. They
weigh about 10 or 15 Ibs.; they have
small legs and flat feet, and small
2 The callipee is the gelatinous sub-
stance, of a light yellowish colour,
which forms part of the lower
shield of the turtle ; callipash is the
similar substance, of a dull greenish
hue, which belongs to the upper
shield.
3 The general name for the group
of islands in the Indian Ocean that
comprises Mauritius and Keunion, is
the Mascarenhas Islands, so called
from the name of their Portuguese dis-
coverer, in 1545.
135
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
long necks. Another sort is called
terrapin j 1 these are a great deal less
than the hecatee ; the shell on their
backs is all carved naturally, finely
wrought and well clouded ; the backs
of these are rounder than those be-
fore mentioned ; they are otherwise
much of the same form : these de-
light to live in wet swampy places,
or on the land near such places. Both
these sorts are very good meat. They
are in great plenty on the Isle of
Pines near Cuba . there the Spanish
hunters, when they meet them in the
woods, bring them home to their
Luts, and mark them by notching
their shells, then let them go ; this
they do to have them at hand, for
they never ramble far from thence.
When these hunters return to Cuba,
after about a month or six weeks' stay,
they carry with them 300 or 400, or
more, of these creatures to sell ; for
they are very good meat, and every
man knows his own by their marks.
These tortoises in the Galapagos are
more like the hecatee, except that,
as I said before, they are much
bigger, and they have very long
small necks and little heads. There
are some green snakes on these
islands, but no other land animal
that I did ever see. There are great
plenty of turtle doves, so tame, that
a man may kill five or six dozen in
a forenoon with a stick. They are
somewhat less than a pigeon, and
are very good meat, and commonly
fat.
There are good wide channels be-
tween these islands, fit for ships to
pass, and in some places shoal water,
where there grows plenty of turtle-
grass ; therefore these islands are
plentifully stored with sea-turtle, of
that sort which is called the green
turtle. There are four sorts of sea-
turtle viz., the trunk turtle, the
loggerhead, the hawksbill, and the
green turtle. The trunk turtle is
commonly bigger than the others,
their backs are higher and rounder,
and their flesh rank and not whole-
1 Otherwise "terrapene," the box-
tortoise.
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. V.
some. The loggerhead is so called
because it has a great head, much
bigger than the other sorts ; their
flesh is likewise very rank and sel-
dom eaten but in case of necessity ;
they feed on moss that grows about
rocks. The hawksbill turtle is the
least kind ; they are so called because
their mouths are long and small, some-
what resembling the bill of a hawk.
Hawksbill turtle are in many places
of the West Indies. They have
islands and places peculiar to them-
selves, where they lay their eggs, and
seldom come among any other turtle.
These, and all other turtle, lay eggs
in the sand ; in N. Latitude, their
time of laying is in May, June, July ;
in S. Latitude, about Christmas ;
some begin sooner, some later ; they
lay three times in a season, and at
each time eighty or ninety eggs.
Their eggs are as a big as a hen's
egg, and very round, covered only
with a white tough skin. There are
some bays on the north side of
Jamaica, where these hawksbills re-
sort to lay. In the Bay of Honduras
are islands which they likewise make
their breeding - places, and many
places along all the. coast on the main
of the West Indies, from Trinidad to
La Vera Cruz, in the Bay of Nova
Hispania. When a sea-turtle turns
out of the sea to lay, she is at least
an hour before she returns again ; for
she is to go above high-water mark,
and if it be low-water when she
comes ashore, she must rest once or
twice, being heavy, before she comes
to the place where she lays. When
she has found a place for her purpose,
she makes a great hole with her fins
in the sand, wherein she lays her
eggs, then covers them two feet deep
with the same sand which she threw
out of the hole, and so returns ;
sometimes they come up the night
before they intend to lay, and take a
view of the place ; and so, having
made a tour or semicircular march,
they return to the sea again, and
they never fail to come ashore the
next night to lay near that place.
All sorts of turtle use the same
methods in laying. I knew a man
1684.] THE "HAWKSBILL"
in Jamaica that made 8 sterling of
the shell of these hawksbill turtle
which he got in one season, and in
one small bay not half a mile long.
The manner of taking them is to
watch the bay by walking from one
part to the other all night ; making
no noise, nor keeping any sort of
light. When the turtle come ashore,
the man that watches for them turns
them on their backs, then hauls them
above high-water mark, and leaves
them till the morning. A large green
turtle, with her weight and strug-
gling, will puzzle two men to turn
her. The hawksbill turtle are not
only found in the West Indies, but
on the coast of Guinea, and in the
East Indies ; I never saw any in the
South Seas.
The green turtle are so called be-
cause their shell is greener than any
other. It is very thin and clear, and
better clouded than the hawksbill ;
but it is used only for inlays, being
extraordinary thin. These turtles
are generally larger than the hawks-
bill ; one will weigh 200 or 300 Ibs.;
their backs are flatter than the
hawksbill, their heads round and
small. Green turtle are the sweetest
of all the kinds ; but there are de-
grees of them, both in respect to their
flesh and their bigness. I have
observed that at Blanco, in the West
Indies, the green turtle (which is
the only kind there) are larger than
any others in the North Seas ; there
they commonly will weigh 280 or
300 Ibs. Their fat is yellow and the
lean white, and their flesh extraordin-
ary sweet. At Boca del Toro, west of
Porto Bello, they are not so large,
their flesh not so white, nor the fat
so yellow. Those in the Bays of
Honduras and Campeachyare some-
what smaller still ; their fat is green,
and the lean of a darker colour than
those at Boca del Toro. I heard of a
monstrous green turtle once taken at
Port Royal, in the Bay of Campeachy,
that was four feet deep from the back
to the belly, and the belly six feet
broad. Captain Rocky's son, of about
nine or ten years of age, went in it,
as in a boat, on board his father's
AND GREEN TURTLE. 137
ship about a quarter of a mile from
the shore ; the leaves l of fat afforded
eight gallons of oil. The turtle that
live among the keys or small islands
on the south side of Cuba are a mixed
sort, some bigger, some less ; and so
their flesh is of a mixed colour, some
green, some dark, some yellowish.
With these, Port Royal, in Jamaica,
is kept constantly supplied by sloops
that come hither with nets to take
them. They carry them alive to
Jamaica, where the turtles have wires
made with stakes in the sea to pre-
serve them alive ; and the market
is every day plentifully stored with
turtle, "it being the common food
there, chiefly for the ordinary sort of
people.
There is another sort of green
turtle in the South Seas, which are
but small, yet pretty sweet ; these
lie westward, on the coast of Mexico.
One thing is very strange and re-
markable in these creatures ; that, at
the breeding time, they leave for two
or three months their common haunts
where they feed most of the year, and
resort to other places, only to lay
their eggs. And it is not thought
that they eat anything during this
season ; so that both he's and she's
grow very lean, but the he's to that
degree that none will eat them. The
most remarkable places that I did
ever hear of for their breeding is at
an island, in the West Indies, called
Cayman, and the Isle of Ascencion,
in the Western Ocean ; and when the
breeding time is past there is none
remaining. Doubtless they swim
some hundreds of leagues to come to
those two places. For it has been
often observed that at Cayman, at
the breeding time, there are found all
those sorts of turtle before described.
The South Keys of Cuba are above
forty leagues from thence, which is
the nearest place that these creatures
can come from ; and it is most cer-
tain that there could not live so
many there as come here in one
season. Those that go to lay at
Ascencion must needs travel much
Layers.
138
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
farther, for there is no land nearer it
than 300 leagues. And it is certain
that these creatures live always near
the shore. In the South Sea, like-
wise, the Galapagos is the place where
they live the biggest part of the year ;
yet they go from thence at their
season over to the main to lay their
eggs ; which is 100 leagues, the
nearest place. Although multitudes
of these turtles go from their com-
mon places of feeding and abode to
those laying places, yet they do not
all go. And at the time when the
turtle resort to these places to lay
their eggs, they are accompanied with
abundance of fish, especially sharks ;
the places which the turtle then
leave being at that time destitute of
fish, which follow the turtle. When
the she's go thus to their places to
lay, the males accompany them, and
never leave them till their return.
Both male and female are fat [in] the
beginning of the season ; but, before
they return, the males, as I said, are
so lean, that they are not fit to eat,
but the females are good to the very
last, yet not so fat as at beginning of
the season. It is reported of these
creatures, that they are nine days
engendering, and in the water, the
male on the female's back. It is
observable that the male, while
engendering, do not easily forsake
their female ; for I have gone and
taken hold of the male when engen-
dering, and a very bad striker may
strike them then ; for the male is not
shy at all, but the female, seeing a
boat when they rise to blow, would
make her escape, but that the male
grasps her with his two fore fins and
holds her fast. When they are thus
coupled, it ivs best to strike the female
first, then you are sure of the male
also. These creatures are thought to
live to a great age ; and, it is ob-
served by the Jamaica turtlers, that
they are many years before they come
to their full growth.
The air of these islands is temperate
enough, considering the clime. There
is constantly a fresh sea breeze all
day, and cooling refreshing winds in
the night ; therefore the heat is not
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. V.
so violent here as in most places near
the Equator. The time of the year
for the rains is in November, Decem-
ber, and January. Then there is
oftentimes excessive dark tempest-
uous weather mixed with much
thunder and lightning. Sometimes
before and after these months there
are moderate refreshing showers ; but
in May, June, July, and August, the
weather is always very fair. We
stayed at one of these islands, which
lies under the Equator, but one night ;
because our prizes could not get Into
an anchor. We refreshed ourselves
very well, both with land and sea
turtle : and the next day we sailed
from thence. The next island of the
Galapagos that we came to is but two
leagues from this : it is rocky and
barren like this ; it is about five or
six leagues long, and four broad. We
anchored in the afternoon, at the
north side of the island, a quarter of
a mile from the shore, in sixteen
fathoms water. It is steep all round
this island, and no anchoring, only at
this place. As soon as we came to an
anchor, we made a tent ashore for
Captain Cooke who was sick. Here
we found the sea-turtle lying ashore
on the sands ; this is not customary
in the West Indies. We turned them
on their backs that they might not
get away. The next day more came
up; when we found it to be their
custom to lie in the sun : so we never
took care to turn them afterwards,
but sent ashore the cook every morn-
ing, who killed as many as served for
the day. This custom we observed
all the time we lay here, feeding some-
times on land-turtle, sometimes on
sea-turtle, there being plenty of either
sort. Captain Davis came hither
again a second time; and then he
went to other islands on the west side
of these. There he found such plenty
of land-turtle, that he and his men
ate nothing else for three months that
he stayed there. They were so fat,
that he saved sixty jars of oil out of
those that he spent. This oil served
instead of butter to eat with dough-
boys and dumplings in his return out
of these seas. He found very con-
1684.] DEATH OF CAPTAIN COOKE.
venient places to careen, and good
channels between the islands; and
very good anchoring in many places.
There he found also plenty of brooks
139
of good fresh water, and firewood
enough ; there being plenty of trees
fit for many uses. Captain Harris,
one that we shall- speak of hereafter,
came hither likewise, and found some
islands that had plenty of mammee
trees, and pretty large rivers. The
sea about these islands is plentifully
stored with fish, such as are at Juan
Fernandez. They are both large and
fat, and as plentiful here as at Juan
Fernandez ; here are particularly
abundance of sharks. These Isles of
the Galapagos have plenty of salt.
We stayed here but twelve days : in
which time we put ashore 5000 packs
of flour, for a reserve, if we should
have occasion of any before we left
these seas. Here one of our Indian
prisoners informed us that he was
born at B,ealejo, and that he would
engage to carry us thither. He being
examined of the strength and riches
of it, satisfied the company so well,
that they were resolved to go thither.
Having thus concluded, the 12th
of June, we sailed from hence, design-
ing to touch at the Island of Cocos,
as well to put ashore some flour there,
as to see the island, because it was in
our way to Realejo. [But] despairing
as the winds were, to find the Island
of Cocos, we steered over to the main.
The Island of Cocos is so named by
the Spaniards, because there are
abundance of cocoa-nut trees grow-
ing on it. They are not only in one
or two places, but grow in great
groves all round the island, by the
sea. This is an uninhabited island ;
it is seven or eight leagues round, and
pretty high in the middle, where it is
destitute of trees, but looks very green
and pleasant, with an herb called by
the Spaniards "gramadel." It is
low land by the sea-side. "We had
very fair weather and small winds
in this voyage from the Galapagos,
and at the beginning of July we fell
in with Cape Blanco, on the main of
Mexico. This is so called from two
white rocks lying off it. When we
are off at sea, right against the cape,
they appear as part of the cape ; but
being near the shore, either to the
eastward or westward of the cape,
they appear like two ships under sail
at first view, but coming nearer they
are like two high towers, they being
small, high, and steep on all sides,
and they are about half-a-mile from
the cape. This cape is in Lat. 9
56'. It is about the height of Beachy
Head in England, on the coast of Sus-
sex. It is a full point, with steep
rocks to the sea. The top of it is
flat and even for about a mile ; then
it gradually falls away on each side
with a gentle descent. It appears
very pleasant, being covered with
great lofty trees. From the cape on
the NW. side, the land runs in NE.
for about four leagues, making a small
bay called by the Spaniards Caldera.
From the bottom of this bay it is but
fourteen or fifteen leagues to the Lake
of Nicaragua, on the JSTorth Sea coast :
the way between is somewhat moun-
tainous, but mostly savannah. Cap-
tain Cooke, who was taken sick at
Juan Fernandez, continued so till we
came within two or three leagues of
Cape Blanco, and then died of a
sudden, though he seemed that morn-
ing to be as likely to live as he had
been some weeks before ; but it is
usual with sick men coming from the
sea, where they have nothing but the
sea air, to die off as soon as ever they
come within view of the land. About
four hours after, we all came to an
anchor (namely, the ship that I was
in, Captain Eaton, and the great meal
prize), a league within the cape, right
against [a] brook of fresh water, in
fourteen fathoms, clean hard sand.
Presently after we came to an anchor,
Captain Cooke was carried ashore to
be buried; twelve men carried their
arms to guard those that were ordered
to dig the grave ; for although AVG
saw no appearance of inhabitants, yet
we did not know but the country
might be thickly inhabited. And
before Captain Cooke was interred,
three Spanish Indians came to the
place wnere our men were digging the
grave, and demanded what they were,
HO DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. V.
the Governor of Panama's advice, lest
and whence they came? To whom
our men answered, they came from
Lima and were bound to Realejo, but
that the captain of one of the ships,
dying at sea, obliged them to come
into this place to give him Christian
burial. The three Spanish Indians,
who were very shy at first, began to
be more bold, and drawing nearer,
asked many silly questions, and our
men did not stick to soothe them up
with as many falsehoods, purposely
to draw them into their clutches.
Our men often laughed at their
temerity, and asked them if they
never saw any Spaniards before?
They told them, that they themselves
were Spaniards, and that they lived
among Spaniards, and that although
they were born there, yet they had never
seen three ships there before. Our
men told them, that neither now
might they have seen so many, if it
had not been on an urgent occasion.
At length they drilled Athena by dis-
course so near, that our men laid hold
on all three at once ; but before Cap-
tain Cooke was buried, one of them
made his escape ; the other two were
brought off aboard our ship. Captain
Eaton immediately came aboard, and
examined them ; they confessed they
came purposely to view our ship, and
if possible to inform themselves what
we were ; for the President of Panama
not long before sent a letter of advice
to Nicoya, informing the magistrates
thereof that some enemies were come
into these seas, and that therefore it
behoved them to be careful of them-
selves. Nicoya is a small Mulatta
town about twelve or thirteen leagues
east from hence, standing on the
banks of a river of that name. It is
a place very fit for building ships,
therefore most of the inhabitants are
carpenters, who are commonly em-
ployed in building new or repairing
old ships. It was here that Captain
Sharpe, just after I left him, in the
year 1681, got carpenters to fix his
ship before he returned for England ;
and for that reason it behoved the
Spaniards to be careful, according to
1 Enticed.
any men at other times wanting such
necessaries as that place afforded
might again be supplied there. These
Spanish Indians told us likewise that
they were sent to the place where they
were taken, in order to view our
ships, as fearing these were those
mentioned by the President of
Panama. It being demanded of them
to give an account of the estate and
riches of the country, they said, that
the inhabitants were mostly husband-
men, who were employed either in
planting and manuring of corn, or
chiefly about cattle ; they having
large savannahs, which were well
stored with bulls, cows, and horses :
that by the sea-side in some places
there grew some red wood useful in
dyeing ; of this they said there was
little profit made, because they were
forced to send it to the Lake of Nicar-
agua, which runs into the North
Seas : that they sent thither also
great quantities of bull and cow
hides, and brought thence in exchange
European commodities : as hats, linen,
and woollen, wherewith they clothed
themselves ; that the flesh of the
cattle turned to no other profit than
sustenance for their families; as for
butter and cheese, they made but
little in those parts.
After they had given this relation,
they told us, that if we wanted pro-
vision, there was a beef estantion, 2 or
farm of bulls or cows, about three
miles off, where we might kill what
we pleased. This was welcome news,
for we had no sort of flesh since we
left the Galapagos ; therefore twenty-
four of us immediately entered into
two boats, taking one of these Spanish
Indians with us for a pilot, and went
ashore about a league from the ship.
There we hauled up our boats dry,
and marched all away, following our
guide, who soon brought us to some
houses, and a large pen for cattle.
This pen stood in a large savannah,
about two miles from our boats ;
there were a great many fat bulls and
2 Spanish, "Estancia," a mansion
or farm, or place of store.
1684.] SURROUNDED BY
cows feeding in the savannahs. Some
of us would have killed three or
four to carry on board; but others
opposed it, and said it was better to
stay all night, and in the morning
drive the cattle into the pen, and
then kill twenty or thirty, or as
many as we pleased. I was minded
to return aboard, and endeavoured
to persuade them all to go with
me, but some would not ; therefore
I returned with twelve, which was
half, and left the other twelve be-
hind. At this place I saw three
or four tons of the red wood, which
I take to be that sort of wood
called in Jamaica bloodwood or Ni-
caragua wood. "We who returned
aboard met no one to oppose us,
and the next day we expected our
consorts that we left ashore, but none
came ; therefore at four o'clock in
the afternoon ten men went in our
canoe to see what was become of them.
When they came to the bay where we
landed to go to the estantion, they
found our men all on a small rock,
half a mile from the shore, standing
in the water up to their waists. These
men had slept ashore in the house,
and turned out betimes in the morn-
ing to pen the cattle : two or three
went one way, and as many another
way, to get the cattle to the pen ;
and others stood at the pen to drive
them in. When they were thus
scattered, about forty or fifty armed
Spaniards came in among them. Our
men immediately called to each other,
and drew together in a body before
the Spaniards could attack them,
and marched to their boat, which
was hauled up dry on the sand ; but
when they came to the sandy bay
they found their boat all in flames.
This was a very unpleasing sight, for
they knew not how to get aboard,
unless they marched by land to the
place where Captain Cooke was buried,
which was near a league. The great-
est part of the way was thick woods,
where the Spaniards might easily lay
in ambush for them, at which they
are very expert. On the other side,
the Spaniards now thought them
secure; and therefore came to them
THE SPANIARDS. 141
and asked them if they Would be
pleased to walk to their plantations,
with many other such flouts; but
our men answered never a word. It
was about half ebb when one of our
men took notice of a rock a good dis-
tance from the shore, just appearing
above water ; he showed it to his con-
sorts and told them it would be a
good castle for them if they could
get thither. They all wished them-
selves there ; for the Spaniards, who
Jay as yet at a good distance from
them behind the bushes, as secure of
their prey, began to whistle now and
then a shot among them. Having
therefore well considered the place,
together with the danger they were
in, they proposed to send one of the
tallest men to try if the sea between
them and the rock were fordable.
This counsel they presently put in
execution, and found it according to
their desire. So they all marched
over to the rock, where they remained
till the canoe came to them ; which
was about seven hours. It was the
latter part of the ebb when they first
went 'over, and then the rock was
dry ; but when the tide of flood re-
turned again the rock was covered,
and the water still flowing ; so that
if our canoe had stayed but one hour
longer they might have been in as
great danger of their lives from the
sea as before from the Spaniards ; for
the tide rises here about eight feet.
The Spaniards remained on the shore,
expecting to see them destroyed, but
never came from behind the bushes
where they first planted themselves ;
they having not above three or four
hand-guns, the rest of them being
armed with lances. The Spaniards
in these parts are very expert in
heaving or darting the lance, with
which, upon occasion, they will do
great feats, especially in ambuscades ;
and by their good will they care not
for fighting otherwise, but content
themselves with standing aloof,
threatening and calling names, at
which they are as expert as at the
other ; so that if their tongues be
quiet, we always take it for granted
they have laid some ambush. Before
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. V.
142
night our canoe came aboard, and
brought our men all safe.
The day before we went from hence,
Mr Edward Davis, the company's
Quarter-master, was made Captain
by consent of all the company ; for it
was his place by succession. The
20th day of July we sailed from this
Bay of Caldera, with Captain Eaton,
and our prize which we brought from
the Galapagos, in company, directing
course for Realejo. The wind was at
N., which, although but an ordinary
wind, yet carried us in three days
abreast of our intended port. Realejo
is the most remarkable land on all
this coast ; for there is a high-peaked
burning mountain, called by the
Spaniards Volcano Viejo, or the Old
Volcano. The volcano may be easily
known, because there is not any other
so high a mountain near it, neither is
there any that appears in the like
form all along the coast ; besides it
smokes all the day, and in the night
it sometimes sends forth flames of
fire. This mountain may be seen
twenty leagues. Being within three
leagues of the harbour, the entrance
into it may be seen. There is a small
flat low island which makes the har-
bour. This harbour is capable of re-
ceiving 200 sail of ships. The best
riding is near the main, where there
is seven or eight fathoms water;
clean hard sand. Realejo town is two
leagues from hence, and there are two
creeks that run towards it ; the wes-
ternmost comes near the back-side of
the town, the other runs up to the
town ; but neither ships nor barks
can go so far. These creeks are very
narrow, and the land on each side
drowned, and full of red mangrove-
trees. About a mile and a half below
the town, on the banks of the east
creek, the Spaniards had cast up a
strong breastwork ; it was likewise
reported they had another on the
west creek, both so advantageously
placed that ten men might with ease
keep 200 men from landing.
We were now in sight of the vol-
cano, being, by estimation, seven or
eight leagues from the shore ; and
in our topsails, and hauled up our
courses, intending to go with our
canoes into the harbour in the night.
In the evening we had a very hard
tornado out of the NE., with much
thunder, lightning, and rain. The
violence of the wind did not last
long, yet it was 11 o'clock at night
before we got out our canoes, and
then it was quite calm. We rowed
in directly for the shore, and thought
to have reached it before day ; but it
was 9 o'clock in the morning before
we got into the harbour. When we
came within a league of the Island of
Realejo, that makes the harbour, we
saw a house on it ; and coming nearer
we saw two or three men, who stood
and looked on us till we came within
half-a-mile of the island, then they
went into their canoe, which lay on
the inside of the island, and rowed
towards the main ; but we overtook
them before they got over, and brought
them back again to the island. There
was a horseman right against us on
the main when we took the canoe,
who immediately rode away towards
the town as fast as he could. The
rest of our canoes rode heavily, and
did not come to the island till 12
o'clock ; therefore we were forced to
stay for them. Before they came,
we examined the prisoners, who told
us that they were set there to watch,
for the Governor of Realejo received
a letter about a month before, where-
in he was advised of some enemies
come into the sea, and therefore ad-
monished to be careful ; that imme-
diately thereupon the Governor had
caused a house to be built on this
island, and ordered four men to be
continually there to watch night and
day ; and if they saw any ship com-
ing thither, they were to give notice
of it. They said they did not expect
to see boats or canoes, but looked out
for a ship. At firgt they took us in
our advanced canoe to be some men
that had been cast away and lost our
ship ; till, seeing three or four canoes
more, they began to suspect what we
were. They told us likewise, that the
horseman we saw did come to them
the mountain bearing NE., we took [ eveiy morning, and that in less thau
THE ATTACK ON REALEJO GIVEN UP. 143
1684.]
an hour's time he could be at the
town. When Captain Eaton and his
canoes came ashore, we told them
what had happened. It was now
three hours since the horseman rode
away, and we could not expect to get
to the town in less than two hours ;
in whicli time the Governor, having
notice of our coming, might be pro-
vided to receive us at his breastworks ;
therefore we thought it best to defer
this design till another time. Here
we stayed till 4 o'clock in the after-
noon ; then our ships being come
within a league of the shore, we all
went on board, and steered for the
Gulf of Amapalla, intending there to
careen our ships.
The 26th of July, Captain Eaton
came aboard our ship to consult with
Captain Davis how to get some In-
dians to assist us in careening. It
was concluded, that when we came
near the Gulf, Captain Davis should
take two canoes, well manned, and
go before, and Captain Eaton should
stay aboard. According to this
agreement, Captain Davis went away
for the Gulf the next day. The Gulf
of Amapalla 1 is a great arm of the
sea, running eight or ten leagues into
the country. It is bounded on the S.
side of its entrance with Point Casi-
vina, and on the NW. side with St
Michael's Mount. Both these places
are very remarkable. Point Casivina
is in Lat. 12 40' N". It is a high
round point, which at sea appears
like an island, because the land with-
in it is very low. St Michael's Mount
is a very high peaked hill, not very
steep : the land at the foot of it on
the SE. side is low and even for at
least a mile. From this low land the
Gulf of Amapalla enters on that side.
Between this low land and Point
Casivina are two considerable high
islands ; the southernmost is called
Mangera, the other is called Amapal-
1 Marked in the modern maps as
the Gulf of Fonseca. The southern
headland is Cape Cosiguina, called
Casivina by Dampier ; the northern,
which he called St Michael's Mo\mt,
is Cape Candadillo.
la ; and they are two miles asunder. 2
. . . There are a great many more
islands in this Bay, but none inhabited
as these. There is one pretty large
island, belonging to a nunnery, as
the Indians told us ; this was stocked
with bulls and cows. Three or four
Indians lived there to look after
the cattle, for the sake of which we
often frequented this island while we
lay in the bay. They are all low
islands, except Amapalla and Man-
gera. There are two channels to
come into thia gulf ; one between
Point Casivina and Mangera, the
other between Mangera and Ama-
palla ; the latter is the best.
It was into this gulf that Captain
Davis was gone with the two canoes,
to endeavour for a prisoner, to gain
intelligence, if possible, before our
ships came in. He came the first
night to Mangera, but for want of a
pilot did not know where to look for
the town. In the morning he found
a great many canoes hauled up on the
bay ; and from that bay found a path
which led him and his company to
the town. The Indians saw our ships
in the e v ening coming towards the
island, and being before informed of
enemies in the sea, they kept scouts
out all night for fear ; who seeing
Captain Davis coming, ran into the
town, and alarmed all the people.
When Captain Davis came thither,
they all ran into the woods. The
Friar happened to be there at this
time ; who, being unable to ramble
2 Mangera is described as a high
round island, about two leagues in
compass, and appearing from the sea
like a tall grove. There is mention
made of one town, about the middle
of the island. Amapalla is much
larger than Mangera, with two towns
on it. The Indians of both places
cultivate maize, a few plantains, and
the hog plum. The towns were gov-
erned from St Michael's, to which
they paid tribute in maize. There
was but one friar or padre living
amongst them, who exacted a tenth
from the natives, and who was the
only white man on the island.
m DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
into the woods, fell into Captain
Davis's hands ; there were two Indian
boys with him who were likewise
taken. Captain Davis went only to
get a prisoner, therefore was well
satisfied with the Friar, and imme-
diately came down to the sea-side.
He went from thence to the Island of
Amapalla, carrying the Friar and the
two Indian boys with him. These
were his pilots to conduct him to the
landing-place, where they arrived
about noon. They made no stay
here, but left three or four men to
look after the canoes, and Captain
Davis, with the rest, marched to the
town, taking the Friar with them.
The town, as is before noted, is about
a mile from the landing-place, stand-
ing in a plain on the top of a hill,
having a very steep ascent to go to it.
All the Indians stood on the top of
the hill, waiting Captain Davis's com-
ing. The Secretary, mentioned be-
fore, had no great kindness for the
Spaniards. It was he that persuaded
the Indians to wait Captain Davis's
coming; for they were all running
into the woods ; but he told them,
that if any of the Spaniards' enemies
came thither, it was not to hurt
them, but the Spaniards, whose
slaves they were; and that their
poverty would protect them. This
man, with the Cacique, stood more
forward than the rest, at the bank of
the hill, when Captain Davis with
his company appeared beneath. They
called out therefore in Spanish, de-
manding of our men what they were,
and whence they came? To whom
Captain Davis and his men replied,
they were Biscay ers, and were sent
thither by the King of Spain to clear
those seas from enemies ; that their
ships were coming into the gulf to
carefti, and that they came thither
before the ships to seek a convenient
place for it, as also to desire the
Indians' assistance. The Secretary,
who, as I said before, was the only
man that could speak Spanish, told
them that they were welcome, for he
had a great respect for any Old Spain
men, especially for the Biscayers, of
whom he had heard a very honour-
ROUND THE WORLD. [CiiAP. V.
able report ; therefore he desired them
to come up to their town. Captain
Davis and his men immediately
ascended the hill, the Friar going
before ; and they were received with a
great deal of affection by the Indians.
The Cacique and Secretary embraced
Captain Davis ; and the other Indians
received his men with the like cere-
mony.
These salutations being ended,
they all marched towards the church,
for that is the place of all public
meetings, and all plays and pastimes
are acted there also ; therefore in the
churches belonging to Indian towns
they have all sorts of vizards and
strange antic dresses both for men and
women, and abundance of musical
hautboys and strumstrums. The
strumstrum is made somewhat like
a cittern ; most of those that the
Indians use are made of a large gourd,
cut in the midst, and a thin board
laid over the hollow, which is fast-
ened to the sides. This serves for
the belly, over which the strings are
placed. The nights before any holi-
days, or the nights ensuing, are the
times when they all meet to make
merry. Their mirth consists in sing-
ing, dancing, and sporting in those
antic habits, and using as many antic
gestures. If the moon shine they
use but few torches ; if not, the
church is full of light. They meet
at these times all sorts of both sexes.
All the Indians that I have been
acquainted with who are under the
Spaniards seem to be more melancholy
than other Indians that are free ; and
at these public meetings, when they
are in the greatest of their jollity, their
mirth seems to be rather forced than
real. Their songs are very melancholy
and doleful, so is their music ; but
whether it be natural to the Indians
to be thus melancholy, or the effect
of their slavery, I am not certain.
But I have always been prone to be-
lieve that they are then only condol-
ing their misfortunes, the loss of their
country and liberties, which, although
those that are now living do not
know nor remember what it was to be
free, yet there seems to be a deep
1684.]
FAILURE AT AMAPALLA.
145
impression in their thoughts of the
slavery which the Spaniards have
brought them under, increased pro-
bably by some traditions of their
ancient freedom. Captain Davis in-
tended, when they were all in the
church, to shut the doors and then
make a bargain with them, letting
them know what he was, and so draw
them afterwards by fair means to our
assistance, the Friar being with him,
who had also promised to engage
them to it. But before they were all
in the church, one of Captain Davis's
men pushed one of the Indians, to
hasten him into the church. The
Indian immediately ran away, and all
the rest, taking the alarm, sprang
out of the church like deer ; it was
hard to say which was first ; and
Captain Davis, who knew nothing of
what happened, was left in the church
only with the Friar. When they were
all fled, Captain Davis's men fired,
and killed the Secretary ; and thus
our hopes perished by the indiscretion
of one foolish fellow.
In the afternoon the ships came into
the gulf between Point Casivina and
Mangera, and anchored near the Island
of Amapalla, on the E. side, in ten
fathoms water, clean hard sand. In
the evening Captain Davis and his
company came aboard, and brought
the Friar with them, who told Cap-
tain Davis, that if the Secretary had
not been killed he could have sent
him a letter by one of the Indians
that was taken at Mangera, and per-
suaded him to come to us ; but now
the only way was to send one of those
Indians to seek the Cacique, and [he]
himself would instruct him what to
say, and did not question but the
Cacique would come on his word.
The next day we sent ashore one of
the Indians, who before night return-
ed with the Cacique and six other
Indians, who remained with us all
the time that we stayed here, These
Indians did us good service, especi-
ally in piloting us to an island, where
we killed beef whenever we wanted ;
and for this their service we satisfied
them to their hearts' content. It was
at this Island of Amapalla that a party
M
r
of Englishmen and Frenchmen came
afterwards and stayed a great while,
and at last landed on the main, and
marched overland to the Cape River,
which disembogues into the North
Seas near Cape Gracias a Dios, and is
therefore called the Cape River. 1 Near
the head of this river they made bark-
logs (which I shall describe in the
next Chapter), and so went into the
North Seas. This was the way that
Captain Sharpe had proposed to go if
he had been put to it, for this way
was partly known to Privateers by the
discovery that was made into the
country about thirty years since by a
party of Englishmen that went up that
river in canoes, about as far as the
place where these Frenchmen made
their bark-logs; there they landed
and marched to a town called Segovia
in the country. They were near a
month getting up the river, for there
are many cataracts where they were
often forced to leave the river and
haul their canoes ashore over the
land till they were past the cataracts,
and then launch their canoes again
into the river. I have discoursed
[with] several men that were in that
expedition, and if I mistake not, Cap-
tain Sharpe was one of them. But
to [return to our voyage in hand ;
when both our ships were clean, and
our water filled, Captain Davis and
Captain Eaton broke off consortships.
Captain Eaton took aboard of his
ships 400 packs of flour, and sailed
out of the gulf the 2d of September.
CHAPTER VI.
THE 3d of September 1684, we
sent the Friar ashore, and left the
Indians in possession of the prize
which we brought in hither, though
she was still half- laden with flour ;
and we sailed out with the land-wind,
passing between Amapalla and Man-
gera. When we were a league out,
1 Variously called in modem maps
theVanquez, or Yanks, or Tints, or
Segovia, or Coco River.
146
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
we saw a canoe coming with sail and
oars after us, therefore we shortened
sail and stayed for her. She was a
canoe sent by the Governor of St
Michael's town to our Captain, desir-
ing him not to carry away the Friar.
The messenger being told that the
Friar was set ashore again at Ama-
palla, he returned with joy, and we
made sail again, having the wind at
"VVN W. We steered towards the coast
of Peru. "We had tornadoes every day
till we made Cape San Francisco,
which from June to November are
very common on these coasts ; and we
had with the tornadoes very much
thunder, lightning, and rain. When
the tornadoes were over, the wind,
which while they lasted was most
from the SE., came about again to
the W., and never failed us till we
were in sight of Cape San Francisco.
This cape is in Lat. 1 N. ; it is a high
bluff or full point of land, clothed
with tall great trees. The land in
the country within this cape is very
high, and the mountains commonly
appear very black. When we came
in with this cape we overtook Captain
Eaton plying under the shore ; he in
his passage from Amapalla, while he
was on that coast, met with such ter-
rible tornadoes of thunder and light-
ning that, as he and all his men
related, they had never met with the
like in any place. They were very
much affrighted by them, the air
smelling very much of sulphur, and
they apprehending themselves [to be]
in great danger of being burnt by the
lightning. He touched at the island
of Cocos, and put ashore 200 packs
of flour there, and loaded his boat
with cocoa-nuts, and took in fresh
water. In the evening we separated
again from Captain Eaton, for he
stood off to sea, and we plied up under
the shore, making our best advantage
both of sea and land winds.
The 20th of September we came to
the Island of Plata, and anchored in
sixteen fathoms. We had very good
weather from the time that we fell
in with Cape San Francisco, and were
now fallen in again with the same
places from whence I begin the ac-
ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. TI.
count of this voyage in the First
Chapter, having now compassed in
the whole continent of South America.
The Island of Plata, as some report,
was so named by the Spaniards after
Sir Francis Drake took the Cacafue-
go, 1 a ship chiefly laden with plate,
which they say he brought hither and
divided it here with his men. It is
about four miles long and a mile and
a half broad, and of a good height. It
is bounded with high steep cliffs clear
round, only at one place on the east
side. The top of it is flat and even,
the soil sandy and dry ; the trees it
produces are but small-bodied, low,
and grow thin ; and there are only
three or four sorts of trees, all un-
known to us. I observed they were
much overgrown with long moss.
There is good grass, especialty in the
beginning of the year. There is no
water on this island, but at one place
on the east side close by the sea;
there it drills 2 slowly down from the
rocks, where it may be received into
vessels. There were plenty of goats,
ed. There
mal that I
but they are now all destroy
is no other sort of land anil
did ever see ; there are plenty of boo-
bies and man-of-war birds. At this
island are plenty of those small sea-
turtle spoken of in my last Chapter.
The 21st, Captain Eaton came to
an anchor by us ; he was very willing
to have consorted with us again, but
Captain Davis's men were so unrea-
sonable that they would not allow
Captain Eaton's men an equal share
with them in what they got ; there-
fore Captain Eaton stayed there but one
night, and the next day sailed from
hence, steering away to the south-
ward. We stayed no longer than the
day ensuing, and then we sailed to-
ward Point Santa Elena, intending
there to land some men purposely to
get prisoners for intelligence.
Point Santa Elena bears S. from
1 The capture of this rich prize is
narrated in Drake's Voyage. See
page 44.
2 Penetrates, trickles. Bishop Tay-
lor uses the word "drill " to signify
a small water-course.
1684.]
MANTA, AN INDIAN VILLAGE, TAKEN.
147
the Island of Plata. It lies in Lat.
2 15' S. The point is pretty high,
flat, and even at top ; overgrown with
many great thistles but no sort of
tree ; at a distance it appears like an
island because the land within it is
very low. This point strikes out west
into the sea, making a pretty large
bay on the north side. . . . When
we were abreast of this point we sent
away our canoes in the night to take
the Indian village. They landed in
the morning betimes close by the
town, and took some prisoners. They
took likewise a small bark which the
Indians had set on fire, but our men
quenched it, and took the Indian
that did it, who being asked where-
fore he set the bark on fire, said, that
there was an order from the Viceroy
lately set out commanding all seamen
to burn their vessels if attacked by
us, and betake themselves to their
boats. There was another bark in a
small cove a mile from the village ;
thither our men went, thinking to
take her, but the seamen that were
aboard set her in flames and fled. In
the evening, our men came aboard,
and brought the small bark with
them, the fire of which they had
quenched ; and then we returned
again towards Plata, where WB ar-
rived the 26th of September.
In the evening we sent out some
men in our bark lately taken and
canoes, to an Indian village called
Manta, two or three leagues to the
W. of Cape San Lorenzo, hoping there
to get other prisoners, for we could
not learn from those we took at Point
Santa Elena the reason why the Vice-
roy should give such orders to burn
the ships. They had a fresh sea
breeze till 12 o'clock at night, and
then it proved calm, wherefore they
rowed away with their canoes as near
to the town as they thought conven-
ient, and lay still till day. Manta is
a small Indian village on the main,
distant from the Island of Plata seven
or eight leagues. It stands so advan-
tageously to be seen, being built on
a small ascent, that it makes a very
fair prospect to the sea, yet but a few
poor scattering Indian houses. There
is a very fine church, adorned with a
great deal of carved work. It was
formerly a habitation of Spaniards,
but they are all removed from hence
now. The land about it is dry and
sandy, bearing only a few shrubby
trees. These Indians plant no man-
ner of grain or root, but are supplied
from other places, and commonly keep
a stock of provision to relieve ships
that want, for this is the first settle-
ment that ships can touch at which
come from Panama bound to Lima,
or any other port in Peru. The land,
being dry and sandy, is not fit to
produce crops of maize, which is the
reason they plant none. There is a
spring of good water between the vil-
lage and the sea. On the back of the
town, a pretty way up in the country,
there is a very high mountain, tower-
ing up like a sugar-loaf, called Monte
Christo. It is a very good sea mark,
for there is none like it on all the
coast. The body of this m ountain bears
due S. from Manta. 1 From Manta to
Cape San; Lorenzo the land is plain
and even, of an indifferent height.
As soon as ever the day appeared, our
men landed, and marched towards the
village, which was about a mile and
a half from their landing-place. Some
of the Indians who were stirring saw
them coming, and alarmed their
neighbours ; so that all that were
able got away. They took only two
old women, who both said, that it
was reported that a great many ene-
mies were come overland through the
country of Darien into the South
Seas, and that they were at present
in canoes and periagoes ; and that
the Viceroy upon this news, had set
put the fore-mentioned order for burn-
ing their own ships. Our men found
no sort of provision here ; the Vice-
roy having likewise sent orders to all
seaports to keep no provision, but
just to supply themselves. These
1 It has been conjectured that
Chimberazo is here meant, but that
mountain lies east by south, and not
south, from Manta, and probably
Dampier refers to some smaller emi-
nence nearer the coast.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VI.
bay of Guayaquil ; she came from the
town of that name, and was bound
to Lima. The commander of this
prize said, that it was generally re-
ported and believed at Guayaquil,
women also said, that the Manta
Indians were sent over to the Island
of Plata to destroy all the goats
there, which they performed about a
month ago. "With this news our men
returned again, and arrived at Plata
the next day. We lay still at the
Island of Plata, being not resolved
what to do, till the 2d of October ;
and then Captain Swan, in the Cygnet
of London, arrived there. He was
fitted out by very eminent merchants
of that city, on a design only to trade
with the Spaniards or Indians, having
a very considerable cargo well sorted
for these parts of the world; but meet-
ing with divers disappointments, and
being out of hopes to obtain a trade
in these seas, his men forced him to
entertain a company of Privateers
which he met with near Nicoya, a
town whither he was going to seek a
trade ; and these Privateers were
bound thither in boats to get a ship.
These were the men that we had
heard of at Manta ; they came over-
land, under the command of Captain
Peter Harris, nephew to that Cap-
tain Harris who was killed before
Panama. Captain Swan was still
commander of his own ship, and
Captain Harris commanded a small
bark under Captain Swan. There
was much joy on all sides when they
arrived ; and immediately hereupon,
Captain Davis and Captain Swan
consorted, wishing for Captain Eaton
again. Our little bark, which was
taken at Santa Elena, was immedi-
ately sent out to cruise while the
ships were fitting ; for Captain Swan's
ship, being full of goods, was not fit
to entertain his new guests, till the
goods were disposed of; therefore he,
by the consent of the supercargoes,
got up all his goods on deck, and sold
to any one that would buy, upon trust.
The rest was thrown overboard into
the sea, except fine goods, as silks,
muslins, stockings, &c., and except
the iron, whereof he had a good quan-
tity, both wrought and in bars ; this
was saved for ballast. The third day
after our bark was sent to cruise, she
brought in a prize of 400 tons, laden
with timber ; they took her in the
that the Viceroy was fitting out ten
sail of frigates to drive us out of the
Seas. This news made our unsettled
crew wish that they had been per-
suaded to accept of Captain Eaton's
company on reasonable terms. Cap-
tain Davis and Captain Swan had
some discourse concerning Captain
Eaton ; they at last concluded to
send our small bark towards the coast
of Lima, as far as the Island of Lobos,
to seek Captain Eaton. This being
approved by all hands, she was
cleaned the next day, and sent away,
manned with twenty men, ten of
Captain Davis's, and ten of Swan's
men ; and Captain Swan wrote a
letter directed to Captain Eaton, de-
siring his company ; and the Isle of
Plata was appointed for the general
rendezvous. When this bark was
gone, we turned another bark which
we had into a fireship, having six or
seven carpenters, who soon fixed her ;
and while the carpenters were at work
about the fireship, we scrubbed and
cleaned our men-of-war, as well as
time and place would permit. The
19th of October we finished our
business, and the 20th we sailed to-
wards the Island of Lobos, where our
bark was ordered to stay for us, or
meet us again at Plata. We had but
little wind, therefore it was the 23d
before we passed by Point Santa
Elena. The 25th we crossed over the
Bay of Guayaquil. The 30th we
doubled Cape Blanco. This cape is
in Lat. 3 45'. It is counted the
worst cape in all the South Seas to
double, passing to the southward.
This cape is of an indiiferent height.
It is fenced with white rocks to the
sea ; for which reason, I believe, it
has this name. 1 The land in the
country seems to be full of high,
steep, rugged, and barren rocks.
The 2d of November we got as high
as Payta. We lay about six leagues
1 Cabo Blanco White Cape.
1084. J THE TOWN
off shore all the day, that the Span-
iards might not see us ; and in the
evening sent our canoes ashore to
take it, manned with 110 men.
Payta is a small Spanish seaport
town, in Lat. 5? 15' S. It is built
on the sand, close by the sea, in a
nook, elbow, or small bay, under a
pfetty high hill. There are not
above seventy-five or eighty houses,
and two churches. The houses are
but low and ill-built. The building
in this country of Peru is much alike
on all the sea-coast. The walls are
built of bricks made with earth and
straw kneaded together ; they are
about three feet long, two feet broad,
and a foot and a half thick ; they never
burn them, but lay them a long time
in the sun to dry before they are
used in building. In some places
they have no roofs, only poles laid
across from the side walls, and
covered with mats ; and then those
walls are carried up to a considerable
height. But where they build roofs
upon their houses, the walls are not
made so high, as I said before. The
houses in general all over this king-
dom are but meanly built : one chief
reason, with the common people
especially, is the Avant of materials to
build withal ; for, however it be more
within land, yet here is neither stone
nor timber to build with, nor any
materials but such brick as I have
described ; and even the stone which
they have in some places is so brittle
that you may rub it into sand with
your fingers. Another reason why
they build so meanly is, because it
never rains ; therefore they only en-
deavour to fence themselves from the
sun. Yet their walls, which are built
but with an ordinary sort of brick in
comparison with what is made in
other parts of the world, continue a
long time as firm as when first made,
having never any winds nor rains to
rot, moulder, or shake them. How-
ever, the richer sort have timber,
which they make use of in building ;
but it is brought from other places.
This dry country commences to the
northward, from about Cape Blanco
to Coquimbo, in about 30 S., having
OF PAYTA.
149
no rain that I could ever observe or
hear of, nor any green thing growing
in the mountains, neither yet in the
valleys, except where here and there
watered with a few small rivers dis-
persed up and down. So that the
northernmost parts of this tract of
land are supplied with timber from
Guayaquil, Galleo, Tumaco, and
other places that are watered with
rains, where there is plenty of all
sorts of timber. In the south parts
as about Huasco and Coquimbo, they
fetch their timber from the Island of
Chiloe, or other places thereabouts.
The walls of churches and rich men's
houses are whitened with lime both
within and without ; and the doors
and posts are very large, and adorned
with carved work, and the beams also
in the churches ; the in sides of the
houses are hung round with rich em-
broidered or painted cloths. They
have likewise abundance of fine pic-
tures, which add no small ornament
to their houses. These, I suppose,
they have from Old Spain. But the
houses of Payta are none of them so
richly furnished. The churches were
large, and fairly carved. At one end
of the town there was a small fort,
close by the sea, but no great guns in
it. This fort, only with muskets,
will command all the bay, so as to
hinder any boats from landing. There
is another fort on the top of the hill,
just over the town, which commands
both it and the lower fort. There is
neither wood nor water to be had
here. They fetch their water from
an Indian town called Golan, about
two leagues NNE. from Payta ; for at
Golan there is a small river of fresh
water which runs out into the sea,
from whence ships that touch at Payta
are supplied with water and other
refreshments, as fowls, hogs, plan-
tains, yams, and maize : Payta being
destitute of alt these things, only as
they fetch them from Golan as they
have occasion.
The Indians of Golan are all fisher-
men. They go out to sea and fish on
bark-logs. 1 Bark-logs are made of
,' l This title has been supposed to
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VI.
150
many round logs of wood, in the man-
ner of a raft, and very different, accord-
ing to the use that they are designed
for, or the humour of the people that
make them, or the matter that they
are made of. If they are made for
fishing, then they are only three or
four logs of light wood, of seven or
eight feet long, placed by the side of
each other, pinned fast together with
wooden pins, and bound hard with
withes. The logs are so placed that the
middlemost are longer than those by
the sides, especially at the head or fore
part, which grows narrower gradually
into an angle or point, better to cut
through the water. Others are made
to carry goods. The bottom of these
is made of twenty or thirty great
trees, of about twenty, thirty, or
forty feet long, fastened as the other,
side to side, and so shaped. On the
top of these they place another shorter
row of trees across them, pinned fast
to each other, and then pinned to the
undermost row. This double row of
planks makes the bottom of the float.
. . . They always go before the wind,
being unable to ply against it, and
therefore are fit only for these seas
where the wind is always in a man-
ner the same, not varying above a
point or two all the way from Lima
till such time as they come into the
Bay of Panama ; and even there they
meet with no great sea, but sometimes
northerly winds ; and then they lower
their sails, and drive before it, wait-
ing a change. All their care then
is only to keep off from shore, for
they are so made that they cannot
sink at sea. These rafts carry sixty
or seventy tons of goods and upwards.
Their cargo is chiefly wine, oil, flour,
sugar, Quito cloth, soap, goat-skins
dressed, &c. The float is managed
usually by three or four men, who,
being unable to return with it against
the trade-wind, when they come to
be a mistranslation of "barcolongo "
(see Note 1, p. 107). But the descrip-
tion which follows shows plainly
enough that the word means just
what it says that is, barks of log or
log-barks.
Panama dispose of the goods and
bottom together, getting a passage
back again for themselves in some
ship or boat bound to the port they
came from ; and there they make a
new bark -log for their next cargo.
The smaller sort of bark-logs, de-
scribed before, which lie flat on the
water, and are used for fishing or
carrying water to ships or the like
(half a ton or a ton at a time), are
more governable than the other,
though they have masts and sails too.
"With these they go out at night by
the help of the land-wind, which is
seldom wanting on this coast, and
return back in the daytime with the
sea-wind. This sort of floats are used
in many places both in the East and
West Indies. On the coast of Coro-
mandel in the East Indies they call
them Catamarans. These are but
one log, or two sometimes, of a sort
of light wood, and are made without
sail or rudder, and so small that they
carry but one man, whose legs and
breech are always in the water ; and
he manages his log with a paddle,
appearing at a distance like a man
sitting on a fish's back.
November the 3d, at 6 o'clock in
the morning, our men landed about
four miles to the south of the town,
and took some prisoners that were
sent thither to watch for fear of us ;
and these prisoners said, that the
Governor of Piura came with 100
armed men to Payta the night before,
purposely to oppose our landing there
if we should attempt it. Our men
marched directly to the fort on the
hill, and took it without the loss of
one man. Hereupon the Governor of
Piura with all his men, and the in-
habitants of the town, ran away as
fast as they could,
entered the town,
Then our men
and found it
emptied both of money and goods ;
there was not so much as a meal of
victuals left for them. The prisoners
told us a ship had been here a little
before and burnt a great ship in the
road, but did not land their men ;
and that here they put ashore all
their prisoners and pilots. We knew
this must be Captain Eaton's ship
1684.]
THE BURNING OF PAYTA.
which had done this ; and by these
circumstances we supposed lie was
gone to the East Indies, it being
always designed by him. The pri-
soners told us also, that since Captain
Eaton was here, a small bark had
been off the harbour and taken a pair
of bark-logs a-fishing, and made the
fishermen bring aboard twenty or
thirty jars of fresh water. This we
supposed was our bark that was sent
to Lobos to seek Captain Eaton. In
the evening we came in with our
ships, and anchored before the town
in ten fathoms water, near a mile
from the shore. Here we stayed till
the 6th day, in hopes to get a ransom
for the town. Our Captains demand-
ed 300 packs of flour, 3000 Ibs. of
sugar, twenty -five jars of wine, and
1000 jars of water to be brought off to
us ; but we got nothing of it. There-
fore Captain Swan ordered the town
to be fired, which was presently done.
Then all our men came aboard, and
Captain Swan ordered the bark which
Captain Harris commanded, to be
burnt, because she did not sail well.
At night, when the land-wind came
off, we sailed from hence towards
Lobos. The 10th, in the evening we
saw a sail, bearing NW. by N., as
far as we could well discern her on
our deck. "We immediately chased,
separating ourselves, the better to
meet her in the night, but we missed
her. Therefore the next morning we
again trimmed sharp, and made the
best of our way to Lobos de la Mar.
The 14th, we had sight of the Island
of Lobos de Tierra : it bore E. from
us ; we stood in towards it, and be-
twixt 7 and 8 o'clock in the night
came to an anchor at the NE. end
of the island, in fourteen fathoms
water. This island at sea is of an
indifferent height, and appears like
Lobos de la Mar. About a quarter
of a mile from the north end there is
a great hollow rock, and a good
channel between, where there is seven
fathoms water. The 15th, we went
ashore, and found abundance of pen-
guins and boobies, and seals in great
quantities. We sent aboard of all
these to be dressed, for we had not
tasted any flesh in a great while be-
fore ; therefore some of us did eat
very heartily. Captain Swan, to en-
courage his men to eat this coarse
flesh, would commend it for extra-
ordinary good food, comparing the
seal to roasting pig, the boobies to
hens, and the penguins to ducks.
This he did to train them to live con-
tentedly on coarse meat, not knowing
but we might be forced to make use
of such food before -we departed out of
these seas ; for it is generally seen
among Privateers that nothing em-
boldens them sooner to mutiny than
want, which we could not well suffer
in a place where there are such quan-
tities of these animals to be had, if
men could be persuaded to be content-
ed with them.
[Dampier now sailed from Lobos de
Tierra to Lobos de la Mar on the 19th.
On the 21st he sent out his Mosquito
strikers for turtle, which they brought
in, in great abundance. On the
evening of the 26th, a suspicious-
looking bark was observed about three
leagues NNW. from the island. The
next morning she stood off to sea,
which they allowed her to do without
giving chase. On the 28th day the
ships' bottoms were scrubbed. On
the morning of the 29th they were
steering for the Bay of Guayaquil.
In the vicinity, the cat-fish are said
to be abundant. It is so called from
its great wide mouth and the strings
pointing out from each side of it like
cats' whiskers.]
From the Island Santa Clara to
Punta Arenas is seven leagues ENE.
This Punta Arenas, or Sandy Point,
is the westernmost point of the Island
of Puna, Here all ships bound into
the River of Guayaquil anchor, and
must wait for a pilot, the entrance
being very dangerous for strangers.
The Island of Puna is a pretty large
flat low island, stretching E. and W.,
about twelve or fourteen leagues long,
and about four or five leagues wide.
The tide runs very strong all about
this island, but so many different
ways, by reason of the branches,
creeks, and rivers that run into the
sea near it, that it casts up many dan-
152 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
gcrous shoals on all sides of it. There
?s in the island only one Indian town,
on the south side of it, close by the
sea, and seven leagues from Point
Arenas, which town is also called
Puna. The Indians of this town are
all seamen, and are the only pilots in
these seas, especially for this river.
Their chief employment, when they
are not at sea, is fishing. These men
are obliged by the Spaniards to keep
good watch for ships that anchor at
Point Arenas. The place where they
keep this watch is at a point of land
on the Island of Puna that starts out
into the sea, from whence they can
see all ships that anchor at Point
Arenas. The Indians come thither
in the morning, and return at night
on horseback. From this watching
}>oint to Point Arenas it is four
eagues, all drowned mangrove-land :
and midway between these two points
is another small point, where these
Indians are obliged to keep another
watch, when they fear an enemy.
The sentinel goes thither in a canoe
in the morning, and returns at night ;
for there is no coming thither by land
through
ground. 7
that mangrove marshy
There are in the town of
Puna about twenty houses, and a small
church. The houses stand all on
posts, ten or twelve feet high, with lad-
ders on the outside to go up into them.
I did never see the like building any-
where but among the Malayans in the
East Indies. They are thatched with
palmetto leaves, and their chambers
well boarded, in which last they ex-
ceed the Malayans.
From Puna to Guayaquil is reckon-
ed seven leagues. It is one league
before you come to the River of Guaya-
quil's mouth, where it is above two
miles wide j from thence upwards the
river lies pretty straight, without any
considerable turnings. Both sides of
the river are low swampy land, over
1 The middle of the island is de
scribed as good pasture land, with
ridges of woodland, abounding in
palmettoes. The Indians cultivatec
part of these ridges with maize, yams
and potatoes.
[CHAP. VI.
grown with red mangroves, so that
here is no landing. Four miles be-
bre you come to the town of Guaya-
quil, there is a low island standing in
,he river ; this island divides the
river into two parts, making two very
"air channels for ships to pass up and
down. The SW. channel is the
videst ; the other is as deep, but
larrower and narrower yet, by reason
>f many trees and bushes which
pread over the river both from the
main and from the island ; and there
are also several great stumps of trees
standing upright in the water on either
side. The island is above a mile long.
From the upper part of the island to
the town of Guayaquil is almost a
League, and near as much from one
side of the river to the other. In
that spacious place, ships of the
greatest burthen may ride afloat ; but
the best place for ships is nearest to
that part of the land where the town
stands ; and this place is seldom with-
out ships. Guayaquil stands facing
the island, close by the river, partly
on the side, and partly at the foot of
a gentle hill declining towards the
river, by which the lower part of it is
often overflown. There are two forts,
one standing in the low ground, th
other on the hill. This town makes
a very fine prospect, it being beauti-
fied with several churches and other
good buildings. Here lives a Gover-
nor, who, as I have been informed,
has his patent from the King of
Spain. Guayaquil may be reck-
oned one of the chief seaports in
the South Seas : the commodities
which are exported from hence are
cacao, hides, tallow, sarsaparilla, and
other drugs, and woollen cloth, com-
monly called cloth of Quito. The
cacao grows on both sides of the river
above the town. It is a small nut,
like the Campeachy nut, I think the
smallest of the two. They produce as
much cacao here as serves all the
kingdom of Peru ; and much of it is
sent to Acapulco, and from thence to
the Philippine Islands. Sarsaparilla
grows in the water by the sides of the
river, as I have been informed. The
Quito cloth comes from a rich town in
1684.] THE COMMERCE OF QUITO AND GUAYAQUIL.
153
the country within laud, called Quito. 1
There is a great deal made, both
serges and broadcloth. This cloth
is not very fine, but is worn by the
common sort of people throughout
the whole kingdom of Peru. This
and all othertommodities which come
from Quito are shipped off at Guaya-
quil for other parts ; and all imported
goods for the city of Quito pass by
Guayaquil : by which it may appear
that Guayaquil is a place of no mean
trade. Quito, as I have been inform-
ed, is a very populous city, seated in
the heart of the country. It is inha-
bited partly by Spaniards ; but the
major part of its inhabitants are In-
dians under the Spanish Govern-
ment. It is environed with moun-
tains of a vast height, from whose
bowels many great rivers have their
rise. These mountains abound in
gold, which by violent rains is washed
with the sand into the adjacent
brooks ; where the Indians resort in
troops, washing away the sand, and
putting up the gold-dust in their
calabashes or gourd-shells. Quito is
the place in all the kingdom of Peru 2
that abounds most with this rich
metal, as I have been often informed.
The country is subject to great rains,
and very thick fogs, especially the
valleys. For that reason it is very
unwholesome and sickly. The chief
distempers are fevers, violent head-
ache, pains in the bowels and fluxes.
I know no place where gold is found
but what is very unhealthy. Guaya-
quil is not so sickly as Quito and
other towns farther within land ; yet
in comparison with the towns that
are on the coast of Mare Pacificum,
south of Cape Blanco, it is very
sickly.
It was to this town of Guayaquil
that we were bound ; therefore we
J " Coarse cottons," says M'Cul
loch, "and woollen cloths, baizes, flan
nels, ponchos, and stockings are mad<
in Quito."
3 Quito was annexed to the empire
of Peru not long before the Spanish
conquest ; it is now the
the Kepublic of Ecuador.
capital
eft our ships off Cape Blanco, and
an into the Bay of Guayaquil with
ur bark and canoes, steering in for
he Island of Santa Clara, where we
arrived the next day after we left our
hips ; and from thence we sent away
wo canoes the next evening to Point
Arenas. At this point there are
ibundance of oysters, and other shell-
ish, as cockles and mussels ; there-
ore the Indians of Puna often come
lither to get these fish. Our canoes
got over before day, and absconded 3
n a creek, to wait for the coming of
;he Puna Indians. The next morn-
ng some of them, according to their
custom, came thither on bark-logs, at
;he latter part of the ebb, and were
ill taken by our men. The next day,
by their advice, the two watchmen
f the Indian town of Puna were taken
by our men, and all its inhabitants,
not one escaping. The next ebb they
;ook a small bark laden with Quito
cloth. She came from Guayaquil
;hat tide, and was bound to Lima ;
;hey having advice that we were gone
off the coast, by the bark which I
said we saw while we lay at the Island
of Lobos. The master of this cloth-
bark informed our men that there
were three barks coming from Guaya-
quil laden with Negroes ; he said they
would come from thence the next
tide. The same tide of ebb that they
took the cloth-bark, they sent a canoe
to our bark, where the biggest part of
the men were, to hasten them away
with speed to the Indian town. The
bark was now riding at Point Arenas ;
and the next flood she came with all
the men, and the rest of the canoes,
to Puna. The tide of flood being
now far spent, we lay at this town
till the last of the ebb, and then
rowed away, leaving five men aboard
our bark, who were ordered to lie still
till 8 o'clock the next morning, and
not to fire at any boat or bark ; but
after that time they might fire at any
object : for it was supposed that
before that time we should be masters
of [Guayaquil. We had not rowed
above two miles, before we met and
8 Concealed themselves.
154
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE
took one of the three barks laden with
Negroes ; the master of her said, that
the other two would come from Guaya-
quil the next tide of ebb. We cut
her mainmast down, and left her at
anchor. It was now strong flood,
and therefore we rowed with all speed
towards the town, in hopes to get
thither before the flood was down ;
but we found it farther than we did
expect it to be ; or else our canoes,
being very full of men, did not row so
fast as we would have them. The
day broke when we were two leagues
from the town, and then we had not
above an hour's flood more ; therefore
our Captain desired the Indian pilot
to direct us to some creek where we
might abscond all day, which was
immediately done, and one canoe was
sent towards Puna to our bark, to
order them not to move nor fire till
the next day. But she came too late
to countermand the first orders : for
the two barks before mentioned, laden
with Negroes, came from the town
the last quarter of the evening tide,
and lay in the river, close by the
shore on one side, and we rowed up
on the other side and missed them ;
neither did they see nor hear us. As
soon as the flood was spent, the two
barks weighed and went down with
the ebb towards Puna. Our bark,
seeing them coming directly towards
them, and both full of men, supposed
that we'by some accident had been de-
stroyed, and that the two barks were
manned with Spanish soldiers, sent
to take our ships ; and therefore they
fired three guns at them a league
before they came near. The two
Spanish barks immediately came to
an anchor, and the masters got into
their boats and rowed for the shore ;
but our canoe that was sent from us
took them both. The firing of these
three guns made a great disorder
among our advanced men, for most
of them did believe they were heard
at Guayaquil, and that therefore it
could be no profit to lie still in the
creek, but either row away to the
town, or back again to our ships. It
was now quarter ebb ; therefore we
could not move upwards, if we had
ROUND THE WOKLD [CHAP. VI.
been disposed so to do. At length
Captain Davis said he would imme-
diately land in the creek where they
lay, and march directly to the town,
if but forty men would accompany
him ; and without saying more words,
he landed among the mangroves in
the marshes. Those that were so
minded followed him, to the number
of forty or fifty. Captain Swan lay
still with the rest of the party in the
creek, for they thought it impossible
to do any good that way.
Captain Davis and his men were
absent about four hours, and then
returned all wet and quite tired, and
could not find any passage out into
the firm land. He had been so far,
that he almost despaired of getting
back again ; for a man cannot pass
through those red mangroves but
with very much labour. When Cap-
tain Davis was returned, we concluded
to be going towards the town the be-
ginning of the next flood ; and if we
found that the town was alarmed, we
purposed to return again without
attempting anything there. As soon
as it was flood we rowed away, and
passed by the island through the NE.
channel, which is the narrowest.
There are so many stumps in the
river, that it is very dangerous pass-
ing in the night (and that is the time
we always take for such attempts) ;
for the river runs very swift, and one
of our canoes stuck on a stump, and
had certainly overset if she had not
been immediately rescued by others.
When we were come almost to the
end of the island, there was a musket
fired at us out of the bushes on the
main. We then had the town open
before us, and presently saw lighted
torches or candles all the town over,
whereas before the gun was fired there
was but one light : therefore we now
concluded we were discovered. Yet
many of our men said that it was a
holiday the next day, as it was indeed,
and that therefore the Spaniards were
making fireworks, which they often
do in the night against such times.
We rowed therefore a little farther,
and found firm land; and Captain
Davis pitched his canoe ashore and
ATTEMPT ON GUAYAQUIL ABANDONED.
755
landed with liis men. Captain Swan
and most of his men did not think it
convenient to attempt anything, see-
ing the town was alarmed ; but at
last, being upbraided with cowardice,
Captain Swan and his men landed
also. The place where we landed
was about two miles from the town.
It was all overgrown with woods, so
thick that we could not march through
in the night ; and therefore we sat
down waiting for the light of the day.
We had two Indian pilots with us ;
one that had been with us a month,
who, having received some abuses
from a gentleman of Guayaquil, to be
revenged, offered his service to us, and
we found him very faitbful ; the other
was taken by us not above two or
three days before, and he seemed to
be as willing as the other to assist us.
This latter was led by one of Captain
Davis's men, who showed himself
very forward to go to the tojyn, and
upbraided others with faint-hearted-
ness. Yet this man, as he afterwards
confessed, notwithstanding his cour-
age, privately cut the string that the
guide was made fast with, and let
him go to the town by himself, not
caring to follow him ; but when he
thought the guide was got far enough
from us, he cried out that the pilot
was gone, and that somebody had cut
the cord that tied him. This put
every man into a moving posture to
seek the Indian, but all in vain ; and
our consternation was great, being in
the dark and among woods ; so the
design was wholly dashed, for not a
man after that had the heart to speak
of going farther. Here we stayed till
day, and then rowed out into the
middle of the river, where we had a
fair view of the town ; which, as I
said before, makes a very pleasant
prospect. We lay still about half an
hour, being a mile, or something
better, from the town. They did not
fire one gun at us, nor we at them.
Thus our design on Guayaquil failed ;
yet Captain Townley and Captain
Francois Gronet took it a little while
after this. When we had taken a
full view of the town, we rowed over
the river, where we went ashore to a
beef estantion or farm, and killed a
cow, which we dressed and ate. We
stayed there till the evening tide of
ebb, and then rowed down the river,
and the 9th December in the morning
arrived at Puna. In our way thither
we went aboard the three barks laden
with Negroes, that lay at anchor in
the river, and carried the barks away
with us. There were 1000 Negroes in
the three barks, all lusty young men
and women. When we came to
Puna, we sent a canoe to Point
Arenas, to see if the ships were come
thither. The 12th day she returned
again, with tidings that they were
both there at anchor. Therefore in
the afternoon we all went aboard of
our ships, and carried the cloth-bark
with us, and about forty of the stout-
est Negro men, leaving their three
barks with the rest ; and out of these
also Captain Davis and Captain Swan
chose about fourteen or fifteen a-piece,
and turned the rest ashore.
There was never a greater oppor-
tunity put into the hands of men to
enrich themselves than we had, to
have gone with these Negroes, and
settled ourselves at Santa Maria on
the Isthmus of Darien, and emploj'ed
them in getting gold out of the mines
there, which might have been done
with ease ; for about six -months be-
fore this, Captain Harris, who was
now with us, coming overland from
the North Seas with his body of Pri-
vateers, had routed the Spaniards
away from the town and gold mines
of Santa Maria, so that they had
never attempted to settle there again
since. Add to this, that the Indian
neighbourhood, who were mortal ene-
mies to the Spaniards, and had been
flushed by their successes against
them through the assistance of the
Privateers for several years, were our
fast friends, and ready to receive and
assist us. We had, as I have said,
1000 Negroes to work for us ; we had
200 tons of flour that lay at the Gala-
pagos ; there was the River of Santa
Maria, where we could careen and
fit our ships, and might fortify the
mouth so, that if all the strength the
Spaniards have in Peru had come
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WOULD. [CHAP. Vll,
156
against us we could have kept them
out. If they lay with guard-ships of
strength to keep us in, yet we had a
great country to live in, and a great
nation of Indians that were our
friends. Besides, which was the prin-
cipal thing, we had the North Seas
to befriend us ; from whence we could
export ourselves or effects, or import
goods or men to our assistance ; for
in a short time we should have had
assistance from all parts of the West
Indies, many thousands of Privateers
from Jamaica arid the French islands
especially would have flocked over to
us, and long before this time AVC
might have been masters not only of
those mines (the richest gold mines
ever yet found in America), but of all
the coast as high as Quito ; and much
more than I say might then probably
have been done.
But these may seem to the reader
but golden dreams. To leave them,
therefore ; the 13th day we sailed from
Point Arenas towards Plata, to seek
our bark that was sent to the Island
of Lobos in search of Captain Eaton.
We were two ships in company, and
two barks ; and the 16th day we ar-
rived at Plata, but found 110 bark
there, nor any letter. The next day
we went over to the main to fill water,
and in our passage met our bark ; she
had been a second time at the Island
of Lobos, and, not finding us, was
coming to Plata again. They had
been in some want of provision since
they left us, and therefore they had
been at Santa Elena and taken it j
where they got as much maize as
served them three or four days ; and
that, with some fish and turtle which
they struck, lasted them till they
came to the Island of Lobos de Tierra.
They $ot boobies' and penguins' eggs,
of which they laid in a store ; and
went from thence to Lobos de la Mar,
where they replenished their stock of
eggs, and salted up a few young seal,
for fear they should want ; and being
thus victualled, they returned again
towards Plata. When our water was
filled we went over again to the Island
of Plata. There we parted the cloths
that were taken in the cloth -bark
into two lots or shares ; Captain
Davis and his men -had one part, and
Captain Swan and his men had the
other part. The bark which the
cloth was in, Captain Swan kept for
a tender. At this time there were at
Plata a great many large turtle, which
I judge came from the Galapagos ;
for I had never seen any here before,
though I had been here several times :
this was their coupling-time, which
is much sooner in the year here than
in the West Indies properly so called.
Our strikers brought aboard every
day more than we could eat. Cap-
tain Swan had no striker, and there-
fore had no turtle but what was sent
him from Captain Davis ; and all his
flour too he had from Captain Davis :
but since our disappointment at
Guayaquil, Captain Davis's men mur-
mured against Captain Swan, and
did not willingly give him any provi-
sion, because he was not so forward
to go thither as Captain Davis. How-
ever, at last these differences were
made up, and we concluded to go
into the Bay of Panama, to a town
called La Velia ; but because we had
not canoes enough to laud our men,
we were resolved to search some
rivers where the Spaniards have no
commerce, there to get Indian canoes.
CHAPTER VII.
THE 23d of December 1684, we saile
from the Island of Plata towards the
Bay of Panama; the wind at SSK, a
fine brisk gale, and fair weather.
The next morning we passed by Cape
Pasado. This cape is in Lat. 28
S. of the Equator. It runs out into
the sea with a high round point,
which seems to be divided in the
midst. It is bald against the sea, 1
but within land, and on both sides,
it is full of short trees. The land in
the country is very high and moun-
tainous, and it appears to be very
woody. Between Cape Pasado and
Cape San Francisco, the land by the
Bare on the side facing the sea.
1684.]
A SEARCH MADE FOR CANOES.
157
sea is full of small points, making as
many little sandy bays between them,
and is of an indifferent height, covered
with trees of divers sorts. 1 . . .
It was to the River Santiago that
we were bound to seek for canoes ;
therefore the 26th, supposing our-
selves to be abreast of it, we went
from our ships with four canoes.
The 27th in the morning we entered
at half flood into the smaller branch
of that river, and rowed up six leagues
before we met any inhabitants. There
we found two small huts thatched
with palmetto leaves. The Indians,
seeing us rowing towards their houses,
got their wives and little ones, with
their household-stuff, into their can oes,
and paddled away faster than we could
row ; for we were forced to keep in
the middle of the river because of our
oars, but they with their paddles kept
close under the banks, and so had
not the strength of the stream against
them as we had. These huts were
close by the river on the east side of
it, just against the end of the island.
We saw a great many other houses a
league from us on the other side of
the river ; but the main stream into
which we were now come, seemed to
be so swift, that we were afraid to put
over for fear we should not be able to
get back again. We found only a
hog, some fowls, and plantains in
the huts ; we killed the hog and the
fowls, which were dressed presently.
Their hogs they got, as I suppose,
from the Spaniards by some accident,
or from some neighbouring Indians
who converse 2 with the Spaniards; for
this that we took was of their Euro-
pean kind, which the Spaniards have
1 Passing Cape San Francisco, they
came to the River Santiago (now sup-
posed to be the River Alira, which,
rising N. of Quito, enters the sea S.
of the Bay of Tumaco), where it was
their intention to search for canoes.
The land near the river's mouth is of
a deep black mould, producing both
the cotton and the cabbage trees in
great abundance. The particular de-
scription of these trees is now omitted.
2 Have intercourse
introduced into America very plenti-
fully, especially into the Islands of
Jamaica, Hispaniola, and Cuba above
all, this last being very largely stored
with them, where they feed in the
woods in the daytime, and at night
come in at the sounding of a conch
shell, and are put up in their crawls 3
or pens. And yet some turn wild,
which, nevertheless, are often decoyed
in by the others ; which being all
marked, .whenever they 4 see an un-
marked hog in the pen, they know it
is a wild one, and shoot him pre-
sently. These crawls I have not seen
on the continent, where the Spaniards
keep them tame at home. Among
the wild Indians, or in their woods,
are no hogs, but peccary and warree,
a sort I have mentioned before. After
we had refreshed ourselves, we re-
turned towards the mouth of the river.
It was the evening when we came
from thence, and we got to the river's
mouth the next morning before day
Our ships when we left them were
ordered to go to Gallo, where they
were to stay for us. Gallo is a small
uninhabited island, lying in between
2 and 3 N. Lat. It lies in a wide
bay about three leagues from the
mouth of the River Tumaco, and four
leagues and a half from a small Indian
village called Tumaco. The Island
of Gallo is of an indifferent height ;
it is clothed with very good timber
trees, and is therefore often visited
by barks from Guayaquil and other
places ; for most of the timber carried
from Guayaquil and Lima is first
fetched from Gallo. Tumaco is a large
river that takes its name from the
Indian village so called. It is reported
to spring from the rich mountains
about Quito. It is thickly inhabited
with Indians, and there are some
Spaniards that live there, who traffic
with the Indians for gold. The vil-
lage Tumaco is but small, and is
seated not far from the mouth of the
river. It is a place to entertain the
3 "Crawl," a corruption of the
Spanish "corral," is a pen or en-
closure of hurdles for fish or turtle.
4 The Spaniards.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VII.
158
Spanish merchants that come to Gallo
to load timber, or to traffic with the
Indians for gold. From the branch
of the River Santiago, where we now
lay, to Tumaco is about five leagues ;
the land low, and full of creeks, so
that canoes may pass within land
through those creeks, and from thence
into Tumaco River.
[On the 28th they left the River
Santiago, and coming to Tumaco town
about 12 o'clock at night, they took
all the inhabitants of the village, in-
cluding a Spanish knight called Don
Diego de Pinas, who had come in a
ship from Lima to lade timber. On
the 1st of January 1685, they went
from Tumaco towards Gallo. On the
way they had news of a Spanish
Armada, which they determined to
try and intercept among the King's
Islands. On the 8th they took a
ship laden with about ninety tons of
flour.]
"We jogged on after this with a gentle
gale towards Gorgon a, an island lying
about twenty-five leagues from the
Island of Gallo. The 9th we anchored
at Gorgona, on the west side of the
island, in thirty-eight fathoms, clean
ground, not two cables' length from
the shore. Gorgona is an uninhabited
island, in Lat. about 3 N. It is a
pretty high island, and very remark-
able by reason of two saddles, or
risings and fallings, on the top. It
is about two leagues long, and a
league broad, and it is four leagues
from the main. At the west end is
another small island. The soil or
mould of it is black and deep in the
low ground, but on the side of the
high land it is a kind of a red clay.
This island is very well clothed with
large trees of several sorts, that are
flourishing and green all the year.
It is very well watered with small
brooks that issue from the high land.
Here are a great many little black
monkeys, some Indian conies, and a
few snakes, which are all the land
animals that I know there. Here are
pearl oysters in great plenty; they
grow to the loose rocks in four, five,
or six fathoms water, by beards or
little small roots, as a mussel. These
oysters are commonly flatter and
thinner than other oysters, otherwise
much alike in shape. The fish is not
sweet, nor very wholesome ; it is as
slimy as a shell snail. They taste
very copperish, if eaten raw, and are
best boiled. The Indians, who gather
them for the Spaniards, hang the
meat of them on strings, like Jews'-
ears, 1 and dry them before they eat
them. The pearl is found at the
head of the oyster, lying between the
meat and the shell. Some will have
twenty or thirty small seed pearls,
some none at all, and some will have
one or two pretty large ones. The
inside of the shell is more glorious
than the pearl itself. I did never see
any in the South Seas but here. It is
reported there are some at the south
end of California. In the West Indies,
the Rancho Reys or Rancherias, spoken
of in Chapter III., 2 is the place where
they are found most plentifully. It is
said there are some at the Island of
Margarita, near St Augustine, a town
in the Gulf of Florida, &c. In the
East Indies, the Island of Ainam, 3
near the south end of China, is said
to have plenty of these oysters, more
productive of large round pearls than
those in other places. They are found
also in other parts of the East Indies,
and on the Persian coast.
At this Island of Gorgona we rum-
maged our prize, and found a few
boxes of marmalade, and three or four
jars of brandy, which were equally
shared between Captain Davis, Captain
Swan, and their men. Here we filled
all our water, and Captain Swan fur-
nished himself with flour ; afterwards
we turned ashore a great many prison-
ers, but kept the chief to put them
ashore in a better place. The 13th
we sailed from hence toward the
King's Islands. We were now six
sail two men-of-war, two tenders, a
fireship, and the prize. The 16th we
passed by Cape Corrientcs. This
cape is in Lat. 5 10' [N.]; it is high
1 A tough, thin, rumpled fungus,
like a flat and variously-hollowed cup.
2 Seepage 115.
3 Hai-man, in the Gulf of Tonquin.
1685.]
THE KING'S ISLANDS.
159
bluff land, with three or four small
hillocks on the top. It appears at a
distance like an island. The day
after we passed by the cape, we saw
a small white island, which we chased,
supposing it had been a sail, till,
coming near, we found our error.
The 21st we saw Point Garachina.
This point is in Lat. 7 20' N. j 1 it is
pretty high land, rocky, and destitute
of trees, yet within land it is woody.
It is fenced with rocks against the
sea. Within the point by the sea,
at low water, you may find store of
oysters and mussels. The King's
Islands, or Pearl Keys, are about
twelve leagues distant from this point.
Between Point Garachina and them
there is a small, low, flat, barren
island called Galera, at which Captain
Harris was sharing with his men the
gold he took in his pillaging Santa
Maria, which I spoke of a little be-
fore* when on a sudden five Spanish
barks, fitted out on purpose at Pana-
ma, came upon him; but he fought
them so stoutly with one small bark
he had and some few canoes, boarding
their admiral particularly, that they
were all glad to leave him. By this
island we anchored, and sent our
boats to the King's Islands for a
good careening place.
The King's Islands
are a great
many low, woody islands lying NW.
by N. and SE. by S. They are about
seven leagues from the main, and
fourteen leagues in length, and from
Panama about twelve leagues. Why
they are called the King's Islands I
know not ; they are sometimes, and
mostly in maps, called the Pearl
Islands. 2 I cannot imagine wherefore
they are called so, for I did never see
one pearl oyster about them, nor any
pearl oyster shells ; but on the other
oysters I have made many a meal
there. The northernmost island of
1 It is really in 8 10' ST.
2 The Isola ^ del Key, or King's
Island, is an island of considerable
size in the Bay of Panama ; and the
Pearl Keys are an archipelago of small
islets between King's Island and the
coast to the north-west.
all this range is called Pacheca or
Pacheque ; this is but a small island,
distant from Panama eleven or twelve
Leagues. The southernmost of them
is called St Paul's. Some of these
islands are planted with plantains
and bananas, and there are fields of
rice on others of them. The gentle-
men of Panama, to whom they belong,
keep Negroes there to plant, weed,
and husband the plantations. Many
of them, especially the largest, are
wholly un tilled, yet very good fat
land, full of large trees. These un-
planted islands shelter many runaway
Negroes, who abscond 3 in the woods
all day, and in the night boldly pil-
lage the plantain walks. Betwixt
these islands and the main is a chan-
nel of seven or eight leagues wide ;
there is good depth of water, and
good anchoring all the way. The
islands border thick on each other,
yet they make many small, narrow,
deep channels fit only for boats to
pass between most of them. At the
SE. end, about a league from St
Paul's Island, there is a good place
for ships to careen or haul ashore.
It is surrounded with the land, and
has a good deep channel on the
north side to go in at. The tide rises
here about ten feet perpendicular.
We brought our ships into this place
on the 25th, but were forced to tarry
for a spring-tide before we could have
water enough to clean them; there-
fore we first cleaned our barks, that
they might cruise before Panama
while we lay there. The 27th, our
barks being clean, we sent them out
with twenty men in each. The fourth
day after, they returned with a prize
laden with maize or Indian corn, salt
beef, ^and fowls. She came from
Lavelia, and was bound to Panama.
Lavelia is a town we once designed
to attempt; it is pretty large, and
stands on the banks of a river on the
north side of the Bay of Panama, six
or seven leagues from the sea. Nata
is another such town, standing in a
plain near another branch of the same
river. In these towns, and some
3 Hide.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VII.
160
others on the same coast, they breed
Logs, fowls, bulls, and cows, and
plant maize, purposely for the sup-
port of Panama, which is supplied
with provision mostly from other
towns and the neighbouring islands. 1
The 14th of February 1685, we
made an end of cleaning our ship,
tilled all our water, and stocked our-
selves with firewood. The 15th, we
went out from among the islands,
and anchored in the channel between
them and the main, in twenty-five
fathoms water, soft oozy ground.
The Plate Fleet was not yet arrived ;
therefore we intended to cruise before
the city of Panama, which is from
this place about twenty-five leagues.
The next day we sailed towards Pana-
ma, passing in the channel between
the King's Islands and the main.
"When we came abreast of Old Panama
we anchored, and sent our canoe ashore
with our prisoner Don Diego de Pinas,
with a letter to the Governor, to
treat about an exchange for our man
they had spirited away, as I said,
and another Captain Harris left in
the River of Santa Maria the year
before, coming overland. Don Diego
was desirous to go on the errand in
the name and with the consent of the
rest of our Spanish prisoners; but
by some accident he was killed
before he got ashore, as we heard
afterwards.
Old Panama was formerly a famous
place ; but it was taken by Sir Henry
Morgan about the year 1673, 2 and at
that time great part of it was burned
to ashes, and it was never re-edified
since. New Panama is a very fair
city, standing close by the sea, about
four miles from the ruins of the old
1 The island where they here car-
eened their ships is described as
being environed with rocks, on which
they gathered abundance of oysters,
clams, mussels, and limpets.
3 Really at the end of January
1671, when Morgan and his men com-
mitted atrocities that made the cap-
ture of Panama conspicuous even
avnong the brutal records of the
Buccaneers.
town. It gives name to a large bay,
which is famous for a great many
navigable rivers, some whereof are
very rich in gold; it is also very
pleasantly sprinkled with islands that
are not only profitable to their owners,
but very delightful to the passengers
and seamen that sail by them. It is
encompassed on the back side with a
pleasant country, which is full of
small hills and valleys, beautified
with many groves and spots of trees,
that appear in the savannahs like so
many little islands. This city is en-
compassed with a high stone wall ;
the houses are said to be of brick ;
their roofs appear higher than the
top of the city wall. It is beautified
with a great many fair churches and
religious houses, besides the Presid-
ent's house, and other eminent build-
ings ; which altogether make one of
the finest objects that I did ever see,
in America especially. There are a
great many guns on the walls, most
of which look toward the land. They
had none at all against the sea when I
first entered those seas with Captain
Sawkins, Captain Coxon, Captain
Sharpe, and others ; for till then they
did not fear any enemy by sea : but
since then they have plan ted ^ guns
clear round. This is a flourishing
city, by reason it is a thoroughfare
for all imported or exported goods
and treasure to and from all parts of
Peru and Chili, whereof their store-
houses are never empty. The road
also is seldom or never without ships.
Besides, once in three years, when the
Spanish Armada comes to Porto Bello,
then the Plate Fleet also from Lima
comes hither with the King's treasure,
and abundance of merchant ships full
of goods and plate. At that time the
city is full of merchants and gentle-
men ; the seamen are busy in landing
the treasure and goods, and the car-
riers or caravaiimasters employed in
carrying it overland on mules, in vast
droves every day, to Porto Bello, and
bringing back European goods from
thence. Though the city be then so
full, yet during this heat of business
there is no hiring of an ordinary slave
under a piece of eight a-day ; houses
1685.J
THE SPANISH ARMADA.
101
also, chambers, beds, and victuals, are
then extraordinary dear.
Now I am on the subject, I think
it will not be amiss to give the reader
an account of the progress of the
Armada from Old Spain which comes
thus every three years into the Indies.
Its first arrival is at Carthagena, from
whence, as I have been told, an ex-
press is immediately sent overland to
Lima, through the Southern Contin-
ent, and another by sea to Porto Bello,
with two packets of letters, one for
the Viceroy of Lima, the other for the
Viceroy of Mexico. I know not which
way that of Mexico goes after its
arrival at Porto Bello, whether by
land or sea ; but I believe by sea to
La Vera Cruz. That for Lima is
sent by land to Panama, and from
thence by sea to Lima. Upon men-
tion of these packets I shall digress
yet a little further, and acquaint my
reader, that before my first going over
into the South Seas with Captain
Sharpe (and indeed before any Priva-
teers, at least since Drake and Oxen-
ham, had gone that way which we
afterwards went, except La Sound, a
French Captain, who by Captain
Wright's instructions had ventured
as far as Chepo Town with a body of
men, but was driven back again), I
being then on board Captain Coxon,
in company with three or four more
Privateers, about four leagues to the
east of Porto Bello, we took the packets
bound thither from Carthagena. "We
opened a great quantity of the mer-
chants' letters, and found the contents
of many of them to be very surprising ;
the merchants of several parts of Old
Spain thereby informing their corre-
spondents of Panama and elsewhere
of a certain prophecy that went about
Spain that year, th* tenor of which
was, that there would be English
Privateers that year in the West In-
dies, who would make such great dis-
coveries as to open a door into the
South Seas which they supposed was
fastest shut ; and the letters were
accordingly full of cautions to their
friends to be very watchful and care-
ful of their coasts. This door they
spoke of we all concluded must be the
passage overland through the country
of the Indians of Darien, who were a
little before this become our friends,
and had lately fallen out with the
Spaniards, breaking off the intercourse
which for some time they had with
them : and upon calling also to mind
the frequent invitations we had from
those Indians a little before this time,
to pass through their country and fall
upon the Spaniards in the South Seas,
we from thenceforward began to en-
tertain such thoughts in earnest, and
soon came to a resolution to make
those attempts which we afterwards
did with Captains Sharpe, Coxou, &c.
So that the taking of these letters
gave the first life to those bold under-
takings : and we took the advantage
of the fears the Spaniards were in
from that prophecy, or probable con-
jecture, or whatever it were ; for we
sealed up most of the letters again,
and sent them ashore to Porto Bello.
The occasion of this our late friend-
ship with those Indians was thus :
About fifteen years before this time,
Captain Wright being cruising near
that coast, and going in among the
Sambaloes Isles to strike fish and
turtle, took there a young Indian lad
as he was paddling about in a canoe.
He brought him aboard his ship, and
gave him the name of John Gret,
clothing him, and intending to breed
him among the English. But his
Mosquito strikers, taking a fancy to
the boy, begged him of Captain
Wright, and took him with them at
their return into their own country,
where they taught him their art ; and
he married a wife among them, and
learnt their language, as he had done
some broken English while he was
with Captain Wright, which he im-
proved among the Mosquitoes, who,
corresponding so much with us, do
all of them smatter English after a
sort; but his own language he had
almost forgot. Thus he lived among
them for many years ; till, about six
or eight months before our taking
these letters, Captain Wright being
again among the Sambaloes, took
thence another Indian boy about ten
or twelve years old, the son of a man
L
DAMPIEE'S YOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VII.
162
of some account among those Indians ;
and wanting a striker, he went away
to the Mosquito country, where he
took in John Gret, who was now very
expert at it. John Gret was much
pleased to see a lad there of his own
country, and it came into his mind
to persuade Captain Wright upon
this occasion to endeavour a friend-
ship with those Indians ; a thing our
Privateers had long coveted, but
never durst attempt, having such
dreadful apprehensions of their num-
bers and herceness. But John Gret
offered the Captain that he would go
ashore and negotiate the matter ;
who accordingly sent him in his
canoe till he was near the shore,
which of a sudden was covered with
Indians, standing ready with their
bows and arrows. John Gret, who
had only a clout about his middle, as
the fashion of the Indians is, leapt
then out of the boat and swam, the
boat retiring a little way back ; and
the Indians ashore, seeing him in
that habit, and hearing him call to
them in their own tongue (which he
had recovered by conversing with the
boy lately taken, suffered him quietly
to land, and gathered all about to
hear how it was with him. He told
them particularly, that he was one of
their countrymen, and how he had
been taken many years ago by the
English, who had used him very
kindly ; that they were mistaken in
being so much afraid of that nation,
who were not enemies to them, but
to tfie Spaniards. To confirm this,
he told them how well the English
treated another yoirag lad of theirs
they had lately taken, such an
one's son ; for this he had learnt of
the youth ; and his father was one of
the company that was got together on
the shore. He persuaded them,
therefore, to make a league with these
friendly people, by whose help they
might be able to quell the Spaniards ;
assuring, also, the father of the boy,
that if he would but go with him to
the ship, which they saw at anchor at
an island there (it was Golden Island,
the easternmost of the Sambaloes, a
place where there is good striking for
turtle), he should have his son re-
tored to him, and they might all
expect a very kind reception. Upon
these assurances, twenty or thirty of
them went off presently, in two or
three canoes laden with plantains,
bananas, fowls, &c. ; and, Captain
Wright having treated them on board,
went ashore with them, and was
entertained by them, and presents
were made on each side. Captain
Wright gave the boy to his father in
a very handsome English dress, which
he had caused to be made purposely
for him ; and an agreement was im-
mediately struck up between the
English and these Indians, who in-
vited the English through their
country into the South Seas. Pur-
suant to this agreement, the English,
when they came upon any such
design, or for traffic with them, were
to give a certain signal which they
pitched upon, whereby they might
be known. But it happened that Mr
La Sound, the French Captain spoken
of a little before, being then one of
Captain Wright's men, learnt this
signal, and staying ashore at Petit
Goave, upon Captain Wright's going
thither soon after, who had his com-
mission from thence, he gave the
other French there such an account
of the agreement before mentioned,
and the easiness of entering the South
Seas thereupon, that he got at the
head of about 120 of them, who made
that unsuccessful attempt uponChepo,
as I said ; making use of the signal
they had learnt for passing the In-
dians' country, who at that time
could not distinguish so well between
the several nations of the Europeans
as they can since. From such small
beginnings arose those great stirs
that have been^ince made all over
the South Seas, viz., from the letters
we took, and from the friendship con-
tracted with these Indians by means
of John Gret. Yet this friendship
had like to have been stifled in its
infancy ; for, within a few months
after, an English trading sloop came
on this coast from Jamaica, and John
Gret, who by this time had advanced
himself to be a grandee among these
1685.J
EXPORTATION OF SPANISH TREASURE.
163
Indians, together with five or six
more of that quality, went off to the
sloop in their long gowns, as the
custom is for such to wear among
them. Being received aboard, they
expected to find everything friendly,
and John Gret talked to them in
English ; but these Englishmen,
having no knowledge at all of what
had happened, endeavoured to make
them slaves, as is commonly done ;
for upon carrying them to Jamaica
they could have sold them for 10 or
12 a-piece. But John Gret and the
rest perceiving this, leapt all over-
board, and were by the others killed
every one of them in the water. The
Indians on shore never came to the
knowledge of it ; if they had, it
would have endangered our corre-
spondence. Several times after, upon
our conversing with them, they in-
quired of us what was become of
their countrymen ; but we told them
we knew not, as, indeed, it was a
great while after that we heard this
story ; so they concluded the Span-
iards had met with them, and killed
or taken them.
But to return to the account of the
progress of the Armada, which we
left at Carthagena. After an ap-
pointed stay there of about sixty days,
as I take it, it goes thence to Porto
Bello, where it lies thirty days and
no longer. Therefore the Viceroy of
Lima, on notice of the Armada's
arrival at Carthagena, immediately
sends away the King's treasure to
Panama, where it is landed, and lies
ready to be sent to Porto Bello upon
the first news of the Armada's arrival
there. This is the reason partly of
their sending expresses so early to
Lima, that upon the Armada's first
coming to Porto Bello, the treasure
and goods may lie ready at Panama
to be sent away upon the mules ; and
it requires some time for the Lima
fleet to unlade, because the ships
ride not at Panama, but at Perica,
which are three small islands two
leagues from thence. The King's
treasure is said to amount commonly
to about 24,000,000 pieces of eight ;
besides abundance of merchants'
money. All this treasure is carried
on mules, and there are large stables
at both places to lodge them. Some-
times the merchants, to steal the
custom, pack up money among goods,
and send it to Venta de Cruces, on
the River Chagres ; from thence down
the river, and afterwards by sea to
Porto Bello : in which passage I have
known a whole fleet of periagoes and
canoes taken. The merchants who
are not ready to sail by the thirtieth
day after the Armada's arrival are
in danger to be left behind ; for the
ships all weigh the thirtieth day pre-
cisely, and go to the harbour's mouth.
Yet sometimes, on great importunity,
the Admiral may stay a week longer ;
for it is impossible that all the mer-
chants should get ready, for want of
men. "When the Armada departs
from Porto Bello it returns again to
Carthagena, by which time all the.
King's revenue which comes out of the
country is got ready there. Here also
meets them again a great ship, called
the Patache, 1 one of the Spanish gal-
leons, which, before their first arrival
at Carthagena, goes from the rest of
the Armada, on purpose to gather the
tribute of the coast, touching at the
Margaritas and other places in her
way thence to Carthagena, as Punta de
Guayra, Maracaibo, Rio la Hacha, and
Santa Marta, and at all these places
takes in treasure for the King. After
the set stay at Carthagena, the Armada
goes away to the Havana, in the Isle
of Cuba, to meet there the Flota,
which is a small number of ships that
go to La Vera Cruz, and there take in
the effects of the city and country of
Mexico, and what is brought thither
in the ship which comes thither every
year from the Philippine Islands ;
and having joined the rest at the
Havana, the whole Armada sets sail
for Spain through the Gulf of Florida.
The ships in the South Seas lie a great
1 A patache (French, from Italian,
"patascia") is a vessel, generally
small, used in the conveyance of men,
stores, or orders from ship to ship or
place to place ; a kind of messenger
or auxiliary ship.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VII.
164
deal longer at Panama before they
return to Lima, The merchants and
gentlemen which come from Lima
stay as little time as they can at
Porto Bello, which is at the best but
a sickly place, and at this time is very
full of men from all parts. But
Panama, as it is not overcharged with
men so unreasonably as the other,
though very full, enjoys a good air,
lying open to the sea- wind, which
rises commonly about 10 or 11 o'clock
in the morning, and continues till 8
or 9 o'clock at night ; then the land-
wind comes, and blows till 8 or 9 in
the morning. There are no woods
nor marshes near Panama, but a brave,
dry, champaign land, not subject to
fogs nor mists. The wet season be-
gins in the latter end of May and con-
tinues till November. The rains are
not so excessive about Panama itself
as on either side of the bay ; yet in
the months of June, July, and August
they are severe enough. Gentlemen
that come from Peru to Panama,
especially in these months, cut their
hair close to preserve them from
fevers ; for the place is sickly to them,
because they come out of a country
which never has any rains or fogs,
but enjoys a constant serenity ; but
I am apt to believe this city is healthy
enough to any other people. Thus
much for Panama.
The 20th, we went and anchored
within a league of the Islands of
Perica, which are only three little
barren rocky islands, in expectation
of the President of Panama's answer
to the letter I said we sent him by
Don Diego, treating about exchange
of prisoners ; this being the day on
which he had given us his parole to
return with an answer. The 21st, we
took another bark laden with hogs,
fowl, salt beef, and molasses ; she
came from Lavelia and was going to
Panama. In the afternoon we sent
another letter ashore by a young Mos-
teso (a mixed breed of Indians and
Europeans), directed to the President ;
and three or four copies of it to be
dispersed abroad among the common
people. This letter, which was full
of threats, together with the young
man's managing the business, wrought
so powerfully among the common
people, that the city w r as in an up-
roar. The President immediately
sent a gentleman aboard, who de-
manded the flour prize that we took
off Gallo, and all the prisoners, for
the ransom of our two men ; but our
captains told him they would ex-
change man for man. The gentle-
man said he had not orders for that,
but if we would stay till the next
day he would bring the Governor's
answer. The next day he brought
aboard our two men, and had about
forty prisoners in exchange. [On the
24th, they ran over to the Island of
Taboga, about six leagues south from
Panama. Its principal products are
said to be the plantain, the banana,
and the cocoa-nut. A small town,
with a church at one end, is described
as standing by the sea, the whole
having been much destroyed by Pri-
vateers.] . . .
While we lay at Taboga we had
like to have had a scurvy trick played
us by a pretended merchant from
Panama, who came as by stealth to
traffic with us privately ; a thing
common enough with the Spanish
merchants, both in the North and
South Seas, notwithstanding the
severe prohibitions of the Governors ;
who yet sometimes connive at it, and
will even trade with the Privateers
themselves. Our merchant was by
agreement to bring out his bark laden
with goods in the night, and we to
go and anchor at the south of Perica.
Out he came, with a fireship instead
of a bark, and approached very near,
hailing us with the watchword we
had agreed upon. We, suspecting
the worst, called to them to come to
an anchor, and upon their not doing
so, fired at them ; when immediately
their men going out into the canoe&
set fire to their ship, which blew up
and burnt close by us ; so that we
were forced to cut our cables in all
haste and scamper away as well as we
could. The Spaniard was not alto-
gether so politic in appointing to
meet us at Perica, for there we had
sea-room ; whereas had lie come tlnia
1685.] TREACHERY OF
upon us atTaboga, the land-wind bear-
ing hard upon\is as it did, we must
either have been burnt by the fireship,
or, upon loosing our cables, have been
driven ashore. But I suppose they
chose Perica rather for the scene of
their enterprise, partly because they
might there best skulk among the
islands, and partly because, if their
exploit failed, they could thence es-
cape best from our canoes to Panama,
but two leagues off. During this ex-
ploit, Captain Swan, whose ship was
less than ours, and so not so much
aimed at by the Spaniards, lay about
a mile off, with a canoe at the buoy of
his anchor, as fearing some treachery
from our pretended merchant ; and a
little before the bark blew up, he saw
a small float on the water, and, as it
appeared, a man on it, making to-
wards his ship ; but the man dived,
and disappeared of a sudden, as
thinking probably that he was dis-
covered. This was supposed to be
one coming with some combustible
matter to have stuck about the
rudder. For sitch a trick Captain
Sharpe was served at Coquimbo, and
his ship had like to have been burnt
by it, if by mere accident it had not
been discovered. I was then aboard
Captain Sharpe's ship. Captain
Swan, seeing the blaze by us, cut his
cables as we did ; his bark did the
like ; so we kept under sail all the
night, being more scared than hurt.
The bark that was on fire drove burn-
ing towards Taboga ; but after the
first blast she did not burn clear, only
made a smother ; for she was not well
made, though Captain Bond had the
framing and management of it.
This Captain Bond was he of whom
I made mention in my Fourth Chap-
ter. 1 He, after his being at the Isles
of Cape Verd, stood away for the
South Seas, at the instigation of one
Richard Morton, who had been with
Captain Sharpe in the South Seas.
In his way he met with Captain
Eaton, and they two consorted a day
or two ; at last Morton went aboard
of Captain Eaton, and persuaded him
See page 125.
CAPTAIN BOND. 1<J5
to lose Captain Bond in the night,
which Captain Eaton did ; Morton
continuing aboard of Captain Eaton,
as finding his the better ship. Cap-
tain Bond thus losing both his consort
Eaton, and Morton his pilot, and his
ship being but an ordinary sailer, de-
spaired of getting into the South
Seas ; and he had played such tricks
among the Caribbee Isles, as I have
been informed, that he did not dare to
appear at any of the English Islands.
Thereforehe persuaded his men to go to
the Spaniards, and they consented to
do anything that he should propose ;
so he presently steered away into the
West Indies, and the first place where
he came to an anchor was at Porto
Bello. He presently declared to the
Governor that there were English
ships coming into the South Seas,
and that if they questioned it, he
offered to be kept a prisoner till time
should discover the truth of what ho
said ; but they believed him, and
sent him away to Panama, where he
was in great esteem. This several
prisoners told us. The Spaniards of
Panama could not have fitted out
their fireship without this Captain
Bond's assistance : for it is strange
to say how grossly ignorant the
Spaniards in the West Indies, but
especially in the South Seas, are of
sea affairs. They build indeed good
ships ; but this is a small matter, for
any ship of a good bottom will serve
for these seas on the south coast.
They rig their ships but untowardly,
have no guns but in three or four of
the King's ships ; and are as meanly
furnished with warlike provisions,
and as much at a loss for the making
any fireships or other less usual ma-
chines. Nay, they have not the
sense to have their guns run within
the sides upon their discharge, but
have platforms without for the men
to stand on to charge them ; so that
when we come near we can fetch them
down with small shot out of our boats.
A main reason of this is, that the
native Spaniards are too proud to be
seamen, but use the Indians for all
those offices ; one Spaniard, it may
be, going in the ship to command it,
166
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VII.
and himself of little more knowledge
than those poor ignorant creatures ;
nor can they gain much experience,
seldom going far off to sea, but coast-
ing along the shores.
But to proceed. In the morning
when it was light we came again to
an anchor close by our buoys, and
strove to get our anchors again ; but
our buoy -ropes, being rotten, broke.
While we were puzzling about our
anchors, we saw a great many canoes
full of men pass between Taboga and
the other island. This put us into a
new consternation ; we lay still some
time, till we saw that they came
directly towards us, then we weighed
and stood towards them ; and when
we came within hail, we found that
they were English and French Priva-
teers come out of the North Seas
through the Isthmus of Darien. They
were 280 men, in twenty-eight canoes ;
200 of them French, the rest English.
They were commanded by Captain
Gronet and Captain Lequie. We
presently came to an anchor again,
and all the canoes came aboard.
These men told us that there were
180 Englishmen more, under the
command of Captain Townley, in the
country of Darien, making canoes (as
these men had been) to bring them
into these seas. All the Englishmen
that came over in this party were
immediately entertained by Captain
Davis and Captain Swan in their own
ships ; and the Frenchmen were or-
dered to have our flour prize to carry
them, and Captain Gronet, being the
eldest commander, was to command
them there ; and thus they were all
disposed of to their hearts' content.
Captain Gronet, to retaliate this kind-
ness, offered Captain Davis and Cap-
tain Swan each of them a new com-
mission from the Governor of Petit
Goave. It has been usual for many
years past for the Governor of Petit
Goave to send blank commissions to
sea by many of his captains, with
orders to dispose of them to whom
they saw convenient ; those of Petit
Goave by this means making them-
selves the sanctuary and asylum of
all people of desperate fortunes, and
increasing their own wealth and the
strength and reputation of their party
thereby. Captain Davis accepted of
one, having before only an old com-
mission which fell to him by inheri-
tance at the decease of Captain Cooke,
who took it from Captain Tristian,
together with his bark, as is before
mentioned. 1 But Captain Swan re-
fused it, saying he had an order from
the Duke of York neither to give
offence to the Spaniards nor to receive
any affront from them ; and that he
had been injured by them at Valdivia,
where they had killed some of his
men, and wounded several more j so
that he thought he had a lawful com-
mission of his own to right himself.
I never read any of these French
commissions while I was in these
seas, nor did I then know the import
of them ; but I have learned since
that the tenor of them is, to give a
liberty to fish, fowl, and hunt. The
occasion of this is, that the Island of
Hispaniola, where the garrison of
Petit Goave is, belongs partly to the
French and partly to the Spaniards,
and in time of peace these commis-
sions are given as a warrant to those
of each side to protect them from
the adverse party ; but in effect the
French do not restrain them to His-
paniola, but make them a pretence
for a general ravage in any part of
America, by sea or land.
Having thus disposed of our asso-
ciates, we intended to sail towards
the Gulf of San Miguel, to seek Cap-
tain Townley, who by this time w r e
thought might be entering into these
seas. Accordingly the 2d of March
1685, we sailed from hence towards
the Gulf of San Miguel. This gulf
lies near thirty leagues from Panama
towards the SE. The way thither
from Panama is to pass between the
King's Islands and the main. It is
a place where many great rivers, hav-
ing finished their courses, are swal-
lowed up in the sea. It is bounded
on the S. by Point Garachina, which
lies in N. Lat. 6 40', and on the N.
1 At the opening of Chapter IV,
1685.]
IN THE GULF OF SAN MIGUEL.
167
by Cape San Lorenzo. . . . The
chief rivers which run into this gulf
are Santa Maria, Sambu, and Congo.
The River Congo (which is the river
I would have persuaded our men to
have gone up as their nearest way in
our journey overland, mentioned
Chapter I.) comes directly out of the
country, and swallows up many small
streams that fall into it from both
sides ; and at last loses itself on the
N. side of the gulf, a league within
Cape San Lorenzo. It is not very
wide, but deep, and navigable some
leagues within land. There are sands
without it, but a channel for ships.
It is not made use of by the Spaniards,
because of the neighbourhood of Santa
Maria River ; where they have most
business on account of the mines.
The River of Sambu seems to be a
great river, for there is a great tide
at its mouth ; but I can say nothing
more of it, having never been in it.
This river falls into the sea on the
south side of the gulf, near Point
Garachina. Between the mouths of
these two rivers on either side the
gulf runs in towards the land some-
what narrower, and makes five or six
small islands, which are clothed with
great trees, green and nourishing all
the year, and good channels between
the islands. Beyond which, farther
in still, the shore on each side closes
so near, with two points of low man-
grove land, as to make a narrow or
strait scarce half-a-mile wide. This
serves as a mouth or entrance to the
inner part of the gulf, which is a deep
bay two or three leagues over every
way ; and about the east end thereof
are the mouths of several rivers. The
River of Santa Maria is the largest of
all the rivers of this gulf ; it is navig-
able eight or nine leagues up, for so
high the tide flows. Beyond that
place the river is divided into many
branches, which are only fit for
canoes. [They now sailed towards
the Gulf of San Miguel in search
of Captain Townley. Near the
mouth of the River of Santa Maria
which falls into the gulf, the Span-
iards, twenty years before, made
their first discovery of the gold
there, and built the town of Santa
Maria. These mines were still being
worked by the Spaniards and na-
tive Indians, when visited by Dam-
pier. Another town known by its
Indian name of Nisperal, also stood
at the mouth of the river, described
as being more airy and habitable
than Santa Maria itself. On the
2d of March they anchored at Pa-
cheque ; on leaving and sailing out
towards the gulf they met Captain
Townley, who had taken two barks
bound for Panama, and laden with
wine, brandy, and sugar, &c.] The
10th, we took a small bark that
came from Guayaquil ; she had no-
thing in her but ballast. The 12th
there came an Indian canoe out of the
River of Santa Maria, and told us
that there were 300 English and
French men more coming overland
from the North Seas. The 15th we
met a bark with five or six English-
men in her, that belonged to Captain
Knight, who had been in the South
Seas five or six months and was now
on the Mexican coast. There he had
spied this bark ; but not being able
to come up with her in his ship, he
detached these five or six men in a
canoe, who took her, but when they
had done could not recover their own
ship again, losing company with her
in the night ; and therefore they
came into the Bay of Panama, intend-
ing to go overland back into the
North Seas, but that they luckily
met with us : for the Isthmus of
Darien was now become a common
road for Privateers to pass between
the North and South Seas at their
pleasure. This bark of Captain
Knight's had in her forty or fifty jars
of brandy : she was now commanded
by Mr Henry More ; but Captain
Swan, intending to promote Captain
Harris, caused Mr More to be turned
out, alleging that it was very likely
these men were run away from their
commander. Mr More willingly re-
signed her, and went aboard of Cap-
tain Swan, and became one of his
men.
It was now the latter end of the
dry season here ; and the water at
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CiiAr. VII.
168
the King's or Pearl Islands, of which
there was plenty when we first came
hither, was now dried away. There-
fore we were forced to go to Point
Garachina, thinking to water our ships
there. Captain Harris, being now
lately taken. Because we could not
fill our water here, we designed to go
to Taboga again, where we were sure
to be supplied. Accordingly, on the
30th we set sail, being now nine ships
in company ; and had a small wind
commander of the new bark, was sent I at SSE. The 3d of April in the even
into the River of Santa Maria, to see
for those men that the Indians told us
of, whilst the rest of the ships sailed
towards Point Garachina ; where we
arrived the 21st day, and anchored
two miles from the point, and found
a strong tide running out of the River
Sambu. The next day we ran within
the point, and anchored in four fathoms
at low water. The Indians that in-
habit in the River Sambu came to us
in canoes, and brought plantains and
bananas. They could not speak nor
understand Spanish ; therefore I be-
lieve they have no commerce with
the Spaniards. We found no fresh
water here neither ; so we went from
hence to Puerto Pin as, which is seven
leagues S. by W. from hence. Puerto
Pinas lies in Lot 7 N. It is so called
because there are many pine trees
growing there. The land is pretty
high, rising gently as it runs into the
country. This country near the sea
is all covered with pretty high woods ;
the land that bounds the harbour is
low in the middle, but high and rocky
at both sides. The 25th we arrived
at this harbour of pines, but did not
go in with our ships, finding it but an
ordinary place to lie at. We sent in
our boats to search it, and they found
a stream of good water running into
the sea : but there were such great
swelling surges came into the har-
bour, that we could not conveniently
fill our water there. The 26th day
we returned to Point Garachina again.
In our way we took a small vessel
laden with cacao : she carne from
Guayaquil. The 29th we arrived at
Point Garachina. There we found
Captain Harris, who had been in the
River of Santa Maria ; but he did not
meet the men that he went for ; yet
he was informed again by the Indians
that they were making canoes in one
of the branches of the River of Santa
Maria. Here we shared our cacao
ing we anchored by Perica, and the
next morning went to Taboga, where
we found our four canoes. Here we
filled our water and cut firewood ; and
from hence we sent four canoes over
to the main, with one of the Indians
lately taken, to guide them to a sugar-
work ; for, now we had cacao, we
wanted sugar to make chocolate. But
the chief of their business was to get
coppers ; for each ship having now
so many men, our pots would not boil
victuals fast enough, though we kept
them boiling all the day. About two
or three days after, they returned
aboard with three coppers.
While we lay here, Captain Davis 's
bark went to the Island of Otoque.
This is another inhabited island in
the Bay of Panama, not so big as
Taboga, yet there are good plantain
walks on it, and some Negroes to look
after them. These Negroes rear fowls
and hogs for their masters, who live
at Panama ; as at the King's Islands.
It was for some fowls or hogs that
our men went thither ; but by accident
they met also with an express that
was sent to Panama with an account
that the Lima fleet was at sea. Most
of the letters were thrown overboard
and lost, yet we found some that said
positively that the fleet was coming
with all the strength that they could
make in the kingdom of Peru ; yet
were ordered not to fight us, except
they were forced to it (though after-
wards they choose to fight us, having
first landed their treasure at Lavelia) ;
and that the pilots of Lima had been
in consultation what course to steer
to miss us. [Dampier here inserts
translations of two of the captured
letters reporting the resolutions taken
by the committee of pilots, and laying
down the course to be steered by the
fleet] The 10th we sailed from Ta-
boga towards the King's Islands again,
because our pilots told us that the
1685.]
AT THE ISLAND OF TABOGA.
169
King's ships did always come this
way. The llth we anchored at the
place where we careened. Here we
found Captain Harris, who had gone
a second time into the River of Santa
Maria, and fetched the body of men
that last came overland, as the In-
dians told us, but they fell short of
the number they told us of. The
19th we sent 250 men in fifteen
canoes to the River Chepo to take
the town of Chepo. The 21st, all
our ships but Captain Harris, who
stayed to clean his ship, followed
after. The 22d we arrived at the
Island of Chepillo, the pleasantest
island in the Bay of Panama. It is
but seven leagues from the city of
Panama, and a league from the main.
This island is about two miles long,
and almost so broad ; it is low on the
north side, and rises by a small ascent
towards the south side. The soil is
yellow, a kind of clay. The high
side is stony ; the low land is planted
with all sorts of delicate fruits, viz.,
sappodillas, Avocado pears, mammees,
mammee - sapotas, star apples, &c.
The middle of the island is planted
with plantain trees, which are not
very large, but the fruit extraordinary
sweet. 1
The River Chepo is very deep, and
about a quarter of a mile broad ; but
the mouth of it is choked up with
sands, so that no ships can enter, but
barks may. There is a small Spanish
town of the same name within six
leagues of the sea ; it stands on the
left hand going from the sea. The
land about it is champaign, with
many small hills clothed with woods,
but the biggest part of the country is
savannah. On the south side of the
river it is all woodland for many
leagues together. It was to this
town that our 250 men were sent.
The 24th they returned out of the
river, having taken the town without
any opposition, but they found no-
thing in it. By the way going thither
they took a canoe, but most of the
men escaped ashore upon one of the
1 The particular description of these
fruits is now omitted.
King's Islands; she was sent out well
appointed with armed men to watch
our motions. The 25th, Captain Har-
ris came to us, having cleaned his
ship. The 26th we went again to-
Avard Taboga ; our fleet now, upon
Captain Harris joining us again, con-
sisted of ten sail. We arrived at
Taboga the 28th ; there our prisoners
were examined concerning the strength
of Panama ; for now we thought our-
selves strong enough for such an en-
terprise, being near 1000 men. Out
of these, on occasion, we could have
landed 900 ; but our prisoners gave
us small encouragement to it, for
they assured us that all the strength
of the country was there, and that
many men were come from Porto
Bello besides its own inhabitants,
who of themselves were more in num-
ber than we. These reasons, together
with the strength of the place, which
has a high wall, deterred us from at-
tempting it. While we lay here at
Taboga, some of our men burned the
town on the island. [From the 4th
of May till the 27th, they were cruis-
ing among the King's Islands waiting
for the Spanish fleet from Lima.]
The 28th we had a very wet morning,
for the rains were come in, as they
do usually in May or June sooner or
later ; so that May is here a very un-
certain month. However about 11
o'clock it cleared up, and we saw the
Spanish fleet about three leagues
WjS^V. from the Island of Pacheque,
standing close on a wind to the E. ;
but they could not fetch the island
by a league. We were riding a league
SE. from the island, between it and
the main; only Captain Gronet was
about a mile to the northward of us
near the island. He weighed so soon
as they came in sight, and stood over
for the main, and we lay still, ex-
pecting when he would tack and come
to us ; but he took care to keep him-
self out of harm's way.
Captains Swan and Townley came
aboard of Captain Davis to order how
to engage the enemy, who we saw
came purposely to fight us, they being
in all fourteen sail, besides periagoea
rowing with twelve and fourteen oars
170 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
a-piece. Six sail of them were ships
of good force : first the Admiral, 48
guns, 450 men ; the Vice- Admiral,
40 guns, 400 men ; the Rear- Admiral,
36 guns, 360 men ; a ship of 24. guns,
300 men; one of 18 guns, 250 men ;
and one of 8 guns, 200 men; two
great fireships, six ships only with
small arms, having 800 men on board
them all ; beside two or three hundred
men in periagoes. This account of
their strength we had afterwards from
Captain Knight, who, being to the
windward on the coast of Peru, took
prisoners, of whom he had this in-
formation, being what they brought
from Lima.. Besides these men, they
had also some hundreds of Old Spain
men that came from Porto Bello, and
met them at Lavelia, from whence
they now came; and their strength
of men from Lima was 3000 men,
being all the strength they could
make in that kingdom, and for greater
security they had first landed their
treasure at Lavelia. Our fleet con-
sisted of ten sail : first Captain Davis,
36 guns, 156 men, mostly English ;
Captain Swan, 16 guns, 140 men, all
English. These were the only ships
of force that we had, the rest having
none but small arms. Captain Town-
ley had 110 men, all English ; Captain
Gronet, 308 men, all French ; Captain
Harris, 100 men, mostly English ;
Captain Branley, 36 men, some Eng-
lish, some French ; Davis's tender, 8
men; Swan's tender, 8 men; Town-
ley's bark, 80 men ; and a small bark
of thirty tons made a fireship, Avith a
canoe's crew in her. We had in all
960 men. But Captain Gronet came
not to us till all was over, yet we
were not discouraged at it, but re-
solved to fight them ; for being to
windward of the enemy, we had it at
our choice whether we would fight or
not. It was 3 o'clock in the after-
noon when we weighed, and being all
under sail we bore down right afore
the wind on our enemies, who kept
close on a wind to come to us ; but
night came on without anything be-
sides the exchanging of a few shot on
each side. When it grew dark, the
Spanish Admiral put out a light as a
[CHAP. VII.
signal for his fleet to come to an
anchor. We saw the light in the
Admiral's top, which continued about
half-an-hour, and then it was taken
down. In a short time after, we saw
the light again ; and being to wind-
ward, we kept under sail, supposing
the light had been in the Admiral's
top ; but, as it proved, this was only
a stratagem of theirs, for this light
was put out the second time at one of
their barks'j topmast-head, and then
she went to the leeward, which de-
ceived us, for we thought still the
light was in the Admiral's top, and
by that means thought ourselves to
windward of them. In the morning,
therefore, contrary to our expectation,
we found they had got the weather-
guage of us, and were coming upon
us with full sail; so we ran for it,
and after a running fight all day, and
having taken a turn almost round the
Bay of Panama, we came to an anchor
again at the Isle of Paeheque, in the
very same place from whence we set
out in the morning. Thus ended this
day's work, and with it all that wo
had been projecting for five or six
months, when, instead of making
ourselves masters of the Spanish fleet
and treasure, we were glad to escape
them, and owed that too, in a great
measure, to their want of courage to
pursue their advantage.
The 30th day, in the morning,
when we looked out, we saw the
Spanish fleet all together, three
leagues to leeward of us, at anchor.
It was but little wind till 10 o'clock,
and then sprang up a small breeze at
S., and the Spanish fleet went away
to Panama. What loss they had I
know not ; w e lost but one man ; and
having held a consult, 1 we resolved
to go to the Keys of Quibo or Cabaya,
to seek Captain Harris, who was
forced away from us in the fight ;
that being the place appointed for
our rendezvous upon any such accident.
As for Gronet, he said his men would
not suffer him to join us in the fight ;
but we were not satisfied with that
excu,se ; so we suffered him to go with
1 Council, or consultation.
1685.] ISLANDS OF QUIBO, QUICARA, AND RANCHERIA. 171
us to the Isles of Quibo, and there
cashiered our cowardly companion.
Some were for taking from him the
ship which we had given him ; but
at last he was suffered to keep it with
his men, and we sent them away in
it to some other place.
CHAPTER VIII.
ACCORDING to the resolutions we had
taken, we set out, June the 1st, 1685,
passing between Point Garachina and
the King's Islands. The 3d we
passed by the Island of Chuche, the
last remainder of the isles in the Bay
of Panama. In our passage to Quibo,
Captain Branley lost his mainmast,
therefore he and all his men left his
bark, and came aboard Captain Davis's
ship. Captain Swan also sprung his
maintopmast, and got up another;
but while he was doing it, and we
were making the best of our way, we
lost sight of him, and were now on
the north side of the bay ; for this
way all ships must pass from Panama,
whether bound towards the coast of
Mexico or Peru. The 10th we passed
by Morro de Puercos, or the Moun-
tain of Hogs, why so called I know
not ; it is a high round hill on the
coast of Lavelia. This side of the
Bay of Panama runs out westerly to
the Islands of Quibo ; there are on
this coast many rivers and creeks,
but none so large as those on the
south side of the bay. It is a coast
that is partly mountainous, partly
lowland, and very thick of woods
bordering on the sea ; but a few
leagues within land it consists mostly
of savannahs, which are stocked with
bulls and cows. The rivers on this
side are not wholly destitute of gold,
though not so rich as the rivers on
the other side of the bay. The coast
is but thinly inhabited ; for except
the rivers that lead up to the towns
of Nata and Lavelia I know of no
other settlement between Panama
and Puebla Nueva. The Spaniards
may travel by land from Panama
through all the kingdom of Mexico,
as being full of savannahs ; but to-
wards the coast of Peru they cannot
pass farther than the River Chepo,
the land there being so full of thick
woods, and watered with so many
great rivers, besides less rivers and
creeks, that the Indians themselves
who inhabit there cannot travel far
without much trouble.
We met with very wet weather in
our voyage to Quibo, and with SSW.
and sometimes SW. winds, which re-
tarded our course. It was the 15th
of June when we arrived at Quibo,
and found there Captain Harris whom
we sought. The Island of Quibo or
Cabaya is in Lat. 7 14' N. of the
Equator; it is about six or seven
leagues long, and three or four broad.
The land is low, except only near the
NE. end ; it is all over plentifully
stored with great tall flourishing trees
of many sorts, and there is good water
on the E. and NE. sides of the island.
Here are some deer, and plenty of
pretty large black monkeys, whose
flesh is sweet and wholesome ; besides
a few guanas and some snakes. I
know no other sort of land animal on
the island. There are many other
islands, lying some on the SW. side,
others on the N. and NE. sides, of
this island ; as the Island of Quicara,
which is a pretty large island SW. of
Quibo, and on the north of it is a
small island called Rancheria, on
whicliare plenty of Palma-Maria trees.
The Palma-Maria is a tall, straight-
bodied tree, with a small head, but
very unlike the palm tree, notwith-
standing the name. It is greatly
esteemed for making masts, being very
tough, as well as of a good length ;
for the grain of the wood runs not
straight along it, but twisting gra-
dually about it. These trees grow in
many places of the West Indies, and
are frequently used both by the Eng-
lish and Spaniards there for that use.
The Islands of Canales and Cantarras
are small islands lying on the NE. of
Rancheria. These have all channels
to pass between, and good anchoring
about them, and they are as well
stored with trees and water as Quibo.
Captain Swan gave to several of thes*
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VIII.
islands the names of those English
merchants and gentlemen who were
owners of his ship. [On June 16th,
Captain Swan came to anchor by
them, when they held a consulta-
tion as to how they might advance
their fortunes, as the sea was pro-
mising them little. The result was
a decision to take the town of
Puebla Nueva, which they accord-
ingly did with 150 men. On the 5th
of July Captain Knight came to them,
having captured two bark-logs laden
with flour. After this, each ship's
company began the making of
canoes.]
Captain Davis made two very large
canoes : one was thirty-six feet long,
and five or six feet wide ; the other
thirty-two feet long, and near as wide
as the other. In a month's time we
finished our business, and were ready
to sail. Here Captain Harris went
to lay his ship aground to clean her,
but she being old and rotten, fell in
pieces ; and therefore he and all his
men went aboard of Captain Davis
and Captain Swan. While we lay
here we struck turtle every day, for
they were now very plentiful ; but
from August to March there are not
many. The 18th of July, John Rose,
a Frenchman, and fourteen men more
belonging to Captain Gronet, having
made a new canoe, came in her to
Captain Davis, and desired to serve
under him ; and Captain Davis ac-
cepted of them because they had a
canoe of their own. The 20th of
July we sailed from Quibo, bending
our course for Realejo, which is the
port for Leon, the city that we now
designed to attempt. We were now
640 men, in eight sail of ships, com-
manded by Captain Davis, Captain
Swan, Captain Townley, and Captain
Knight; with a fireship, and three
tenders, which last had not a constant
crew. We passed out between the
River Quibo and Rancheria, leaving
Quibo and Quicaro on our larboard
side, and Rancheria, with the rest of
the islands, and the main, on the star-
board side. The wind at first was at
SSW. We coasted along shore, pass-
ing by the Gulf of Nicoya, the Gulf
ui Dulce, and the Island Cano. All
this coast is low land, overgrown with
thick woods ; and there are but few
inhabitants near the shore. The 8th
of August, being in Lat. 11 20' by
observation, we saw a high hill in
the country, towering up like a sugar
loaf, which bore NE. by 1ST. We sup-
posed it to be Volcano Viejo by the
smoke which ascended from its top ;
therefore we steered in N., and made
it plainer, and then knew it to be
that volcano, which is the sea-mark
for the harbour for Realejo. When
we had brought this mountain to
bear NE., we got out all our canoes,
and provided to embark into them
the next day.
The 9th in the morning, being
about eight leagues from the shore,
we left our ships under the charge of
a few men, and 520 of us went away
in thirty-one canoes, rowing towards
the harbour of Realejo. We had fair
weather and little wind till 2 o'clock
in the afternoon ; then we had a
tornado from the shore, with much
thunder, lightning, and rain, and
such a gust of wind that we were all
like to be foundered. In this ex-
tremity we put right afore the wind,
every canoe's crew making what shift
they could to avoid the threatening
danger. The small canoes, being
most light and buoyant, mounted
nimbly over the surges ; but the
great heavy canoes lay like logs in
the seas, ready to be swallowed by
every foaming billow. Some of our
canoes were half full of water, yet kept
two men constantly heaving it out.
The fierceness of the wind continued
about half-an-hour, and abated by
degrees ; and as the wind died away,
so the fury of the sea abated ; for in
all hot countries, as I have observed,
the sea is soon raised by the wind,
and as soon down again when the
wind is gone : and therefore it is a
proverb among the seamen, "Up
wind, up sea : down wind, down
sea." At 7 o'clock in the evening it
was quite calm, and the sea as smooth
as a millpond. Then we tugged to
get into the shore, but finding we
could not do it before day, we rowed
1885.]
oft' again, to keep ourselves out of
sight. By the time it was day, we
were five leagues from the land, which
we thought was far enough off shore.
Here we intended to lie till the even-
ing ; but at 3 o'clock in the after-
noon we had another tornado more
fierce than that which we had the
day before. This put us in greater
peril of our lives, but did not last so
long. As soon as the violence of the
tornado was over, we rowed in for the
shore, and entered the harbour in the
night. The creek which leads to-
wards Leon lies on the SE. side of the
harbour. Our pilot being very well
acquainted here, carried us into the
moiith of it, but could carry us no
farther till day, because it is but
a small creek, and there are other
creeks like it. The next morning as
soon as it was light, we rowed into
the creek, which is very narrow ; the
land on both sides lying so low, that
every tide it is overflown with the
sea. This sort of land produces red
mangrove trees, which are here so
plentiful and thick that there is no
passing through them. Beyond these
mangroves, on the firm land close by
the side of the river, the Spaniards
have built a breastwork purposely to
hinder an enemy from landing. When
we came in sight of the breastwork we
rowed as fast as we could to get ashore ;
the noise of our oars alarmed the In-
dians who were set to watch ; and
presently they ran away towards the
city of Leon to give notice of our
approach. We landed as soon as we
could, and marched after them : 470
men were drawn out to march to the
town, and I was left with fifty-nine
men more to stay and guard the
canoes till their return. [The city of
Leon, twenty miles up the country,
is here described as surrounded with
long grassy savannahs, and clumps
of high woods. It was thought at
the time by some to be the pleasantest
place in all America, and the paradise
of the Indies. The wealth of the
place consisted in the pastures, cattle,
and plantations of sugar.]
Our men were now marching to
Leon; they went from the canoes
THE CITY OF LEON TAKEN. 173
about 8 o'clock. Captain Townley
with eighty of the briskest men
marched before, Captain Swan with
100 men marched next, Captain Davia
with 170 men marched next, and
Captain Knight brought up the rear.
Captain Townley, who was near two
miles ahead of the rest, met about
seventy horsemen four miles before
he came to the city, but they never
stood him. About 3 o'clock Captain
Townley only with his eighty men
entered the town, and was briskly
charged in a broad street by 170 or
200 Spanish horsemen ; but two or
three of their leaders being knocked
down, the rest fled. Their foot con-
sisted of about 500 men, which were
drawn up in the Parade; for the
Spaniards in these parts make a large
square in every town, though the
town itself be small. This square is
called the Parade; commonly the
church makes one side of it, and the
gentlemen's houses with their gal-
leries about them another. But the
foot also, seeing their horse retire,
left an empty city to Captain Town-
ley, beginning to save themselves by
flight. Captain Swan came in about
4 o'clock, Captain Davis with his
men about five, and Captain Knight,
with as many men as he could oh-
courage to march, came in about^ : x,
but he left many men tired on .lie
road ; these, as is usual, came tip-
ping in one or two at a time, as they
were able. The next morning the
Spaniards killed one of our tired
men. He was a stout old grey-
headed man, aged about eighty-
four, who had served under Oliver
in the time of the Irish Rebellion ;
after which he was at Jamaica,
and had followed privateering ever
since. He would not accept of the
offer our men made him to tarry
ashore, but said he would venture as
far as the best of them ; and when
surrounded by the Spaniards he re-
fused to take quarter, but discharged
his gun amongst them, keeping a
pistol still charged ; so they shot him
dead at a distance. His name was
Swan. He was a very merry, hearty
old man, and always used to declare
174 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VIII.
man
spe
he would never take quarter. But
they took Mr Smith, who was tired
also j he was a merchant belonging
to Captain Swan ; and being carried
before the Governor of Leon, was
known by a Mulatto woman that
waited on him. Mr Smith had lived
ny years in the Canaries, and could
x ak and write very good Spanish ;
and it was there this Mulatto woman
remembered him. He, being exa-
mined how many men we were, said
1000 at the city and 500 at the
canoes ; which made well for us at
the canoes, who straggling about
every day might easily have been
destroyed. But this so daunted the
Governor, that he did never offer
to molest our men, although he had
with him above 1000 men, as Mr
Smith guessed. He sent in a flag of
truce about noon, pretending 1 to
ransom the town rather than let it
be burnt ; but our captains demanded
300,000 pieces of eight for its ran-
som, and as much provision as would
victual 1000 men four months, and
Mr Smith to be ransomed for some
of their prisoners ; but the Spaniards
did not intend to ransom the town,
but only capitulated day after day to
prolong time till they had got more
men. Our captains therefore, con-
sidering the distance that they were
from the canoes, resolved to be march-
ing down. The 14th, in the morning,
they ordered the city to be set on
fire, which was presently done, and
then they came away ; but they took
more time in coming down than in
going up. The 15th, in the morning,
the Spaniards sent in Mr Smith, and
had a gentlewoman in exchange.
Then our captains sent a letter to
the Governor, to acquaint him that
they intended next to visit Realejo,
and desired to meet him there ; they
also released a gentleman on his pro-
mise of paying 150 beeves for his ran-
som, and to deliver them to us at
Realejo ; and the same day our men
came to their canoes, where having
stayed all night, the next morning we
all entered our canoes, and came to
1 Professing his desire.
the harbour of Realejo, and in the
afternoon our ships came thitherto
an anchor.
The creek that leads to Realejo
lies from the NW. part of the har-
bour, and runs in northerly. It is
about two leagues from the island in
the harbour's mouth to the town;
two-thirds of the way it is broad,
then you. enter a narrow deep creek
bordered on both sides with red man-
grove trees, whose limbs reach almost
from one side to the other. A mile
from the mouth of the creek it turns
away west. There the Spaniards
have made a very strong breastwork,
fronting towards the mouth of the
creek, in which were placed 100 sol-
diers to hinder us from landing ; and
twenty yards below that breastwork
there was a chain of great trees placed
across the creek, so that ten men
could have kept off 500 or 1000.
"When we came in sight of the breast-
work we fired but two guns, and they
all ran away ; and we were afterwards
near half-an-hour cutting the boom
or chain. Here we landed, and
marched to the town of Riolexo or
Realejo, 2 which is about a mile from
hence. This town stands on a plain
by a small river. It is a pretty large
town, with three churches and an
hospital that hath a fine garden be-
longing to it, besides many large fair
houses ; they all stand at a good dis-
tance one from another, with yards
about them. This is a very sickly
place, and I believe hath need enough
of an hospital, for it is seated so nigh
the creeks and swamps that it is
never free from a noisome smell. The
"land about it is a strong yellow cla3 T ,
yet where the town stands it seems to
be sand. Here are several sorts of
2 The chief trade of Realejo was
in pitch, tar, and cordage, with the
produce of their sugar-works and
estantions or beef- farms. They stayed
from the 17th to the 24th helping
themselves to the produce of the
country ; when on leaving, some of
the more mischievous of the crew set
on fire the town, which they left
burning.
1685.]
THE TRADE OF GUATEMALA.
175
fruits, as guavas, 1 pine -apples, melons,
and prickly pears. 2 . . .
The 25th, Captain Davis and Cap-
tain Swan broke off consortships, for
Captain Davis was minded to return
again on the coast of Peru, but Cap-
tain Swan desired to go farther to the
westward. I had till this time been
with Captain Davis, but now left him
and went aboard of Captain Swan. It
was not from any dislike to my old
Captain, but to get some knowledge
of the northern parts of this continent
of Mexico ; and I knew that Captain
Swan determined to coast it as far
north as he thought convenient, and
then pass over for the East Indies,
which was a way very agreeable to my
inclination. Captain Townley, with
his two barks, was resolved to keep
us company; but Captain Knight
and Captain Harris followed Captain
Davis. The 27th, in the morning,
Captain Davis, with his ships, went
out of the harbour, having a fresh
land-wind. They were in company,
Captain Davis's ship, with Captain
Harris in her, Captain Davis's bark
and fireship, and Captain Knight in
his own ship, in all four sail. Captain
Swan took his last farewell of him by
firing fifteen guns, and he fired eleven
in return of the civility. [While lying
here, they were visited by a malignant
fever, of which several of the men
died. On the 3d September, all their
prisoners and pilots were turned
ashore, they being unacquainted with
the coast farther westward. The
same day they steered westward,
meeting Avith a severe storm in the
passage. ]
We had kept at a good distance off
1 The guava grows on a hard
scrubbed shrub, is a fruit much like
a pear, with a thin rind, and full of
small seeds. It is one of the few
West Indian fruits which may be
eaten while still green.
2 The prickly pear, according to
Dampier, thrives best in barren sandy
ground near the sea, the fruit being
' ' as big as a large plum, small near the
leaf, and big towards the top, where
it opens like a medlar."
shore, and saw no land till the 14th
day; but then being in Lat. 12 50',
the volcano of Guatemala appeared in
sight. This is a very high mountain
with two peaks or heads appearing
like two sugar-loaves. It often bel-
ches forth flames of fire and smoke
from between the two heads, and this,
as the Spaniards do report, happens
chiefly in tempestuous weather. It
is called so from the city of Guate-
mala, which stands near the foot of
it, about eight leagues from the South
Sea, 3 and by report, forty or fifty
leagues from the Gulf of Amatique in
the Bay of Honduras in the North
Seas. This city is famous for many
rich commodities that are produced
thereabouts, some almost peculiar to
this country and yearly sent into
Europe, especially four rich dyes
indigo, otta or anatta, Silvester, and
cochineal.
Indigo is made of an herb which
grows a foot and a half or two feet
high, full of small branches, and the
branches full of leaves resembling the
leaves which grow on flax, but more
thick and substantial. They cut this
herb or shrub and cast it into a large
cistern made in the ground for that
purpose, which is half full of water.
The indigo stalk or herb remains in
the water till all the leaves, and I
think the skin, the rind or bark, rot
off and in a manner dissolve ; but if
any of the leaves should stick fast,
they force them off by much labour,
tossing and tumbling the mass in the
water till all the pulpy substance is
dissolved. Then the shrub, or woody
part, is taken out, and the water,
which is like ink, being disturbed no
more, settles, and the indigo falls to
the bottom of the cistern like mud.
When it is thus settled they draw off
the water, and take the mud and lay
it in the sun to dry, which there be-
comes hard as you see it brought
8 The new city of Guatemala stands
to the south-east of the old city about
twenty-five miles, and only some six-
teen miles from the sea. The old city
was destroyed by an earthquake in
1776, but has been rebuilt.
176 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VIII.
home. Otta, or anatta, 1 is a red sort
of dye. It is made of a red flower
that grows on shrubs seven or eight
feet high. It is thrown into a cistern
of water as the indigo is, but with
this difference, that there is no stalk,
nor so much as the head of the flower,
but only the flower itself pulled off
from the head as you peel rose-leaves
from the bud. This remains in the
water till it rots, and by much jumb-
ling it dissolves to a liquid substance
like the indigo; and being settled,
and the water drawn off, the red mud
is made up into rolls or cakes and
laid in the sun to dry.
Indigo is produced all over the
West Indies, on most of the Caribbee
Islands, as well as the main ; yet no
part of the main yields such great
quantities, both of indigo and otta, as
this country about Guatemala. I
know not what quantities either of
indigo or otta are made at Cuba or
Hispaniola ; but the place most
used 2 by our Jamaica sloops for these
things is the Island of Porto Rica,
where our Jamaica traders did use to
buy indigo for three reals and otta
for four reals the pound, which is
but 2s. 3d. of our money ; and yet at
the same time otta was worth in
Jamaica 5s. the pound, and indigo
3s. 6d. the pound; and even this
also paid in goods, by which means
alone they got 50 or 60 per cent.
Our traders had not then found the
way of trading with the Spaniards in
the Bay of Honduras ; but Captain
Coxon went thither (as I take it) at
the beginning of the year 1679, under
pretence to cut logwood, and went
into the Gulf of Matique, which is in
the bottom of that bay. There he
landed with his canoes, and took a
whole storehouse full of indigo and
otta in chests, piled up in several
parcels, and marked with different
marks, ready to be shipped off aboard
1 Otherwise called arnotto or an-
notto ; it is obtained from the seeds
of the tree Bixa orellana, and used,
besides dyeing, for colouring cheese,
butter, and liquors.
8 Frequented.
two ships that then lay in the road
purposely to take it in ; but these
ships could not come at him, it being
shoal water. He opened some of the
chests of indigo, and, supposing the
other chests to be all of the same
species, ordered his men to carry
them away. They immediately set
to work, and took the nearest at
hand ; and having carried out one
heap of chests, they seized on another
great pile of a different mark from
the rest, intending to carry them
away next. But a Spanish gentle-
man, their prisoner, knowing that
there was a great deal more than
they could carry away, desired them
to take only such as belonged to the
merchants, whose marks he under-
took to show them, and to spare such
as had the same mark with those in
that great pile they were then enter-
ing upon ; because, he said, those
chests belonged to the ship captains,
who following the seas as themselves
did, he hoped they would for that
reason rather spare their goods than
the merchants'. They consented to
his request ; but upon their opening
their chests (which was not before
they came to Jamaica, where by con-
nivance they were permitted to sell
them) they found that the Don had
been too sharp for them ; the few
chests which they had taken of the
same mark with the great pile prov-
ing to be otta, of greater value by far
than the other ; whereas they might
as well have loaded the whole ship
with otta as with indigo. The cochi-
neal is an insect bred in a sort of
fruit much like the prickly pear.
The tree or shrub that bears it is like
the prickly-pear tree, about five feet
high, and so prickly, only the leaves
are not quite so big, but the fruit is
bigger. 3 . . .
3 The gathering of the cochineal
insect and the red grain called silves-
ter by the Indians, is here minutely
described. The cochineal is bred in
the fruit of a shrub like a prickly-
pear tree, from which it is dislodged,
and on being exposed to the heat oJF
the sun falls down dead, and is caught
1685.] A SKIRMISH WITH
When we first saw the mountain
of Guatemala, we were by judgment
twenty-five leagues' distance from it.
As we came nearer the land it ap-
peared higher and plainer, yet we
saw no fire, but a little smoke pro-
ceeding from it. The land by the
sea was of a good height, yet but low
in comparison with that in the coun-
try. The sea for about eight or
ten leagues from the shore was full
of floating trees, or drift-wood, as it
is called (of which I have seen a
great deal, but nowhere so much as
Here), and pumice-stones floating,
which probably are thrown out of
the burning mountains, and washed
down to the shore by the rains,
which are very violent and frequent
in this country ; and on the side of
Honduras it is excessively wet. The
24th, we were in Lat. 14 30' N., and
the weather more settled. Then Cap-
tain Townley took with him 106 men
in nine canoes, and went away to the
westward, where he intended to land
and rummage in the country for some
refreshment for our sick men ; we
having at this time near half our
men sick, and many were dead since
we left Realejo. We in the ships lay
still, with our topsails furled and our
courses or lower sails hauled up, this
day and the next, that Captain Town-
ley might get the start of us. The
26th we made sail again, coasting to
the westward, having the wind at N. ,
and fair weather. We ran along by
a tract of very high land, which came
from the eastward more within land
than we could see ; after we fell in
with it, it bare us company for about
ten leagues, and ended with a pretty
gentle descent towards the west. The
2d of October, Captain Townley came
aboard ; he had coasted along shore
in a cloth spread on the ground to
receive them. These when dried
yield the much-esteemed scarlet dye.
The Silvester is the seed of the cochi-
neal fruit, which readily falls out of
the fruit, on being shaken when ripe.
The dye it yields is very similar to
the cochineal, but not quite so valu-
able.
THE SPANIARDS. 177
in his canoes, seeking for an entrance,
but found none. At last, being out
of hopes to find any bay, creek, or
river into which he might safely en-
ter, he put ashore on a sandy bay,
but overset all his canoes ; he had
one man drowned, and several lost
their arms, and some of them that
had not waxed up their cartridge or
cartouche boxes wet all their powder.
Captain Townley with much ado got
ashore, and dragged the canoes up
dry on the bay ; then every man
searched his cartouche-box, and drew
the wet powder out of his gun, and
provided to march into the country ;
but finding it full of great creeks,
which they could not ford, they were
forced to return again to their canoes.
In the night they made good fires to
keep themselves warm ; the next
morning 200 Spaniards and Indians
fell on them, but were immediately
repulsed, and made greater speed back
than they had done forward. Cap-
tain Townley followed them, but not
far, for fear of his canoes. These
men came from Tehuantepec, a town
that Captain Townley went chiefly to
seek, because the Spanish books made
mention of a large river there, but
whether it was run away at this time,
or rather Captain Townley and his
men were short-sighted, I know not ;
but they could not find it. Upon
his return, we presently made sail,
coasting still westward. We saw no
opening nor sign of any place to land
at, so we sailed about twenty leagues
farther, and came to a small high
island called Tangola, where there is
good anchoring. The island is in-
differently well furnished with wood
and water, and lies about a league
from the shore. The main against
the island is pretty high champaign
savannah land by the sea ; but two
or three leagues within land it is
higher and very woody. We coasted
a league farther and came to Huatul-
co. This port is in Lat. 15 30' ; it
is one of the best in all this kingdom
of Mexico. Near a mile from the
mouth of the harbour, on the east
side, there is a little island close by
the shore; and on the west side of
178 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. VIII.
the mouth of the harbour there is a
great hollow rock, which by the con-
tinual working of the sea in and out
makes a great noise which may be
heard a great way. Every surge that
comes in forces the water out of a
little hole on its top, as out of a pipe,
from whence it flies out just like the
blowing of a whale; to which the
Spaniards also liken it. They call
this rock and spout the Buffadore ; *
upon what account I know not. Even
in the calmest seasons the sea beats
in there, making the water spout out
at the hole ; so that this is always a
good mark to find the harbour by.
The harbour is about three miles
deep, and one mile broad ; it runs in
NW. ; and at the bottom of the har-
bour there is a fine brook of fresh
water running into the sea. Here
formerly stood a small Spanish town,
or village, which was taken by Sir
Francis Drake ; 2 but now there is
nothing remaining of it besides a
little chapel standing among the
trees about 200 paces from the sea.
The land appears in small short
ridges parallel to the shore, and to
each other ; the innermost still gra-
dually higher than that nearer the
shore ; and they are all clothed with
very high flourishing trees, that it. is
extraordinary pleasant and delightful
to behold at a distance. I have no-
where seen anything like it.
At this place, Captain Swan, who
had been very sick, came ashore, and
all the sick men with him, and the
surgeon to tend them. Captain
Townley again took a company of
men with him, and went into the
country to seek for houses or inhabit-
ants. He marched away to the east-
ward, and came to the River Capalita,
which is a swift river, yet deep near
the mouth, and is about a league
from Huatulco. There two of his
1 The Roarer, or Snorter ; from the
Spanish "bufar," signifying to puff
and blow with anger, to snort.
2 It was here that he parted with
Nuno da Silva, the Portuguese pilot,
captured at the Cape Verd Islands.
men swam over the river, and took
three Indians that were placed there
as sentinels to watch for our coming.
These could none of them speak
Spanish ; yet our men by signs made
them understand that they desired to
know if there was any town or village
near ; who, by the signs which they
made, gave our men to understand
that they could guide them to a
settlement ; but there was no under-
standing by them whether it was a
Spanish or Indian settlement, nor how
far it was thither. They brought
these Indians aboard with them ; and
the next day, which was the 6th of
October, Captain Townley, with 140
men (of whom I was one) went ashore
again, taking one of these Indiana
with us for a guide to conduct us to
this settlement. Our men that stayed
aboard filled our water, and cut wood,
and mended our sails ; and our Mos-
quito men struck three or four turtle
every day. They were a small sort
of turtle, and not very sweet, yet
very well esteemed by us all, because
we had eaten no flesh a great while.
The 8th we returned out of the
country, having been about fourteen
miles directly within land before we
came to any settlement. There we
found a small Indian village, and in
it a great quantity of vinelloes dry-
ing in the sun. The vinello is a little
cod full of small black seeds ; it is
four or five inches long, about the
bigness of the stem of a tobacco leaf,
and when dried much resembling it ;
so that our Privateers at first have
often thrown them, away when they
took any, wondering why the Span-
iards should lay up tobacco stems.
This cod grows on a small vine, which
climbs about and supports itself by
the neighbouring trees ; it first bears
a yellow flower, from whence the cod
afterwards proceeds. It is first green,
but when ripe it turns yellow ; then
the Indians, whose manufacture it is,
and who sell it cheap to the Span-
iards, gather it and lay it in the sun,
which makes it soft ; then it changes
to a chestnut colour. Then they fre-
quently press it between their fingers,
which makes it flat. If the Indiana
1685.]
THE CURING OF THE VINELLO.
179
do anything to them besides, I know
not ; but I have seen the Spaniards
sleek them with oil. These vines
grow plentifully at Boca del Toro,
where I have gathered and tried _ to
cure them, but could not, which
makes me think that the Indians
have some secret, that I know not of,
to cure them. I have often asked the
Spaniards how they were cured, but I
never could meet with any could tell
me. One Mr Cree, also, a very
curious person, who spoke Spanish
well, and had been a Privateer all his
life, and seven years a prisoner among
the Spaniards at Porto Bello and
Carthagena, yet, upon all his inquiry,
could not find any of them that under-
stood it. Could we have learnt the
art of it, several of us would have gone
to Boca del Toro yearly, at the dry
season, and cured them, and freighted
our vessel. We there might have had
turtle enough for food, and store of
vinelloes. Mr Cree first showed me
those at Boca del Toro. At or near
a town, also, called Caihooca, 1 in the
Bay of Campeachy, these cods are
found. They are commonly sold for
threepence a cod among the Span-
iards in the "West Indies, and are
sold by the druggist, for they are
much used among chocolate to per-
fume it. Some will use them among
tobacco, for it gives a delicate scent.
I never heard of any vinelloes but
here in this country, about Caihooca,
and at Boca del Toro. The Indians
of this village could speak but little
Spanish. They seemed to be a poor
innocent people ; and by them we
understood that there are very few
Spaniards in these parts ; yet all the
Indians hereabout are under them.
1 Such names as Tangola, Capalita
River, and Caihooca, will be hard to
find on modern maps. Dampier
places the first, an island, between
Tehuantepec and Point Sacrificios ;
the second he makes run into the
sea a little to the eastward of the
point ; and the third he lays down,
as nearly as may be, at Cape Moril-
los, not far from the bottom of the
Bay of Campeachy.
The land from the sea to their houses
is black earth, mixed with some stones
and rocks ; all the way full of very
high trees.
The 10th we sent four canoes to
the westward, who were ordered to
lie for us at Port Angels ; where we
were in hopes that by some means
or other they might get prisoners
that might give us a better account
of the country than at present we
could have ; and we followed them
with our ships. All our men being
now pretty well recovered of the
fever, which had raged amongst us
ever since we departed from Realejo.
CHAPTER IX.
IT was the 12th of October 1685,
when we set out of the harbour of
Huatulco with our ships. $ We coasted
along to the westward, keeping as
near the shore as we could for the
benefit of the land-winds, for the sea-
winds were right against us ; and we
found a current setting to the east-
ward which kept us back, and
obliged us to anchor at the Island of
Sacrificios, 2 which is a small green
island about half-a-mile long. It
lies about a league to the W. of
Huatulco, and about half-a-mile from
the main. [On the 18th they sailed
from Point or Island Sacrificios, keep-
ing near the shore till they were
abreast of Port Angels (Puerto de los
Angelos), where they anchored.]
The 28d we landed about 100 men
uid marched thither, where we found
plenty of fat bulls and cows feeding
in the savannahs, and in the house
good store of salt and maize, and
some hogs, and cocks, and hens j but
the owners or overseers were gone.
We lay here two or three days, feast-
ing on fresh provisions ; but could
not contrive to carry any quantity
aboard, because the way was so long,
and our men but weak, and a great
2 Apparently off Point Sacrificioa,
which forms the western limit of the
Gulf of Tehuantepec.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [CiiAK IX.
180
wide river to ford. Therefore we re-
turned again from thence the 26th
day, and brought every one a little
beef or pork for the men that stayed
aboard. The two nights that we
stayed ashore at this place we heard
great droves of jackals, as we sup-
posed them to be, barking all night
long not far from us. None of us saw
these ; but I do verily believe they
were jackals, though I did never see
those creatures in America, nor hear
any but at this time. "We could not
think that there were less than thirty
or forty in a company. "We got
aboard in the evening, but did not
yet hear any news of our two canoes.
The 27th, in the morning, we sailed
from hence, and in the evening we
anchored in sixteen fathoms water by
a small rocky island which lies about
half-a-mile from the main and six
leagues westward from Port Angels.
The 28th, we sailed again with the
land-wind ; in the afternoon the sea
breeze blew hard, and we sprung our
maintopmast. This coast is full of
hills and valleys, and a great sea falls
in upon the shore. In the night we
met with the other two of our canoes
that went from us at Huatulco. They
had been as far as Acapulco to seek
Port Angels. Coming back from
thence, they went into a river to get
water, and were encountered by 150
Spaniards ; yet they filled their water
in spite of them, but had one man
shot through the thigh. Afterwards
they went into a lagoon, or lake of
salt water, where they found much
dried fish, and brought some aboard.
We being now abreast of that place,
sent in a canoe manned with twelve
men for more fish. The mouth of this
lagoon is not a pistol-shot wide, and on
both sides are pretty high rocks, so
conveniently placed by nature that
many men may abscond behind ; and
within the rock the lagoon opens
wide on both sides. The Spaniards
being alarmed by our two canoes that
had been two or three days before,
came armed to this place to secure
their fish ; and seeing our canoe com-
ing, they lay snug behind the rocks,
and suffered the canoe to pass in, then
they fired their volley and wounded
five of our men. Our people were a
little surprised at this sudden adven-
ture, yet fired their guns and rowed
farther into the lagoon, for they durst
not adventure to come out again
through the narrow entrance, which
was near a quarter of a mile in length.
Therefore they rowed into the middle
of the lagoon, where they lay out of
gun-shot,"and looked about to see if
there was not another passage to get
out at broader than that by which
they entered, but could see none. So
they lay still two days and three
nights in hopes that we should come
to seek them, but we lay off at sea,
about three leagues distant, waiting
for their return, supposing by their
long absence that they had made
some greater discovery, and were gone
farther than the fish range ; because
it is usual with Privateers, when they
enter upon such designs, to search
farther than they proposed if they
meet any encouragement. But Cap-
tain Townley and his bark being
near the shore heard some guns fired
in the lagoon. So he manned his
canoe and went towards the shore, and,
beating the Spaniards away from the
rocks, made a free passage for our
men to come out of their pound, where-
else they must have been starved or
knocked on the head by the Spaniards.
They came aboard their ships again
the 31st of October. From hence we
made sail again, coasting to the west-
ward. The 2d of November we passed
by a rock called by the Spaniards
the Algatross. The land hereabout
is of an indifferent height and woody,
and more within the country, moun-
tainous. Here are seven or eight
white cliffs by the sea, which are very
remarkable, because there are none so
white and so thick together on all the
coast. They are five or six miles to
the west of the Algatross Rock. Two
leagues to the "W. of these cliffs there
is a pretty large river which forms a
small island at its mouth. The chan-
nel on the east side is but shoal and
sandy, but the west channel is deep
enough for canoes to enter. On the
banks of this channel the Spaniards
1685.]
THE TOWN OF ACAPULCO.
181
have made a breastwork to hinder an
enemy from landing and filling water.
The 3d, we anchored abreast of
this river, in fourteen fathoms water,
about a mile and a half off shore.
The next morning we manned our
canoes, and went ashore to the breast-
work with little resistance, although
there were about 200 men to keep us
off. They fired twenty or thirty guns
at us, but seeing we were resolved to
land, they quitted the place. One
chief reason why the Spaniards are so
frequently routed by us, although many
times much our superiors in numbers,
and in many places fortified withbreast-
works, is their want of small firearms ;
for they have but few on all the sea-
coasts, unless near their larger garri-
sons. Here we found a great deal of
salt, brought hither as I judge to salt
fish, which they take in the lagoons.
The fish I observed here mostly were
what we call snooks, J neither a sea-fish
nor freshwater-fish, but very numerous
in these salt lakes. This fish is about
a foot long, and round, and as thick as
the small of a man's leg, with a pretty
long head ; it has scales of a whitish
colour, and is good meat. How the
Spaniards take them I know not ; for
we never found any nets, hooks, or
lines, neither yet any bark, boat, or
canoe among them on all this coast ;
except the ship I shall mention at
Acapulco. We marched two or three
leagues into the country, and met
with but one house, where we took a
Mulatto prisoner, who informed us of
a ship that was lately arrived at Aca-
pulco ; she came from Lima. Captain
Townley wanting a good ship, thought
now he had an opportunity of get-
ting one, if he could persuade his
men to venture with him into the
harbour of Acapulco and fetch this
Lima ship out. Therefore he imme-
diately proposed it, and found not
only all his own men willing to assist
him, but many of Captain Swan's
men also. Captain Swan opposed it,
because, provision being scarce with
us, he thought our time might be
1 Or sea-pike ; Centropon
cimalis.
uncle -
much better employed in first provid-
ing ourselves with food ; and there
was plenty of maize in the river where
we now were, as we were informed by
the same prisoner, who offered.. to con-
duct us to the place where it was. But
neither the present necessity, nor
Captain Swan's persuasion, availed
anything, no, nor yet their own in-
terest ; for the great design we had
then in hand was to lie and wait for
a rich ship which comes to Acapulco
every year richly laden from the
Philippine Islands. But it was neces-
sary we should be well stored with
provisions, to enable us to cruise about
and wait the time of her coming.
However, Townley 's party prevailing,
we only filled our water here, and
made ready to be gone. So the 5th,
in the afternoon, we sailed again,
coasting to the westward, towards
Acapulco. The 7th, in the afternoon,
being about twelve leagues from the
shore, we saw the high land of Aca-
pulco, which is very remarkable ; for
there is a round hill standing between
other two hills, the westernmost of
which is the biggest and highest,
and has two hillocks like two paps on
its top ; the easternmost hill is higher
and sharper' than the middlemost.
From the middle hill the land de-
clines toward the sea, ending in a
high round point. There is no laud
shaped like this on all the coast. In
the evening Captain Townley went
away from the ships with 140 men in
twelve canoes, to try to get the Lima
ship out of Acapulco harbour.
Acapulco is a pretty large town 17
M". of the Equator. It is the seaport
for the city of Mexico on the west
side of the continent ; as La Vera
Cruz, or San Juan D'Ulloa, in the Bay
of Nova Hispania, is on the north
side. This town is the only place of
trade on all this coast ; for there is
little or no traffic by sea on all the
north-west part of this vast kingdom,
there being, as I have said, neither
boats, barks, nor ships, that I could
ever see, unless only what come
hither from other parts, and some
boats near the SE. end of California ;
as I guess by the intercourse between
182
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. IX.
that and the main for pearl-fishing.
The ships that trade hither are only
three ; two that constantly go once
a-year between this and Manilla in
Luzon, one of the Philippine Islands,
and one ship more every year to and
from Lima. This from Lima com-
monly arrives a little before Christ-
mas ; she brings them quicksilver,
cacao, and pieces of eight. Here she
stays till the Manilla ship arrives,
and takes in a cargo of spices, silks,
calicoes, muslins, and other East In-
dia commodities, for the use of Peru,
and then returns to Lima. This is
but a small vessel of twenty guns ;
but the two Manilla ships are each
said to be above 1000 tons. These
make their voyages alternately, so that
one or other of them is always at
Manilla. When either of them sets
out from Acapulco, it is at the latter
end of March or the beginning of
April ; she always touches to refresh
at Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands,
in about sixty days' space after she
sets out. There she stays but two or
three days, and then prosecutes her
voyage to Manilla, where she com-
monly arrives some time in June. By
that time the other is ready to sail
from thence laden with East India
Commodities. She stretches away
to the north as far as 36, or some-
times 40 3ST. Lat., before she gets a
wind to stand over to the American
shore. She falls in first with the
coast of California, and then coasts
along the shore to the south again,
and never misses a wind to bring her
away from thence quite to Acapulco.
When she gets the length of Cape
San Lucas, which is the southernmost
point of California, she stretches
over to Cape Corrientes, which is in
about 20 N". Lat. ; from thence she
coasts along till she comes to Solagua, *
and there she sets ashore passengers
1 Apparently the Bay of Manzanilla,
which is directly west of Mexico, and
answers to the position Dampier's
map assigns to " Sallagua "or " Sola-
gua." Dampier's subsequent account
of the place agrees with the situation
and features of Manzanilla.
that are bound to the city of Mexico.
From thence she makes her best way,
coasting still along shore, till she
arrives at Acapulco, which is com-
monly about Christmas, never more
than eight or ten days before or after.
Upon the return of this ship to
Manilla, the other, which stays there
till her arrival takes her turn back
to Acapulco. Sir John Narborough
therefore was imposed on by the
Spaniards who told him that there
were six sail or more that used this
trade. The port of Acapulco is very
commodious for the reception of ships,
and so large, that some hundreds
may safely ride there without dam-
nifying 2 each other. The harbour
runs in north about three miles ; then
growing very narrow it turns short
about to the west, and runs about a
mile farther, where it ends. The
town stands on the NW. side, at the
mouth of this narrow passage, close
by the sea ; and at the end of the
town there is a platform with a great
many guns. Opposite to the town,
on the east side, stands a high strong
castle, said to have forty guns of a
very great bore. Ships commonly
ride near the bottom of the harbour,
under the command both of the castle
and the platform. Captain Townley,
who, as I said before, with 140 men,
left our ships on a design to fetch the
Lima ship out of the harbour, had
not rowed above three or four leagues
before the voyage was like to end with
all their lives ; for on a sudden they
were encountered with a violent tor-
nado from the shore, which had like
to have foundered all the canoes : but
they escaped that danger, and the
second night got safe into Port Mar-
Sues. Port Marques is a veiy good
arbour a league to the east of Aca-
pulco harbour. Here they stayed all
the next day to dry themselves, their
clothes, their arms and ammunition ;
and the next night they rowed softly
into Acapulco harbour : and because
they would not be heard, they hauled
in their oars and paddled as softly as
if they had been seeking manatee.
2 Incommoding or injuring.
1685.]
They paddled close to the castle ;
then struck over to the town, and
found the ship riding between the
breastwork and the fort, within about
100 yards of each. When they had
well viewed her, and considered the
danger of the design, they thought it
not possible to accomplish it ; there-
fore they paddled softly back again
till they were out of command of the
forts, and then they went to land,
and fell in among a company of Span-
ish soldiers (for the Spaniards, having
seen them the day before, had set
guards along the coasts), who imme-
diately fired at them, but did them
no damage, only made them retire
farther from the shore. They lay
afterwards at the mouth of the har-
bour till it was day, to take a view
of the town and castle; and then
returned aboard again, being tired,
hungry, and sorry for their disap-
pointment. [On the 13th, they made
sail farther westward, where the coast
is described as low, producing many
trees, and the spreading palm in
great plenty.]
The land in the country is full of
small peaked barren hills, making
as many little valleys, which appeal-
flourishing and green. At the "W.
end of this bay is the hill of Petatlan. l
We came to an anchor on the NW.
side of the hill and went ashore,
about 170 men of us, and marched
into the country twelve or fourteen
miles. There we came to a poor In-
dian village that did not afford us a
meal of victuals. The people all fled,
only a Mulatto woman and three or
four small children, who were taken
and brought aboard. She told us that
a carrier (one who drives a caravan of
mules) was going to Acapulco laden
with flour and other goods, but stop-
ped in the road for fear of us a little
to the west of this village (for he had
heard of our being on this coast), and
she thought he still remained there :
and therefore it was we kept the
woman to be our guide to carry us
to that place. At this place where
we now lay, our Mosquito men struck
SEIZURE OF A MULE TRAIN.
183
1 Morro de Petatlan.
some small turtle and many small
Jew-fish.
We went from hence with our ships
on the 13th, and steered westward
about two leagues farther, to a place
called Chequetan. 2 The 14th, in the
morning we went with ninety-five
men in six canoes to seek for the
carrier, taking the Mulatto woman
for our guide ; but Captain Townley
would not go with us. Before day
we landed at a place called Istapa, a
league to the west of Chequetan. The
woman was well acquainted here,
having been often at this place for
mussels, as she told us, for here are
great plenty of them ; they seem in
all respects like our English mussels.
She carried us through the pathless
wood by the side of a river for about
a league ; then we came into a savan-
nah full of bulls and cows ; and here
the carrier before mentioned was lying
at the estantion -house with his mules,
not having dared to advance all this
while, as not knowing where we lay ;
so his own fear made him, his mules,
and all his goods become a prey to
us. He had forty packs of flour,
some chocolate, a great many small
cheeses, and abundance of earthen-
ware. The eatables we brought away,
but the earthen vessels we had no
occasion for, and therefore left them.
The mules were about sixty ; we
brought our prize with them to the
shore, and so turned them away.
Here we also killed some cows, and
brought [them] with us to our canoee.
In the afternoon our ships came to
an anchor half-a-mile from the place
where we landed, and then we went
aboard. Captain Townley, seeing
our good success, went ashore with
his men to kill some cows, for there
were no inhabitants near to oppose
us. The land is very woody, of a
good fertile soil, watered with many
small rivers, yet it hath but few
inhabitants near the sea. Captain
Townley killed eighteen beeves, and
after he came aboard, our men, con-
2 Probably Siguantanejo, a town
of some importance corresponding in
position to tne indications in the text.
184 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAT. IX.
house nor sign of inhabitants, al-
though we passed by a fine valley
called the Valley of Maguella. 2 Only
at two places, the one at our first
setting out on this expedition, and
the other at the end of it, we saw a
trary to Captain Swan's inclination,
ave Captain Townley part of the
our which we took ashore. After-
wards we gave the woman some
clothes for her and her children, and
put her and two of them ashore ; but
one of them, a very pretty boy about
seven or eight years old, Captain
Swan kept. The woman cried and
begged hard to have him ; but Cap-
tain Swan would not, but promised
to make much of him, and was as
good as his word. He proved after-
wards a very fine boy for wit, cour-
age, and dexterity; I have often
wondered at his expressions and
actions.
The 21st, in the evening, we sailed
hence with the land-wind, and coast-
ed along to the westward. The land
is high, and full of ragged hills ; and
west from these ragged hills the land
makes many pleasant and fruitful
valleys among the mountains. The
25th we were abreast of a very re-
markable hill, which, towering above
the rest of its fellows, is divided in
the top, and makes two small parts.
The Spaniards make mention of a
town called Thelupan 1 near this hill,
which we would have visited if we
could have found the way to it.
The 26th, Captain Swan;and Captain
Townley, with 200 men, of whom I
was one, went in our canoes to seek
for the city of Colima, a rich place
by report, but how far within land I
could never learn ; for, as I said be-
fore, here is no trade by sea, and
therefore we could never get guides
to inform us or conduct us to any
town but one or two on this coast ;
and there is never a town that lies
open to the sea but Acapulco ; and
therefore our search 'was commonly
fruitless, as now, for we rowed above
twenty leagues along shore and found
it a very bad coast to land ; we saw no
1 The hills and town appear to cor-
respond to the town of Texupan, and
the twin eminences near it called
Cabo de Tetas, or the Paps of Texu-
pan, at the mouth of a river of the
same name. Telupan is at some dis-
tance to the south-eastward.
horseman set, as we supposed, as a
sentinel to watch us. At both places
we landed with difficulty, and at each
place we followed the tracks of the
horse on the sandy bay, but where
they entered the woods we lost tho
track ; and although we diligently
searched for it, yet we could find it
no more, so we were perfectly at a
loss to find out the houses or town
they came from. The 28th, being
tired and hopeless to find any town,
we went aboard our ships, that were
now come abreast of the place where we
were ; for always when we leave our
ships, we either order a certain place
of meeting, or else leave them a sign to
know where we are by making one or
more great smokes. After we came
aboard we saw the Volcano of Colima.
This is a very high mountain, in
about 18 36' N., standing five or
six leagues from the sea, in the midst
of a pleasant valley. It appears with
two sharp peaks, from each of which
there always issue flames of fire or
smoke. The valley in which this
volcano stands is called the Valley of
Colima, from the town itself, which
stands there not far from the volcano.
The town is said to be great and rich,
the chief of all its neighbourhood ;
and the valley in which it is seated,
by the relation which the Spaniards
give of it, is the most pleasant and
fruitful valley in all the kingdom of
Mexico. This valley is about ten
or twelve leagues wide by the sea,
where it makes a small bay ; but how
far the vale runs into the country, I
know not. The 29th, our captains
went away from our ships with 200
men, intending at the first convenient
place to land and search about for a
2 The valley through which the
River Almeria that passes Colima
enters the sea has near the coast a
little town named Olola ; not unlike
in sound to the word in the text.
1685.]
THE SPANIARDS DRIVEN INLAND.
1S5
path ; for the Spanish books made
mention of two or three other towns
hereabouts, especially one called
Solagua, to the west of this bay.
Our canoes rowed along as near the
shore as they could; but the sea
went so high that they could not
land. About ten or eleven o'clock
two horsemen came near the shore,
and one of them took a bottle out of
his pocket, and drank to our men ;
while he was drinking, one of our men
snatched up his gun and let drive at
him, and killed his horse ; so his
consort immediately set spurs to his
horse and rode away, leaving the
other to come after afoot. But lie
being booted made but slow haste ;
therefore two of our men stripped
themselves and swam ashore to take
him ; but he had a macheat, or long
knife, wherewith he kept them both
from seizing him, they having no-
thing in their hands wherewith to
defend themselves or offend him.
The 30th, our men came all aboard
again, for they could not find any
place to land in.
The 1st of December we passed by
the port of Solagua. This port is in
Lat. 18 52'. It is only a pretty
deep bay, divided in the middle with
a rocky point, which makes, as it
were, two harbours. Here we saw a
great new thatched house, and a
great many Spaniards, both horse
and foot, with drums beating and
colours flying, in defiance of us as we
thought. We took no notice of them
till the next morning, and then we
landed about 200 men to try their
courage ; but they presently with-
drew. The foot never stayed to ex-
change one shot ; but the horsemen
stayed till two or three were knocked
down, and then they drew off, ourmen
pursuing them. At last two of our
men took two horses that had lost
their riders, and mounting them rode
after the Spaniards full drive till they
came among them, thinking to have
taken a prisoner for intelligence, but
had like to have been taken them-
selves ; for four Spaniards surrounded
them, after they had discharged their l Guadalajara, about 160 miles in-
pistols, and unhorsed them ; and if I land.
some of our best footmen had not
come to their rescue, they must have
yielded or have been killed. They
were both cut in two or three places,
but their wounds were not mortal.
The four Spaniards got away before
our men could hurt them, and
mounting their horses speeded after
their consorts, who were marched
away into the country. Our men,
finding a broad road leading into the
country, followed it about four
leagues in a dry stony country, full
of short woods ; but finding no signs
of inhabitants they return ed again. In
their way back they took two Mulattoes
who were not able to march as fast
as their consorts, therefore they had
skulked in the woods, and by that
means thought to have escaped our
men. These prisoners informed us
that this great road did lead to a
great city called Oarrha, 1 from whence
many of those horsemen before spoken
of came ; that this city was distant
from hence as far as a horse will go
in four days, and that there is no
place of consequence nearer ; that
the country is very poor and thinly
inhabited. They said, also, that
these men came to assist the Philip-
pine ship, that was every day expect-
ed here, to put ashore passengers for
Mexico.
"We now intended to cruise off Cape
Corrientes to wait for the Philippine
ship ; so the 6th of December we set
sail, coasting to the westwards, to-
wards Cape Corrientes. We had fair
weather, and but little wind. Here
I was taken sick of a fever and ague,
that afterwards turned to a dropsy,
which I laboured under a long time
after ; and many of our men died of
this distemper, though our surgeons
used their greatest skill to preserve
their lives. The dropsy is a general
distemper on this coast, and the
natives say, that the best remedy
they can find for it is the stone or
cod of an alligator (of which they
have four, one near each leg, within
the flesh) pulverised and drunk in
186
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WOULD.
water. This receipt we also found
mentioned in an almanac made at
Mexico ; I would have tried it, but
we found no alligators here, though
there are several. There are many
good harbours between Solagua and
Cape Corrientes ; but we passed by
them all. As we drew near the Cape,
the land by the sea appeared of an in-
different height, full of white cliffs ;
but in the country, the land is high
and barren, and full of sharp peaked
hills, unpleasant to the sight. To
the west of this ragged land is a
chain of mountains running parallel
with the shore ; they end on the west
with a gentle descent, but on the east
side they keep their height, ending
with a high steep mountain which hath
three small sharp peaked tops, some-
what resembling a crown, and there-
fore called by the Spaniards Coron-
ada, the Crown land. The llth we
were fair in sight of Cape Corrientes ;
it bore N. by W., and the Crown
land bore N. The cape is of an in-
different height, with steep rocks to
the sea. It is flat and even on the
top, clothed with woods ; the land in
the country is high and doubled.
This cape lies in 20 28' N. Here
we had resolved to cruise for the
Philippine ship, because she always
makes this cape in her voyage home-
ward. We were, as I have said, four
ships in company : Captain Swan
and his tender, Captain Townley and
his tender. It was so ordered that
Captain Swan should lie eight or ten
leagues off shore, and the rest about
a league distant from each other, be-
tween him and the cape, that so we
might not miss the Philippine ship ;
but we wanted provision, and there-
fore we sent Captain Townley's bark,
with fifty or sixty men to the west of
the cape, to search about for some
town or plantations where we might
get provision of any sort ; the rest
of us in the meantime cruising in
our stations. The 17th the bark
came to us again, but had got no-
thing ; for they could not get about
the cape, because the wind on this
coast is commonly between the NW.
and SW. , which makes it very diffi-
[CiiAr. IX.
cult getting to the westward ; but
they left four canoes with forty-six
men at the cape, who resolved to
row to the westward. The 18th wo
sailed to the Keys of Chametly l to
fill our water. These keys or islands
of Chametly are about sixteen or
eighteen leagues to the eastward of
Cape Corrientes. They are small,
low, and woody, environed with
rocks ; there are five of them, lying
in the form of a half moon, not a
mile from the shore ; and between
them and the main is very good
riding, secure from any wind. The
Spaniards report that here live fisher-
men to fish for the inhabitants of the
city of Purificacion. This is said to
be a large town, the best hereabouts ;
but it is fourteen leagues up in the
country. The 20th we entered with-
in these islands, passing in on the
SE, side, and anchored between the
islands and the main in five fathoms
clean sand. Here we found good
fresh water and wood, and caught
plenty of rock-fish with hook and
line, a sort of fish I described at the
Isle of Juan Fernandez ; but we saw
no sign of inhabitants besides threa
or four old huts, therefore I believe
that the Spanish or Indian fishermen
come hither only at Lent, or some
other such season, but that they do
not live here constantly. The 21st,
Captain Townley went away with
about sixty men to take an Indian
village seven or eight leagues from
hence to the westward, more towards
the cape ; and the next day we went
to cruise off the cape, where Captain
Townley was to meet us.
The 24th, as we were cruising
off the cape, the four canoes before
mentioned, which Captain Townley's
bark left at the Cape, came off to us.
They, after the bark left them, passed
to the west of the cape, and rowed
into the valley of Valderas, 2 or per-
haps Val d'Iris ; for it signifies the
1 The locality of these islands cor-
responds with that of the Puerto do
Tamatlan, a small bay due west from
the city of La Purificacion.
2 The Bay of Banderas, to the
1685-6.] DEADLY ENCOUNTER
Valley of Flags. This valley lies in
the bottom of a pretty deep bay, that
runs in between Cape Corrientes on
the SE., and the Point of Pontique 1
on the NW., which two places are
about ten leagues asunder. The
valley is about three leagues wide ;
there is a level sandy bay against
the sea, and good smooth landing.
In the midst of the bay is a fine
river, whereinto boats m ay ^ enter.
When our canoes came to this plea-
sant valley, they landed thirty-seven
men, and marched into the country
seeking for some houses. They had
not gone past three miles before
they were attacked by 150 Spaniards,
horse and foot. There was a small
thin wood close by them, into which
our men retreated to secure them-
selves from the fury of the horse ; yet
the Spaniards rode in among them
and attacked them very furiously,
till the Spanish captain and seven-
teen more tumbled dead off their
horses ; then the rest retreated, be-
ing many of them wounded. We
lost four men, and had two desper-
ately wounded. In this action the
foot, who were armed with lances
and swords, and were the greatest
number, never made any attack ; the
horsemen had each a brace of pistols,
and some short guns. If the foot
had came in, they had certainly de-
stroyed all our men. When the
skirmish was over, our men placed
the two wounded men on horses, and
came to their canoes. There they
killed one of the horses, and dress-
ed it, being afraid to venture into
the savannah to kill a bullock, of
which there was store. When they
had eaten and satisfied themselves,
they returned aboard. The 25th,
being Christmas, we cruised in pretty
near the cape, and sent in three
canoes with the strikers to get fish,
being desirous to have a Christmas
dinner. In the afternoon they re-
turned aboard with three great Jew-
fish, which feasted us all ; and the
north of Cape Corrientes, seems to be
here intended.
1 Now called Point of Mita.
WITH THE SPANIARDS. 187
next day we sent ashore our canoes
again and got three or four more.
Captain Townley, who went from us
at Chametly, came aboard the 28th,
and brought about forty bushels of
maize. He had landed to the east-
ward of Cape Corrientes, and marched
to an Indian village that is four or
five leagues in the country. The In-
dians, seeing him coming, set two
houses on fire that were full of maize
and ran away. Yet he and his men
got in other houses as much as they
could bring down on their backs,
which he brought aboard.
We cruised off the Cape till the 1st
of January 1686, and then made to-
wards the valley of Valderas to hunt
for beef; and before night we an-
chored in the bottom of the bay in
sixty fathoms water, a mile from the
shore. Here we stayed hunting till
the 7th, and Captain Swan and Cap-
tain Townley went ashore every morn-
ing with about 240 men, and marched
to a small hill, where they remained
with fifty or sixty men to watch the
Spaniards, who appeared in great
companies on other hills not far dis-
tant, but did never attempt anything
against our men. Here we killed and
salted above two months' meat, be-
sides what we spent fresh ; and might
have killed as much more if we had
been better stored with salt. Our
hopes of meeting the Philippine ship
were now over, for we did all conclude
that while we were necessitated to
hunt here for provisions she was past
by to the eastwards, as indeed she
was, as we did understand afterwards
hy prisoners. So this design failed
through Captain Townley's eagerness
after the Lima ship, which, he at-
tempted in Acapulco harbour, as I
have related. For though we took
a little flour hard by, yet the same
guide which told us of that ship would
nave conducted us where we might
have had store of beef and maize ; but
instead thereof, we lost both our time
and the opportunity of providing
ourselves, and so were forced to be
victualling when we should have been
cruising off Cape Corrientes in expec-
tation of the Manilla ship. Hitherto
188 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
we had coasted along here with two
different designs ; the one was to get
the Manilla ship, which would have
enriched us beyond measure, and this
Captain, Townley was most for. Sir
Thomas Cavendish formerly took the
Manilla ship off Cape San Lucas in
California (where we also would have
waited for her had we been early
enough stored with provisions to have
met her there), and threw much rich
goods overboard. The other design,
which Captain Swan and our crew
were most for, was to search along the
coast for rich towns, and mines chiefly
of gold and silver, which we were
assured were in this country, and, we
hoped, near the shore ; not knowing
(as we afterwards found) that it was
in effect an inland country, its wealth
remote from the South Sea coast, and
having little or no commerce with it,
its trade being driven eastward with
Europe by La Vera Cruz. Yet we
had still some expectation of mines,
and so resolved to steer on farther
northward. But Captain Townley,
who had no other design in coming
on this coast but to meet this ship,
resolved to return again towards the
coast of Peru. So here we parted, he
to the eastward and we to the west-
ward, intending to search as far to
the westward as the Spaniards were
settled.
It was the 7th of January in the
morning when we sailed from this
pleasant valley. Before night we
passed by Point Pontique ; it is high,
round, rocky, and barren ; at a dis-
tance it appears like an island. A
league to the W. of this point are two
small barren islands called the Islands
of Pontique. 1 There are several high,
sharp, white rocks that lie scattering
about them ; we passed between these
rocky islands on the left and the
main on the right, for there is no
danger. The 14th we had sight of
a small white rock which appears very
much like a ship under sail. This rock
1 Two or three small islands, in-
cluding Corvetena and Marieta, are
marked in modern maps in a corre- ,
Bponding situation off Point Mita. ] Mazatlau.
[CHAP. IX.
is in Lat. 21 15'; it is three leagues
from the main. At night we anchored
in six fathoms water, near a league
from the main, in good oozy ground.
"We caught a great many cat-fish here,
and at several places on this coast
both before and after this. From this
island the land runs more northerly,
making a fair sandy bay ; but the sea
falls in with such violence on the
shore that there is no landing. We
came to an anchor every evening, and
in the mornings we sailed off with the
land-wind.
The 20th we anchored about three
miles on the east side of the Islands
of Chametly, 3 different from those
of that name before mentioned; for
these are six small islands in Lat.
23 11', a little to the south of the Tro-
Sic of Cancer and about three leagues
"om the main, where a salt lake has
its outlet into the sea. These isles
are of an indifferent height ; some of
them have a few shrubby bushes, the
rest are bare of any sort of wood.
There is a sort of fruit growing on
these islands, called penguins, and it
is all the fruit they have. The pen-
guin fruit is of two sorts, the yellow
and the red. The yellow penguin
grows on a green stem as big as a
man's arm above a foot high from the
ground. The leaves of this stalk are
half a foot long and an inch broad ;
the edges full of sharp prickles. The
fruit grows at the head of the stalk in
two or three great clusters, sixteen or
twenty in a cluster. The fruit is as
big as a pullet's egg, of a round form,
and in colour yellow. It has a thick
skin or rind, and the inside is full of
small black seeds mixed among the
fruit. The red penguin is of the big-
ness and colour of a small dry onion,
and in shape much like a ninepin, for
it grows not on a stalk or stem as the
other, but one end on the ground, the
other standing upright. There are
some guanas on these islands, but no
2 Properly the Islands of Mazatlan,
the name in the text being errone-
ously taken from a town called Cha-
matla, about forty miles south of
1686'.] SEIZURE OF AN
other sort of land animal. The bays
about the islands are sometimes visited
by seal.
Captain Swan went away from
hence with 100 men in our canoes to
the northward to seek for the River
Culiacan, possibly the same with the
River of Piastla, l which some maps lay
down in the province or region of
Culiacan. This river lies in about
24 N. Lat. We were informed that
there is a fair and rich Spanish town
seated on the east side of it, with
savannahs about it full of bulls and
cows, and that the inhabitants of this
town pass over in boats to the Island
of California, where they fish for
pearl. I have been told since by a
Spaniard that said he had been at
the Island California, 2 that there are
great plenty of pearl oysters there,
and that the native Indians of Cali-
fornia near the pearl fishery are mortal
enemies to the Spaniards. Our canoes
were absent three or four days, and
said they had been above thirty
leagues but found no river ; that the
land by the sea was low and all sandy
bay, but such a great sea that there
was no landing. They met us in their
return in Lat. 23*? 30', coasting along
shore after them towards Culiacan, so
we returned again to the eastward.
This was the farthest that I was to
the north on this coast. Six or seven
leagues NNW. from the Isles of Cha-
metly there is a small narrow entrance
into a lake which runs about twelve
leagues easterly, parallel with the
shore, making many small low man-
grove islands. The mouth of this
lake is in Lat. about 23 30'. It
is called by the Spaniards Rio de
1 The Culiacan and the Piastla are
two distinct streams, the former being
the more northerly.
2 In the maps accompanying the
second edition of Dampier's Voyage
(London, 1697), from which the text
is printed, California is more than
once laid down as an island, though
the author, near the end of the pre-
sent Chapter, mentions some later
Spanish maps in which it is made "to
join to the main."
INDIAN VILLAGE. 189
Sal, for it is a salt lake. Theie is
water enough for boats and canoes to
enter, and smooth landing after you
are in. On the west side of it there
is a house and an estantion or farm
of large cattle. Our men went into
the lake and landed, and coming to
the house, found seven or eight
bushels of maize, but the cattle were
driven aAvay by the Spaniards ; yet
there our men took the owner of the
estantion and brought him aboard.
He said that the beeves were driven
a great way into the country for fear
we should kill them. While we lay
here, Captain Swan went into this
lake again, and landed 150 men on the
NE. side, and marched into the coun-
try. About a mile from the landing-
place, as they were entering a dry
Salina or salt-pond, they fired at two
Indians that crossed the way before
them. One of them, being wounded
in the thigh, fell down ; and being
examined, he told our men that there
was an Indian town four or five
leagues o ( ff, and that the way which
they were going would bring them
thither. "While they were in dis-
course with the Indian, they were
attacked by 100 Spanish horsemen,
who came with a design to scare them
back, but wanted both arms and
hearts to do it. Our men passed on
from thence, and in their way marched
through a savannah of long dry grass.
This the Spaniards set on fire, think-
ing to burn them ; but that did not
hinder our men from marching for-
ward, though it did trouble them a
little. They rambled for want of
guides all this day and part of the
next before they came to the town the
Indian spoke of. There they found a
company of Spaniards and Indians,
who made head against them, but
were driven out of the town after a
short dispute. Here our Surgeon and
one man more were wounded with
arrows, but none of the rest were
hurt. When they came into the
town they found two or three Indians
wounded, who told them that the
name of the town was Mazatlaii ;
that there were a few Spaniards living
in it, and the rest were Indians ; that
190
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. IX.
five leagues from this town there were
two rich gold mines where the Span-
iards of Compostella, 1 which is the
chief town in these parts, kept many
slaves and Indians at work for gold.
Here our men lay that night, and the
next morning packed up all the maize
that they could find, and brought it
on their backs to the canoes, and came
aboard.
We lay here till the 2d of February,
and then Captain Swan went away
with about eighty men to the River
Rosario, 2 where they landed and
marched to an Indian town of the
same name. They found it about
nine miles from the sea ; the way to
it fair and even. This was a fine
little town, of about sixty or seventy
houses, with a fair church ; and it
was chiefly inhabited by Indians.
They took prisoners there who told
them that the River Rosario is rich
in gold, and that the mines are not
above two leagues from the town.
Captain Swan did not think it con-
venient to go to the mines, but made
haste aboard with the maize which
lie took there, to the quantity of
about eighty or ninety bushels, which
to us, in the scarcity we were in of
provisions, was at that time more
valuable than all the gold in the
world ; and had he gone to the mines
the Spaniards would probably have
destroyed the corn before his return.
The 3d of February we went with our
ships also towards the River Rosario,
and anchored the next day against
the river's mouth. The 7th, Captain
Swan came aboard with the maize
which he got. This was but a small
men as we were,
the place we
strangers and haying
no pilots to direct or guide us into
any river ; and we being without all
1 Nueva Compostella, a city built
by Nunez de Guzman, once the see
of a bishop, now removed to Guada-
laxara, along with the importance, if
not the very existence, of the place.
2 At no great distance east of Mazat-
lan ; several miles up the river is the
town of Asilo de Rosario.
sort of provisions but what we were
forced to get in this manner from the
shore. The 8th, Captain Swan sent
about forty men to seek for the River
Olita, which is to the eastward of the
River Rosario. The next day we
followed after with the ships. In the
afternoon our canoes came again to
us, for they could not find the River
Olita ; therefore we designed next
for the River Santiago, to the east-
ward still. The llth, in the evening,
we anchored against the mouth of
the river, about two miles from the
shore. It is one of the principal
rivers on this coast. The mouth of
this river is near half-a-mile broad,
and very smooth entering. Within
the mouth it is broader ; for three or
four rivers more meet there and issue
all out together. The llth, Captain
Swan sent seventy men in four canoes
into this river, to seek a town ; for
although we had no intelligence of
any, yet, the country appearing very
promising, we did not question but
they would find inhabitants before
they returned. They spent two days
in rowing up and down the creeks
and rivers ; at last they came to a
large field of maize, which was almost
ripe : they immediately fell to gather-
ing as fast as they could, and intended
to lade the canoes; but seeing an
Indian that was set to watch the corn,
they quitted that troublesome and
tedious work and seized him and
brought him aboard, in hopes by his
information to have some more easy
and expeditious way of a supply by
finding corn ready cut and dried. He
being examined said that there was a
town called Santa Pecaque 3 four
leagues from the place where he was
taken ; and that if we designed to go
thither he would undertake to be our
guide. Captain Swan immediately
ordered his men to make ready, and
the same evening went away with
eight canoes and 140 men, taking the
Indian for their guide.
3 Marked on Dampier's map a little
way up the left or south bank of the
River Santiago, but not traceable in
modern maps.
1686.]
SANTA PECAQUE.
191
He rowed about five leagues up the
nver, aiid landed the next morning.
The river at this place was not above
pistol-shot wide, the banks pretty
high on each side, and the land plain
and even. He left twenty-three men
to guard the canoes, and marched
with the rest to the town. He set
out from the canoes at 6 o'clock in
the morning, and reached the town
by ten. The way through which he
passed was very plain, part of it
woodland, part savannahs. The
savannahs were full of horses, bulls,
and cows. The Spaniards seeing him
coming ran all away ; so he entered
the town without the least opposition.
This town of Santa Pecaque stands
on a plain in a savannah by the side
of a wood, with many fruit trees
about it. It is but a small town,
but very regular, after the Spanish
mode, with a parade in the midst.
The houses fronting the parade had
all balconies ; there were two churches,
one against the parade, the other at
the end of the town. It is inhabited
mostly by Spaniards. Their chief oc-
cupation is husbandry. There are also
some carriers, who are employed by
the merchants of Compostella to trade
for them to and from the mines.
Compostella is a rich town about
twenty-one leagues from hence. It
is the chief in all this part of the
kingdom, and is reported to have
seventy White families ; which is a
great matter in these parts, for it
may be that such a town has no less
than 500 families of copper-coloured
people besides the Whites. The sil-
ver mines are about five or six leagues
from Santa Pecaque ; there, as we
were told, the inhabitants of Compo-
stella had some hundreds of slaves at
work. The silver here and all over
the kingdom of Mexico is .said to be
finer and richer in proportion than
that of Potosi or Peru, though the ore
be not so abundant ; and the carriers
of this town of Santa Pecaque carry
the ore to Compostella, where it is
refined. These carriers or sutlers
also furnish the slaves at the mines
with maize, whereof there was great
plenty now in the town, designed for
that use ; there was also sugar, salt,
and salt-fish.
Captain Swan's only business at
Santa Pecaque was to get provision ;
therefore he ordered his men to
divide themselves into two parts,
and by turns carry down the provi-
sion to the canoes ; one half remain-
ing in the town to secure what they
had taken, while the other half were
going and coming. In the afternoon
they caught some horses ; and the
next morning, being the 17th, fifty-
seven men and some horses went
laden with maize to the canoes.
They found them, and the men left
to guard them, in good order, though
the Spaniards had given them a small
diversion, and wounded one man ;
but our men of the canoes landed
and drove them away. These that
came loaded to the canoes left seven
men more there, so that now there
were thirty men to guard the canoes.
At night the others returned; and
the 18th, in the morning, that half
which stayed the day before at the
town took their turn of going, with
every man his burthen, and twenty-
four horses laden. Before they re-
turned, Captain Swan and his other
men at the town caught a prisoner,
who said that there were near 1000
men of all colours, Spaniards and In-
dians, Negroes and Mulattoes, in
arms at a place called Santiago, but
three leagues off, the chief town on
this river ; that the Spaniards were
armed with guns and pistols, and the
copper - coloured with swords and
lances. Captain Swan, fearing the
fl consequence of separating his
small company, was resolved the
next day to march away with the
whole party ; and therefore he or-
dered his men to catch as many
horses as they could, that they might
carry the more provision with them.
Accordingly, the next day, being the
19th of February 1686, Captain Swan
called out his men betimes to be
gone ; but they refused to go, and
said that they would not leave the
town till all the provision was in the
canoes; therefore he was forced to
yield to them, and suffered half the
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. IX.
192
company to go as before. They had
now fifty-four horses laden, which
Captain Swan ordered to be tied one
to another, and the men to go in
two bodies, twenty -five before and as
many behind ; but the men would go
at their own rate, every man leading
his horse. The Spaniards observed
their manner of marching, and laid
an ambush about a mile from the
town, which they managed with such
success, that falling on our body of
men who were guarding the corn to
the canoes, they killed them every
one. Captain Swan hearing the re-
port of their guns, ordered his men
who were then in the town with him
to march out to their assistance ; but
some opposed him, despising their
enemies ; till two of the Spaniards'
horses that had lost their riders came
galloping into the'.town in a great fright,
both bridled and saddled, with each
a pair of holsters by their sides, and
one had a carbine newly discharged ;
which was an apparent token that
our men had been engaged, and that
by men better armed than they ima-
gined they should meet with. There-
fore Captain Swan immediately
marched out of the town, and his
men all followed him ; and when he
came to the place where the engage-
ment had been, he saw all his men
that went out in the morning lying
dead. They were stripped, and so
cut and mangled that lie scarce knew
one man. Captain Swan had not
more men then with him than those
were who lay dead before him ; yet
the Spaniards never came to oppose
him, but kept at a great distance ;
for it is probable the Spaniards had
not cut off so many men of ours, but
with the loss of a great many of their
own. So he marched down to the
canoes, and came aboard the ship
with the maize that was already in
the canoes. We had about fifty men
killed.
This loss discouraged us from at-
tempting anything more hereabouts.
Therefore Captain Swan proposed to
go to Cape San Lucas, on California,
to careen. He had two reasons for
tli is : first, that lie thought he could
lie there secure from the Spaniards ;
and next, that if he could get a com-
merce with the Indians there, he
might make a discovery in the Lake
of California, and by their assistance
try for some of the plate of New
Mexico. This Lake of California
(for so the sea, channel, or strait,
between that and the continent is
called) is but little known to the
Spaniards, by what I could ever
learn ; for their draughts do not
agree about it. Some of them make
California an island. Some of their
draughts newly made make Califor-
nia to join to the main. I believe
that the Spaniards do not care to
have this lake discovered, for fear less
other European nations should get
knowledge of it, and by that means
visit the mines of New Mexico.
New Mexico, by report of several
English prisoners there, and Span-
iards I have met with, lies NW.
from Old Mexico between 400 and
500 leagues, and the biggest part of
the treasure which is found in this
kingdom is in that province j but with-
out doubt there are plenty of mines in
other parts, as well as in this part of
the kingdom where we now were, as
in other places ; and probably on the
main bordering on the Lake of Cali-
fornia, although not yet discovered
by the Spaniards, who have mines
enough, and therefore as yet have no
reason to discover more. In my
opinion, here might be very advan-
tageous discoveries made by any^that
would attempt it, for the Spaniards
have more than they can well manage.
I know yet they would lie like the dog
in the manger ; although not able to
eat themselves, yet they would en-
deavour to hinder others. But the
voyage thither being so far, I take
that to be one reason that has hin-
dered the discoveries of these parts ;
yet it is possible that a man may find
a nearer way hither than we came ; I
mean by the north-west. I know
there have been divers attempts made
about a north-west passage, and all
unsuccessful ; yet I am of opinion
that such a passage may be found.
All our countrymen that have gone
1686.]
THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
193
to discover the NW. passage, have
endeavoured to pass to the westward,
beginning their search along Davis's
or Hudson's Bay. But if I were to go
on this discovery, I would go first into
the South Seas, bend my course from
thence along by California, and that
way seek a passage back into the
"West Seas. For as others have spent
the cummer in first searching on this
more known side nearer home, and
so before they got through, the time
of the year obliged them to give over
their search and provide for a long
course back again, for fear of being
left in the winter ; on the contrary, I
would search first on the less known
coasts of the South Sea side, and then
as the year passed away 1 should
need no retreat, for I should come
farther into my knowledge * if I suc-
ceeded in my attempt, and should be
without that dread and fear which
the others must have in passing from
the known to the unknown; who,
for aught I know, gave over their
search just as they were on the point
of accomplishing their desires. I
would take the same method if I
were to go to discover the north-east
passage. I would winter about
Japan, Corea, or the north-east part
of China ; and taking the spring and
summer before me, I would make my
first trial on the coast of Tartary ;
wherein, if I succeeded, I should come
into some known parts, and have a
great deal of time before me to reach
Archangel or some other port. Cap-
tain "Wood indeed says this north-east
passage is not to be found for ice ;
but how often do we see that some-
times designs have been given over
as impossible, and at another time
and by other ways those very things
have been accomplished ? But enough
of this.
The next day after that fatal skir-
mish near Santa Pecaque, Captain
Swan ordered all our water to be
filled, and to get ready to sail. The
21st we sailed from thence, directing
our course towards California. We
1 Into the regions of which I had
knowledge.
passed by three islands, called the
[Three] Marias. 2 We beat till the
6th of February, but it was against a
brisk wind, and proved labour in vain.
Finding, therefore, that we got
nothing, but rather lost ground, being
then in 21 5' N., we steered away
more to the eastward again for the
Islands Marias, and the 7th we came
to an anchor at the east end of the
middle island. The Marias are three
uninhabited islands in Lat. 21 40' ;
they are distant from Cape San Lucas
on California forty leagues, bearing
ESE. , and from Cape Corrientes twenty
leagues, bearing upon the same points
of the compass with Cape San Lucas.
They stretch NW. and SE. about four-
teen leagues. There are two or three
small high rocks near them ; the
westernmost of them is the biggest
island of the three, and they are all
three of an indifferent height. The
soil is stony and dry; the land, in
most places, is covered with a shrubby
sort of wood, very thick and trouble-
some to pass through. In some places
there is plenty of straight, large cedars.
[These islands are described as unin-
habitable, but guanas, racoons, turtle,
tortoise, and seal were to be had in
abundance. Captain Swan named the
middle island Prince George's Island.
Dampier was here sick of a dropsy,
but having been buried half-an-hour
in the hot sand to induce perspiration,
he got well shortly afterwards.] . . .
We stayed here till the 20th ; and
then both vessels being clean, we
sailed to the valley of Valderas to
water. The 28th we anchored in the
bottom of the bay of the valley of
Valderas, right against the river,
where we watered before ; but this
river was brackish now in the dry
season, and therefore we went two or
three leagues nearer Cape Corrientes,
and anchored by a small round island
not half a-mile from the shore. Here
our strikers struck nine or ten Jew-
2 There are really four islands in
the group; the fourth, lying farthest
to the north-west, is called Santa
Juanic.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [C'nAP. X.
194
fish : some we did eat, and the rest
we salted; and the 29th we filled
thirty -two tons of very good water.
Having thus provided ourselves, we
had nothing more to do but to put in
execution our intended expedition to
the East Indies, in hopes of some
better success there than we had met
with on this little frequented coast.
We came on it full of expectations ;
for besides the richness of the country,
and the probability of finding some
seaports worth visiting, we persuaded
ourselves that there must needs be
shipping and trade here, and that
Acapulco and La Vera Cruz were to
the kingdom of Mexico what Panama
and Porto Bello are to that of Peru,
viz., marts for carrying on a constant
commerce between the South and
North Seas, as indeed they are. But
whereas we expected that this com-
merce should be managed by sea from
the places along the west coast, we
found ourselves mistaken ; that of
Mexico being almost wholly a land
trade, and managed more by mules
than by ships; so that instead of
profit, we met with little on this
coast besides fatigues, hardships, and
losses, and so were the more easily
induced to try what better fortune
we might have in the East Indies.
But, to do right to Captain Swan, he
had no intention to be as a privateer
in the East Indies; but, as he has
often assured me with his own mouth,
he resolved to take the first oppor-
tunity of returning to England; so
that he feigned a compliance with
some of his men who were bent upon
going to cruise at Manilla, that he
might have leisure to take some
favourable opportunity of quitting
the privateer trade.
CHAPTER X.
I HAVE given an account in the last
Chapter of the resolutions we took of
going over to the East Indies. But
having more calmly considered on the
length of our voyage from hence to
Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands,
which is the first place that we could
touch at, and there also being not
certain to find provisions, most of
our men were almost daunted at the
thoughts of it, for we had not sixty
days' provision, at a little more than
half a pint of maize a-day for each
man, and no other provision except
three meals of salted Jew-fish; and
we had a great many rats aboard
which we could not hinder from eat-
ing part of our maize; besides the
great distance between Cape Corri-
entes and Guam, which is variously
set down. The Spaniards, who have
the greatest reason to know best,
make it to be between 2300 and 2400
leagues : our books also reckon it
differently between 90 and 100 de-
grees, which all comes short indeed
of 2000 leagues; but even that was a
voyage enough to frighten us, con-
sidering our scanty provisions. Cap-
tain Swan, to encourage his men to
go with him, persuaded them that
the English books did give the best
account of the distance; his reasons
were many, although but weak. He
urged, among the rest, that SirThomas
Cavendish and Sir Francis Drake did
run it in less than fifty days, and
that he did not question but that our
ships were better sailers than those
which were built in that age ; and
that he did not doubt to get there in
little more than forty days, this being
the best time in the year for breezes,
which undoubtedly is the reason that
the Spaniards set out from Acapulco
about this time; and that although
they are sixty days in their voyage,
it is because they are great ships,
deep-laden, and very heavy sailers;
besides, they, wanting nothing, are
in no great haste in their way, but
sail with a great deal of their usual
caution, and when they come near
the Island of Guam, they lie by in
the night for a week before they make
land. In prudence we also should
have contrived to lie by in the night
when we came 'near land; for other-
wise we might have run ashore, or
have outsailed the islands and List
sight of them before morning. But
our Tbold adventurers seldom proceed
1686.]
SHORT OF PROVISIONS.
195
with such wariness when in any straits.
But of all Captain Swan's arguments,
that which prevailed most with them
was his promising them, as I have
said, to cruise off Manilla. So he
and his men being now agreed, and
they encouraged with the hope of
gain, which works its way through
all difficulties, we set out from Cape
Corrientes, March ^the 31st, 1686.
We were two ships in company, Cap-
tain Swan's ship and a bark com-
manded under Captain Swan by Cap-
tain Tait, and we were 150 men 100
aboard of the ship, and 50 aboard the
bark, besides slaves, as I said.
The next morning, about 10 o'clock,
we had the sea breeze at NNE. , so
that at noon we were thirty leagues
from the cape. It blew a fresh gale
of wind, which carried us off into the
true trade-wind. At first we had it
at NNE., so it came about easterly,
and then to the east as we ran off.
At 250 leagues' distance from the
shore we had it at ENE., and there
it stood till we came within forty
leagues of Guam. When we had
eaten up our three meals of salted Jew-
fish in so many days' time, we had
nothing but our small allowance of
maize. After the 1st of May we
made great runs every day, having
very fair clear weather and a fresh
trade-wind, which we made use of
with all our sails, and we made many
good observations of the sun. At our
first setting out we steered into the
Lat. of 13, which is near the Latitude
of Guam ; then we steered west, keep-
ing in that Latitude. By the time we
had sailed twenty days, our men, see-
ing we made such great runs, and the
wind like to continue, repined because
they were kept at such short allow-
ance. Captain Swan endeavoured to
persuade them to have a little patience,
yet nothing but an augmentation of
their daily allowance would appease
them. Captain Swan, though with
much reluctance, gave way to a small
enlargement of our commons, for now
we had not above ten spoonfuls of
boiled maize a - man once a - day,
whereas before we had eight. I do
believe that this short allowance did
me a great deal of good, though others
were weakened by it, for I found that
my strength increased and my dropsy
wore off. Yet I drank three times
every twenty-four hours ; but many of
our men did not drink in nine or ten
days' time, and some not in twelve
days ; one of our men did not drink
in seventeen days' time, and said he
was not a-dry when he did drink ; yet
he made water every day, more or
less. One of our men in the midst of
these hardships was found guilty of
theft, and condemned for the same to
have three blows from each man in
the ship with a two-inch and a half
rope on his bare back. Captain Swan
began first, and struck with a good
will, whose example was followed by
all of us. It was very strange that
in all this voyage we did not see one
fish, not so much as a flying fish, nor
any sort of fowl; but at one time,
when we were by my account 4975
miles west from Cape Corrientes;
then we saw a great number of boo-
bies, which we supposed came from
some rocks not far from us, which
were mentioned in some of our sea-
charts, but we did not see them.
After we had run the 1900 leagues
by our reckoning, which made the
English account to Guam, the men
began to murmur against Captain
Swan for persuading them to come
this voyage ; but he gave them fair
words, and told them that the Spanish
account might probably be the truest,
and seeing the gale was likely to con-
tinue, a short time longer would end
our troubles. As we drew nigh the
island, we met with some small rain,
and the clouds settling in the west
were an apparent token that we wera
not far from land ; for in these cli-
mates between or near the Tropics,
where the trade-wind blows constantly,
the clouds, which fly swift overhead,
yet seem near the limb 1 of the horizon
to hang without much motion or
alteration where the land is near. I .
1 The utmost edge or border; an
astronomical term applied to the
border of the disc of the sun, the
moon, or any planet.
196 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
have often taken notice of it, especi-
ally if it is high land, for you shall
then have the clouds hang about it
without any visible motion. The
20th day of May our bark, being
about three leagues ahead of our ship,
sailed over a rocky shoal on which
there was but four fathom water, and
abundance of fish swimming about
the rocks. They imagined by this
that the land was not far off ; so they
clapped on a wind with the bark's
head to the north, and being past the
shoal, lay by for us. When we came
up with them, Captain Tait came
aboard us and related what he had
seen. We were then in Lat. 1 2 55',
steering W. The Island of Guam is
laid down in Lat. 13 N. by the
Spaniards, who are masters of it,
keeping it as a baiting-place 1 as they
go to the Philippine Islands. There-
fore we clapped* on a wind and stood
to the N., being somewhat troubled
and doubtful whether we were right,
because there is no shoal laid down in
the Spanish draughts about the Island
of Guam. At four o'clock, to our
great joy, we saw the Island Guam
at about eight leagues' distance. It
was well for Captain Swan that we
got sight of it before our provision
was spent, of which we had but enough
for three days more; for, as I was
afterwards informed, the men had
contrived 2 first to kill Captain Swan
and eat him when the victuals were
gone, and after him, all of us who
were accessory in promoting the un-
dertaking this voyage. This made
Captain Swan say to me after our
arrival at Guam, "Ah! Dampier, you
would have made them but a poor
meal," for I was as lean as the Cap-
tain was lusty and fleshy. The wind
was at ENE. and the land bore NNE. ;
therefore we stood to the northward
till we brought the island to bear
east, and then we turned to get in to
an anchor. [Dampier here occupies
several pages with a detailed table,
showing every day's run during the
1 A place of provisioning or refresh-
ment.
2 Plotted, arranged.
[CHAP. X.
voyage, with the course steered, the
direction of the wind, and the obser-
vations made; the result being, by
his computation, a total westing of
7323 miles, or 125 11' of longitude,
" allowing fifty-eight or fifty-nine
Italian miles to a degree in these lati-
tudes." And upon the ground of
this calculation he disputes the ordi-
nary reckoning of hydrographers, who
make the breadth of the South Sea
"only about 100 degrees, more or
less." The tables and argument are
omitted, being purely technical and
practically obsolete.]
The Island of Guam, or Guahan
(as the native Indians pronounce it),
is one of the Ladrone Islands, and
belongs to the Spaniards, who have a
small fort with six guns in it, with
Governor and twenty or thirty sol-
diers. They keep it for the relief and
refreshment of their Philippine ships
that touch here in their way from
Acapulco to Manilla, but the winds
will not so easily let them take this
way back again. The Spaniards of
late have named Guam the Island
Maria ; it is about twelve leagues long
and four broad, lying N. and S. It
is a pretty high champaign land. The
21st of May 1686, at eleven o'clock
in the evening, we anchored near the
middle of the Island of Guam, on the
west side, a mile from the shore. At
a distance it appears flat and even,
but coming near it you will find it
stands shelving; and the east side,
which is much the highest, is fenced
with steep rocks that oppose the vio-
lence of the sea which continually
rages against it, being driven with
the constant trade-wind, and on that
side there is no anchoring. The west
side is pretty low and full of small
sandy bays, divided with as many
rocky points. The soil of the island
is reddish, diy, and indifferent fruit-
ful. The fruits are chiefly rice, pine-
apples, water-melons, musk-melons,
oranges and limes, cocoa-nuts, and a
sort of fruit called by us bread-fruit.
The cocoa-nut trees grow by the
sea on the western side in great
groves, three or four miles in length,
and a mile or two broad. This tree
1686.1
BOAT-MAKING AT GUAM.
197
is in shape like the cabbage tree, and
at a distance they are not to be
known each from other, only the
cocoa-nut tree is fuller of branches ;
but the cabbage tree generally is
much higher, though the cocoa-nut
trees in some places are very high. . . .
The natives of this island are strong-
bodied, large-limbed, and well-shaped.
They are copper-coloured like other
Indians ; their hair is black and long,
their eyes meanly proportioned ; they
have pretty high noses ; their lips
are pretty full, and their teeth in-
different white. They are long-vis-
aged, and stern of countenance ; yet
we found them to be affable and
courteous. They are many of them
troubled with a kind of leprosy.
The natives are very ingenious "be-
yond any people in making boats, or
proas as they are called in the East
Indies, and therein they take great
delight. These are built sharp at
both ends. The bottom is of one
piece, made like the bottom of a little
canoe, very neatly dug, and left of a
good substance. This bottom part is
instead of a keel ; it is about twenty-
six or twenty-eight feet long ; the
under part of this keel is made round,
but inclining to a wedge, and smooth ;
and the upper part is almost flat, hav-
ing a very gentle hollow, and is about
a foot broad. From hence both sides
of the boat are carried up to about
five feet high with narrow plank, not
above four or five inches broad, and
each end of the boat turns up round
very prettily. But, \fhat is very
singular, one side of the boat is made
perpendicular, like a wall, while the
other side is rounding, made as other
vessels are, with a pretty full belly.
Just in the middle it is about four or
five feet broad aloft, or more, accord-
ing to the length of the boat. The
mast stands exactly in the middle,
with a long yard that peaks up and
down like a mizzen-yard. One end of
it reaches down to the end or head of
the boat, where it is placed in a notch
that is made there purposely to re-
ceive it and keep it fast j the other
end hangs over the stern. To this
yard the sail is fastened. At the foot
of the sail there is another small yard,
to keep the sail out square, and to
roll up the sail on when it blows
hard ; for it serves instead of a reef to
take up the sail to what degree they
please, according to the strength of
the wind. Along the belly-side of
the boat, parallel with it, at about six
or seven feet distance, lies another
small boat or canoe, being a log of
very light wood, almost as long as the
great boat, but not so wide, being not
above a foot and a half wide at the
upper part, and very sharp like a
wedge at each end. And there are
tAvo bamboos of about eight or ten
feet long, and as big as one's leg,
placed over the great boat's side, one
near each end of it, and reaching
about six or seven feet from the side
of the boat ; by the help of which the
little boat is made firm and contigu-
ous to the other. ... I have been
the more particular in describing these
boats, because I believe they sail the
best of any boats in the world. I did
here for my own satisfaction try the
swiftness of one of them ; sailing by
our log, we had twelve knots on our
reel, and she ran it all out before the
half-minute glass was half out, which,
if it had been no more, is after tho
rate of twelve miles an hour ; but I do
believe she would have run twenty-
four miles an hour. . . .
The Indians of Guam have neat
little houses, very handsomely thatch-
ed with palmetto .thatch. They, in-
habit together in villages built by
the sea on the west side, and have
Spanish priests to instruct them in
the Christian religion. The Spaniards
have a small fort on the west side,
near the south end, with six guns in it.
There is a Governor, and twenty or
thirty Spanish soldiers. There are
no more Spaniards on the island, be-
sides two or three priests. Not long
before we arrived here, the native's
rose on the Spaniards to destroy
them, and did kill many; but
the Governor with his soldiers at
length prevailed, and drove them out
of the fort. So, when they found
themselves disappointed of their in-
tent, they destroyed the plantations
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. X.
198
and stock, and then went away to
other islands. There were then 300
or 400 Indians on this island ; but
now there are not above 100, for all
that were in this conspiracy went
away. As for those who yet remain,
if they were not actually concerned
in that broil, yet their hearts also
are bent against the Spaniards ; for
they offered to carry us to the fort,
and assist us in the conquest of the
island ; but Captain Swan was not
for molesting the Spaniards here.
Before we came to an anchor here,
one of the priests came aboard in the
night with three Indians. They first
hailed us to know from whence we
came and what we were ; to whom
answer was made in Spanish that we
were Spaniards, and that we came
from Acapulco. It being dark, they
could not see the make of our ship,
nor very well discern what we were.
Therefore they came aboard ; but per-
ceiving the mistake they were in in
taking us for a Spanish ship, they
endeavoured to get from us again ;
but we held their boat fast, and made
them come in. Captain Swan re-
ceived the priest with much civility,
and, conducting him into the great
cabin, declared that the reason of our
coming to this island was want of
provision, and that he came not in
any hostile manner, but as a friend,
to purchase with his money what he
wanted ; and therefore desired the
priest to write a letter to the Gover-
nor to inform him what we were and
on what account we came. For
having him now aboard, the Captain
was willing to detain him as a host-
age till we had provision. The
Padre told Captain Swan that pro-
vision was now scarce on the island,
but he would engage that the Gover-
nor would do his utmost to furnish us.
In the morning, the Indians, in
whose boat or proa the Friar came
aboard, were sent to the Governor
with two letters, one from the Friar,
and another very obliging one from
Captain Swan, and a present of four
yards of scarlet cloth, and a piece of
broad silver and gold lace. The Go-
vernor lives near the south end of the
island, on the west side, which was
about five leagues from the place
where we were ; therefore we did not
expect an answer till the evening, not
knowing then how nimble they were.
Therefore, when the Indian canoe
was despatched away to the Governor,
we hoisted out two of our canoes, and
sent one a-fishing and the other ashore
for cocoa-nuts. Our fishing canoe got
nothing, but the men that went
ashore for cocoa-nuts came off laden.
About 11 o'clock that same morning,
the Governor of the island sent a
letter to Captain Swan, compliment-
ing him for his present, and promis-
ing to support us with as much pro-
vision as he could possibly spare ; and
as a token of his gratitude he sent a
present of six hogs of a small sort,
most excellent meat, the best, I think,
that ever I ate ; they are fed with
cocoa-nuts, and their flesh is hard as
brisket beef. They were doubtless of
that breed in America which came
originally from Spain. He sent also
twelve musk-melons, larger than ours
in England, and as many water-
melons, both sorts here being a very
excellent fruit ; and sent an order to
the Indians that lived in a village
not far from our ship to bake every
day as much of the bread-fruit as we
desired, and to assist us in getting as
many dry cocoa-nuts as we Avould
have, which they accordingly did,
and brought of the bread-fruit every
day hot, as much as we could eat.
After this the Governor sent every
day a canoe or two with hogs and
fruit, and desired for the same pow-
der, shot, and arms, which were sent
according to his request. We had a
delicate 1 large English dog, which the
Governor did desire, and had it given
him very freely by the Captain,
though much against the grain of
many of his men, who had a great
value for that dog. Captain Swan
endeavoured to get this Governor's
letter of recommendation to some
merchants at Manilla, for he had
then a design to go to Fort St George,*
1 Handsome, or favourite.
8 Madras.
1686.] FRIENDLINESS OF THE
and from thence intendeu to trade at
Manilla : but this his design was
concealed from the company. While
we lay here, the Acapulco ship
arrived in sight of the island, but
did not come in sight of us ; for the
Governor sent an Indian proa with
advice of our being here. Therefore
she stood off to the southward of the
island, and coming foul of the same
shoal that our bark had run over be-
fore, was in great danger of being lost
there ; for she struck off her rudder,
and with much ado got clear, but not
till after three days' labour. This we
heard afterwards, when we were on the
coast of Manilla ; but these Indians of
Guam did speak of her being in sight
of the island while we lay there,
which put our men in a great heat to
go out after her ; but Captain Swan
persuaded them out of that humour,
for he was now wholly averse to any
hostile action.
The 30th of May the Governor sent
his last^ present, which was some
hogs, a jar of pickled mangoes, a jar
of excellent pickled fish, and a jar of
fine rusk, or bread of fine wheat
flour, baked like biscuit, but not so
hard. He sent besides six or seven
packs of rice, desiring to be excused
from sending any more provision to
us, saying he had no more on the
island that he could spare. He sent
word also that the west monsoon was
at hand ; that therefore it behoved us
to be jogging from hence, unless we
were resolved to return back to Ame-
rica again. Captain Swan returned
him thanks for his kindness and ad-
vice, and took his leave; and the
same day sent the Friar ashore that
was seized on at our first arrival, and
gave him a large brass clock, an as-
tralobe, and a large telescope ; for
which present the Friar sent us
aboard six hogs and a roasting pig,
three or four bushels of potatoes,
and fifty pounds of Manilla tobacco.
Then we prepared to be gone, being
pretty well furnished with provision
to carry us to Mindanao, where we
designed next to touch. We took
aboard as many cocoa-nuts as we
could well stow; and we had a
GOVERNOR OF GUAM.
199
good stock of rice, and about fifty
hogs in salt.
CHAPTER XI.
WHILE we lay at Guam, we took up a
resolution of going to Mindanao, one
of the Philippine Islands, being told
by the Friar and others that it was
exceedingly well stored with provi-
sions ; that the natives were Mahomet-
ans, and that they had formerly a
commerce with the Spaniards, but
that now they were at war with them.
This island was therefore thought to
be a convenient place for us to go to ;
for besides that it was in our way to
the East Indies, which we had re-
solved to visit ; and that the westerly
monsoon was at hand which would
oblige us to shelter somewhere in a
short time ; and that we could not
expect good harbours in a better
place than in so large an island as
Mindanao ; besides all this, I say,
the inhabitants of Mindanao being
then, as we were told (though falsely),
at war with the Spaniards, our men,
who it should seem were very squeam-
ish, of plundering without license,
derived hopes from thence of getting
a commission there from the Prince
of the island to plunder the Spanish
ships about Manilla, and so to make
Mindanao their common rendezvous.
And if Captain Swan was minded to
go to an English port, yet his men,
who thought he intended to leave
them, hoped to get vessels and pilots
at Mindanao fit for their turn to
cruise on the coast of Manilla. As
for Captain Swan, he was willing
enough to go thither, as best suiting
his own design; and therefore this
voyage was concluded on by general
consent. Accordingly, June 2d, 1686,
we left Guam, bound for Mindanao.
The 21st of June, we arrived at the
Island St John, 1 which is one of the
1 It would seem that Dampier was
misled by the deep indentation of
the coast on the south of Mindanao
to fancy two islands when there was
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XL
200
Philippine Islands. The Philippines
are a great company of large islands,
taking up about 13 of Lat. in length,
reaching near upon from 5 N. Lat.
to 19, and in breadth about 6 of
Longitude. They derive this name
from Philip the second king of Spain ;
and even now they do most of them
belong to that crown. The chief
island in this range is Luconia, 1
which lies on the north of them all.
At this island Magellan died in the
voyage that he was making round
the world. For after he had passed
those straits between the south end
of ^ America and Tierra del Fuego
which now bear his name, and had
ranged down in the South Seas on
the back of America, from thence
stretching over to the East Indies he
fell in with the Ladrone Islands, and
from thence steering east still he fell
in with these Philippine Islands, and
anchored at Luconia, where he warred
with the native Indians, to bring
them in obedience to his master the
King of Spain, and was by them
killed with a poisoned arrow. It is
now wholly under the Spaniards,
who have several towns there. The
chief is Manilla, which is a large sea-
port town near the SE. end, opposite
to the Island Mindoro. It is a place
of great strength and trade ; th3 two
great Acapulco ships before men-
tioned fetching from hence all sorts
of East Indian commodities, which
are brought hither by foreigners,
especially by the Chinese and Por-
tuguese. Sometimes the English
merchants of Fort St George send
their ships thither as it were by
stealth, under the charge of Portu-
guese pilots and mariners ; for as yet
we cannot get the Spaniards there to
a commerce with us or the Dutch,
although they have but few ships of
their own. This seems to arise from
a jealousy or fear of discovering the
riches of these islands ; for most if
not all the Philippine Islands are rich
only one ; unless, indeed, he really
touched first at Sa,mar, to the north,
not the east, of Mindanao,
,, * Lujonia, or Luzon.
in gold ; and the Spaniards have no
place of much strength in all theso
islands that I could ever hear of, be-
sides Manilla itself. Yet they have
villages and towns on several of the
islands, and Padres or priests to in-
struct the native Indians, from whom
they get their gold. The Spanish
inhabitants, of the smaller islands
especially, would willingly trade with
us if the government was not so severe
against it ; for they have no goods
but what are brought from Manilla
at an extraordinary dear rate. I am
of the opinion that if any of our
nations would seek a trade with them
they would not lose their labour, for
the Spaniards can and will smuggle
as well as any nation that I know ;
and our Jamaicans are to their profit
sensible enough of it. And I have
been informed that Captain Goodlud
of London, in a voyage which he made
from Mindanao to China, touched at
some of these islands, and was civilly
treated by the Spaniards, who bought
some of his commodities, giving him
a very good price for the same. There
are about twelve or fourteen more large
islands lying to the southwards of
Luconia, most of which, as I said be-
fore, are inhabited by the Spaniards.
Besides these there are an infinite
number of small islands of no account ;
and even the great islands, many of
them, are without names, or at least
so variously set down, that I find the
same islands named by divers names.
The Islands of St John and Min-
danao are the southernmost of all
these islands, and are the only
islands in all this range that are not
subject to the Spaniards. St John's
Island is on the east side of Min-
danao, and distant from it three or
four leagues, in Lat. about 7 or 8 N.
This island is in length about thirty-
eight leagues, stretching NNW. and
SSE., and in breadth about twenty-
four leagues in the middle of the
island ; the northernmost end is
broader, and the southernmost is
narrower. 2 This island is of a good
2 This answers fairly enough tlio
description of the eastern part of
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
1686.]
height, and is full of many small
hills. The land at the SE. end,
where I \vas ashore, is of a black fat
mould ; and the whole island seems
to partake of the same fatness, by the
vast number of large trees that it
produces, for it looks all over like
one great grove. As we were passing
by the SE. end we saw a canoe of the
natives under the shore ; therefore
one of our canoes went after to have
spoken with her, but she ran away
from us, seeing themselves chased,
put their canoe ashore, leaving her,
fled into the woods, nor would be
allured to come to us, although we
did what we could to entice them.
Besides these men we saw no more
here, nor sign of any inhabitants at
this end. "When we came aboard our
ship again, we steered away for the
Island Mindanao, which was now fair
in sight of us ; it being about ten
leagues distant from this part of St
John's. The 22d we came within a
league of the east side of the island,
and steered toward the north end,
keeping on the east side, till we came
into the Lat. of 7 40', and there we
anchored. Some of our books gave
us an account that Mindanao city
and isle lie. in 7 40'. We guessed
that the middle of the island might
lie in this latitude, but we were at a
great loss where to find the city,
whether on the east or west side.
Indeed, had it been a small island,
open to the eastern wind, we
">ably have searched first
on the west side ; for commonly the
islands within the Tropics, or within
the bounds of the trade-winds, have
their harbours on the west side, as
best sheltered ; but Mindanao being
guarded on the east side by St John's
Island, we might as reasonably ex-
pect to find the harbour and city 01
this side as anywhere else. Bui
201
lying
might
Mindanao, which, with a broken bul
fairly continuous coast line on th
north and east, is deeply penetratec
on the south-east by Davao Bay,
which might easily have misled Dam
pier into supposing the existence o
two islands.
,oming into the Latitude in which we
udged the city might be, we found
10 canoes or people that might give
is any umbrage l of a city or place of
;rade near at hand, though we coasted
within a league of the shore.
The Island Mindanao is the biggest
f all the Philippine Islands except
lUconia. It is about sixty leagues
ong, and forty or fifty broad. The
south end is in about 5 N., and the
STW. end reaches almost to 8. It
s a very mountainous island, full of
lills and valleys. The mould in
general is deep and black, and extra-
ordinary fat and fruitful. The sides
f the hills are stony, yet productive
enough of very large tall trees. In
the heart of the country there are
some mountains that yield good gold.
The valleys are well moistened with
pleasant brooks and small rivers of
lelicate water, and have trees of divers
sorts flourishing and green all the
year. The trees in general are very
large, and most of them are of kinds
unknown to us. There is one sort
which deserves particular notice, called
by the natives libby trees. 3 These
grow wild in great groves of five or
six miles long by the sides of the
rivers. Of these trees sago is made,
which the poor country people eat
instead of bread three or four months
in the year. This tree, for its body
and shape, is much like the palmetto
tree or the cabbage tree, but not so
tall as the latter. The bark and wood
are hard and thin like a shell, and
full of white pith like the pith of an
elder. This tree they cut down and
split it in the middle, and scrape out
all the pith, which they beat lustily
with a wooden pestle in a great mortar
or trough, and then put into a cloth
or strainer held over a trough, and
pouring water in among the pith,
they stir it about in the cloth. So
the water carries all the substance of
the pith through the cloth down into
the trough, leaving nothing in the
cloth but a light sort of husk which
they throw away ; but that which falls
1 Hint, foreshadowing.
3 The sago palm j Sagus JRumphii.
202
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XI.
into the trough settles in a short time
to the bottom like mud, and then
they draw off the water and take up
the muddy substance, wherewith they
make cakes, which being baked proves
very good bread. The Mindanao
people live three or four months of
the year on this food for their bread
kind. The native Indians of Ternate
and Tidore, 1 and all the Spice Islands,
have plenty of these trees, and use
them for food in the same manner.
The plantain I take to be the king
of all fruit, not excepting the cocoa
itself. The tree that bears this fruit
is about three feet or three feet and
a half round, and about ten or twelve
feet high. These trees are not raised
from seed (for they seem not to have
any), but from the roots of other old
trees. If these young suckers are
taken out of the ground and planted
in another place, it will be fifteen
months before they bear; but if let
stand in their own native soil, they
will bear in twelve months. As soon
as the fruit is ripe, the tree decays,
but then there are many young ones
growing up to supply its place. . . .
As the fruit of this tree is of great use
for food, so is the body no less ser-
viceable to make cloths; but this I
never knew till I came to this island.
The ordinary people of Mindanao do
wear no other cloth. The tree never
bearing but once, and so being felled
when the fruit is ripe, they cut it
down close by the ground if they in-
tend to make cloth with it. One
blow with a macheat, or long knife,
will strike it asunder : then they cut
off the top, leaving the trunk eight
or ten feet long, stripping off the
outer rind, which is thickest towards
the lower end. Having stripped two
or three of these rinds, the trunk
becomes in a manner all of one big-
ness, and of a whitish colour : then
they split the trunk in the middle,
which being done, they split the two
1 Two small islands between Celebes
and Gilolo, in the Molucca Passage,
south of Mindanao, mentioned by
Drake.
halves again as near the middle as
they can. This they leave in the
sun two or three days, in which time
part of the juicy substance of the tree
dries away, and then the ends will
appear full of small threads. The
women, whose employment it is to
make the cloth, take hold of those
threads one by one, which rend away
easily from one end of the trunk to
the other, in bigness like whited
brown threads; for the threads are
naturally of a determinate bigness,
as I observed their cloth to be all of
one substance and equal fineness ; but
it is stubborn when new, wears out
soon, and when wet feels a little
slimy. They make their pieces seven
or eight yards long, their warp and
woof all one thickness and substance.
The banana tree is exactly like the
plantain for shape and bigness, nor
easily distinguishable from it but by
its fruit, which is a great deal smaller,
and not above half so long as a plan-
tain, being also more mellow and soft,
less luscious, yet of a more delicate
taste. They use this for the making
drink oftener than plantains, and it
is best when used for drink or eaten
as fruit; but it is not so good for
bread, nor does it eat well at all when
roasted or boiled; for it is only ne-
cessity that makes any use it this
way. They grow generally where
plantains do, being set intermixed
with them purposely in their plantain
walks. I have not seen the nutmeg
trees anywhere ; but the nutmegs this
island produces are fair and large, yet
they have no great store of them,
being unwilling to propagate them or
the cloves, for fear that should invite
the Dutch to visit them and bring
them into subjection, as they have
done the rest of the neighbouring
islands where they grow. For the
Dutch being seated among the Spice
Islands have monopolised all the trade
into their own hands, and will not
suffer any of the natives to dispose of
it but to themselves alone. Naj^
they are so careful to preserve it in
their own hands, that they will not
suffer the spice to grow in the unin-
habited islands, but send soldiers to
1686.] JEALOUSY OF DUTCH MERCHANTS.
cut the trees down. . . . The free
merchants are not suffered to trade to
the Spice Islands, nor to many other
places where the Dutch have factories;
but, on the other hand, they are suf-
fered to trade to some places where
the Dutch Company themselves may
not trade, as to Achin particularly;
for there are some princes in the
Indies who will not trade with the
Company for fear of them. The sea-
men that go to the Spice Islands are
obliged to bring no spice from thence
for themselves except a small matter
for their own use, about a pound or
two. Yet the masters of those ships
do commonly so order their business,
that they often secure a good quan-
tity, and send it ashore to some place
near Batavia before they come into
that harbour (for it is always brought
thither first before it is sent to Europe);
and if they meet any vessel at sea
that will buy their cloves, they will
sell ten or fifteen tons out of a hundred,
and yet seemingly carry their comple-
ment to Batavia; for they will pour
water among the remaining part of
their cargo, which will swell them to
that degree that the ship's hold will
be as full again as it was before any
were sold. This trick they use when-
ever they dispose of any clandestinely,
for the cloves when they first take
them in are extraordinary dry, and
so will imbibe a great deal of moisture.
This is but one instance of many
hundreds of little deceitful arts the
Dutch seamen in these parts have
among them, of which I have both
seen and heard several. I believe
there are nowhere greater thieves,
and nothing will persuade them to
discover one another ; for should any
do it, the rest would certainly knock
him on the head. But to return to
the products of Mindanao.
The betel nut is much esteemed
here, as it is in most places of the
East Indies. The betel tree grows
like the cabbage tree, but it is not so
big nor so high. The body grows
straight, about twelve or fourteen feet
high, without leaf or branch, except
at the head; there it spreads forth
long branches, like other trees of the
203
like nature, as the cabbage tree, the
cocoa-nut tree, and the palm. These
branches are about ten or twelve feet
long, and their stems near the head
of the tree as big as a man's arm.
On the top of the tree, among the
branches, the betel nut grows on a
tough stem as big as a man's finger,
in clusters much as the cocoa nuts
do, and they grow forty or fifty in a
cluster. This fruit is bigger than a
nutmeg, and is much like it, but
rounder. It is much used all over
the East Indies. This island pro-
duces also durians and jacks. The
trees that bear the durians are as big
as apple trees, full of boughs. The
rind is thick and rough ; the fruit is
so large that they grow only about
the bodies, or on the limbs near the
body, like the cacao. The fruit is
about the bigness of a large pumpkin,
covered with a thick, green, rough
rind. When it is ripe, the rind be-
gins to turn yellow, but it is not fit
to eat till it opens at the top. Then
the fruit in the inside is ripe, and
sends forth an excellent scent. When
the rind is opened, the fruit may be
split into four quarters ; each quarter
has several small cells that enclose a
certain quantity of the fruit according
to the bigness of the cell, for some
are larger than others. The largest
of the fruit may be as big as a pullet's
egg; it is as white as milk and as
soft as cream, and the taste very de-
licious to those that are accustomed
to them ; but those who have not
been used to eat them will dislike
them at first, because they smell like
roasted onions. The jack or jaca is
much like the durian, both in bigness
and shape. The trees that bear them
also are much alike, and so is their
manner of the fruits growing; but the
inside is different, for the fruit of the
durian is white, that of the jack is
yellow and fuller of stones. The
durian is most esteemed, yet the jack
is very pleasant fruit, and the stones
or kernels are good roasted. There
are many other sorts of grain, roots,
and fruits in this island, which, to
give a particular description of, would
fill up a large volume. In this island
204 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE FOUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XII.
are also many sorts of beasts both
wild and tame, as horses, bulls and
cows, buffaloes, goats, wild hogs, deer,
monkeys, guanas, lizards, snakes, &c.
Of the venomous kind of creatures
here are scorpions, whose sting is in
their tail ; and centipedes, called by
the English fork-legs, both which are
also common in the West Indies, in
Jamaica, and elsewhere. The fowls
of this country are ducks and hens :
other tame fowl I have not seen,
nor heard of any. The wild fowl
are pigeons, parrots, paroquets, turtle-
doves, and abundance of small fowls.
There are bats as big as a kite.
There are a great many harbours,
creeks, and good bays for ships to
ride in ; and rivers navigable for
canoes, proas, or barks, which are all
plentifully stored with fish of divers
sorts ; so is also the adjacent sea.
The chief fish are bonetas, snooks,
cavallies, breams, mullets, ten-pound-
ers, &c. Here are also plenty of sea-
turtle and small manatee.
The weather at Mindanao is tem-
perate enough as to heat, for all it
lies so near the Equator ; and espe-
cially on the borders near the sea.
There they commonly enjoy the
breezes by day, and cooling land-
winds at night. The winds are east-
erly one part of the year and westerly
the other. The easterly winds begin
to blow in October, and it is the mid-
dle of November before they are
settled. These winds bring fair
weather. The westerly winds begin
to blow in May, but are not settled
till a month afterwards. The west
winds always bring rain, tornadoes,
and very tempestuous weather. At
the first coming in of these winds
they blow but faintly ; but then the
tornadoes rise, one in a day, some-
times two. These are thunder-showers
which commonly come against the
wind, bringing with them a contrary
wind to what did blow before. After
the tornadoes are over, the wind
shifts about again, and the sky be-
comes clear ; yet then in the valleys,
and the sides of the mountains, there
rises a thick fog, which covers tiie
land. The tornadoes continue thus
for a week or more ; then they come
thicker, two or three in a day, bring-
ing violent gusts of wind and ter-
rible claps of thunder. At last they
come so fast, that the wind remains
in the quarter from whence these
tornadoes do rise, which is out of the
west, and there it settles till October
or November. When these westward
winds are thus settled, the sky is all
in mourning, being covered with
black clouds, pouring down excessive
rains, sometimes mixed with thunder
and lightning, that nothing can be
more dismal ; the winds raging to
that degree, that the biggest trees
are torn up by the roots, and the
rivers swell and overflow their banks,
and drown the low land, carrying
great trees into the sea. Thus it
continues sometimes a week together,
before the sun or stars appear. The
fiercest of this weather is in the
latter end of July and in August ; for
then the towns seem to stand in a
great pond, and they go from ouo
house to another in canoes. At this
time the water carries away all the
filth and nastiness from under their
houses. Whilst this tempestuous
season lasts, the weather is cold and
chilly. In September the weather is
more moderate, and the winds are not
so fierce, nor the rain so violent. The
air thenceforward begins to be more
clear and delightsome ; but then in
the morning there are thick fogs,
continuing till 10 or 11 o'clock, before
the sun shines out, especially when
it has rained in the night. In Octo-
ber the easterly winds begin to blow
again, and bring fair weather till
April. Thus much concerning the
natural state of Mindanao.
CHAPTER XII.
THIS Island is not subject to one
prince, neither is the language one
and the same ; but the people are
much alike in colour, strength, and
stature. They are all or most of
them of one religion, which is Maho-
metanism, and their customs and
1686.] THE NATIVES
manner of living are alike. The
Mindanao people, more particularly
so called, are the greatest nation in
the island ; and trading by sea with
other nations, they are therefore the
more civil. 1 I shall say but little of
the rest, being less known to me ;
but so much as has come to my
knowledge take as follows. There
are, besides the Miudanayans, the
Hilanoons (as they call them), or
the Mountaineers, the Sologus, and
Alfoores. The Hilanoons live in the
heart of the country ; they have little
or no commerce by sea, yet they have
proas that row with twelve or four-
teen oars a-piece. They enjoy the
benefit of the gold mines, and with
their gold buy foreign commodities
of the Mindanao people. They have
also plenty of bees-wax, which they
exchange for other commodities. The
Sologus inhabit the NW. end of the
island. They are the least nation of
all ; they trade to Manilla in proas,
and to some of the neighbouring
islands, but have no commerce with
the Mindanao people. The Alfoores
are the same with the Mindanayans,
and were formerly under the subjec-
tion of the Sultan of Mindanao, but
were divided between the Sultan's
children, and have of late had a Sul-
tan of their own; but having by
marriage contracted an alliance with
the Sultan of Mindanao, this has
occasioned that prince to claim them
again as his subjects ; and he made
war with them a little after we went
away, as I afterwards understood.
The Mindanayans, properly so
called, are men of mean statures,
small limbs, straight bodies, and
little heads. Their faces are oval,
their foreheads flat, with black small
eyes, short low noses, pretty large
mouths ; their lips thin and red, their
teeth black yet very sound, their
hair black and straight, the colour
of their skin tawny, but inclining to
a brighter yellow than some other
Indians, especially the women. They
have a ciistom to wear their thumb-
nails very long, especially that on
OF MINDANAO. 205
their left thumb, for they do never cut
it, but scrape it often. They are
endowed with good natural wits, are
ingenious, nimble, and active when
they are minded ; but generally very
lazy and thievish, and will not work
except forced by hunger. This lazi-
ness is natural to most Indians ; but
these people's laziness seems rather
to proceed not so much from their
natural inclinations, as from the
severity of their prince, of whom they
stand in great awe : for he dealing
with them very arbitrarily, and tak-
ing from them what they get, this
damps their industry, so they never
strive to have anything but from hand
to mouth. They are generally proud,
and walk very stately. They are civil
enough to strangers, and will easily be
acquainted with them, and entertain
them with great freedom ; but they are
implacable to their enemies, and very
revengeful if they are injured, fre-
quently poisoning socretly those that
have affronted them. They wear but
few clothes ; their heads are circled
with a short turban, fringed or laced
at both ends ; it goes once about the
head, and is tied in a knot, the laced
ends hanging down. They wear frocks
and breeches, but no stockings nor
shoes.
The women are fairer than the
men, and their hair is black and long ;
which they tie in a knot, that hangs
back in their polls. 2 They are more
round-visaged than the men, and
generally well featured ; only their
noses are very small, and so low be-
tween their eyes, that in some of the
female'children the risingthat should be
between the eyes is scarce discernible ;
neither is there any sensible rising in
their foreheads. At a distance they
appear very well, but being nigh
these impediments are very obvious.
They have very small limbs. They
wear but two garments ; a frock, and
a sort of petticoat : the petticoat is
only a piece of cloth sewed both ends
together : but it is made two feet too
big for their waists, so that they may
wear either end uppermost : that part
1 The better civilised.
2 Behind their heads.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. .[CHAP. XII,
206
that comes up to their waists, because
it is so much too big, they gather in
their hands and twist it till it sits
close to their waists, tucking in the
twisted part between the waist and
the edge of the petticoat, which keeps
it close. The frock sits loose about
them, and reaches down a little below
the waist. The sleeves are a great
deal longer than their arms, and so
small at the end, that their hands
will scarce go through. Being on,
the sleeve sits in folds about the
wrist ; wherein they take great pride.
The better sort of people have their
garments made of long-cloth ; but
the ordinary sort wear cloth made of
plantain-tree, which they call saggen ;
by which name they call the plantain.
They have neither stocking nor shoe ;
and the women have very small feet.
The women are very desirous of the
company of strangers, especially of
white men ; and doubtless would be
very familiar, if the custom of the
country did not debar them from that
freedom which seems coveted by them.
Yet from the highest to the lowest
they are allowed liberty to converse
with or treat strangers in the sight
of their husbands. There is a kind
of begging custom at Mindanao that
I have not met elsewhere with in all
my travels, and which I believe is
owing to the little trade they have ;
which is thus : when strangers arrive
here, the Mindanao men will come
aboard, and invite them to their
houses, and inquire who has a com-
rade (which word I believe they have
from the Spaniards) or a pagally, and
who has not. A comrade is a familiar
male friend ; a pagally is an innocent
platonic friend of the other sex. All
strangers are in a manner obliged to
accept of this acquaintance and
familiarity, which must be first pur-
chased with a small present, and
afterwards confirmed with some gift
or other to continue the acquaintance :
and as often as the stranger goes
ashore, he is welcome to his comrade's
or pagally's house, where he may be
entertained for his money, to eat,
drink, or sleep; and complimented
with tobacco and betel-nut, which is
all the entertainment he must expect
gratis. The richest men's wives are
allowed the freedom to converse with
her pagally in public, and may give
or receive presents from him. Even
the Sultan's and the General's wives,
who are always cooped up, will yet
look out of their cages when a stranger
passes by, and demand of him if he
wants a pagally : and, to invite him
to their friendship, will send a pre-
sent of tobacco and betel-nut to him
by their servants.
The chief city on this island is
called by the same name of Mindanao.
It is seated on the south side of the
island in Lat. 7 20' N. on the banks
of a small river about two miles from
the sea. The manner of building is
somewhat strange, yet generally used
in this part of the East Indies. Their
houses are all built on posts about 14,
16, 18, or 20 feet high. These posts
are bigger or less, according to the
intended magnificence of the super-
structure. They have but one floor,
but many partitions or rooms, and a
ladder or stairs to go up out of the
streets. The roof is large, and cover-
ed with palmetto or palm leaves. So
there is a clear passage like a piazza
(but a filthy one) under the house.
Some of the poorer people that keep
ducks or hens have a fence made
round the posts of their houses,
with a door to go in and out ; and
this under-room serves for no other
use. Some use this place for the com-
mon draught 1 of their houses ; but,
building mostly close by the river in
all parts of the Indies, they make the
river receive all the filth of their
houses ; and at the time of the land-
floods all is washed very clean. The
Sultan's house is much bigger than
any of the rest. It stands on about
180 great posts or trees, a great deal
higher than the common building,
with great broad stairs made to go up.
In the first room he has about twenty
iron guns, all saker and minion, 2
1 Closet.
2 That is, all of small calibre ; the
"saker extraordinary," with a charge
of 51bs. of powder, carried a 7-lb.
1686.]
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS AT MINDANAO.
207
placed on field-carriages. The Gene-
ral and other great men have some
guns also in their houses. About
twenty paces from the Sultan's house
there is a small low house built pur-
posely for the reception of ambassa-
dors or merchant strangers. This
also stands on posts, but the floor is
not raised above three or four feet
above the ground, and is neatly mat-
ted purposely for the Sultan and his
Council to sit on, for they use no
chairs, but sit cross-legged like tailors
on the floor. The common food at
Mindanao is rice or sago, and a small
fish or two. The better sort eat buf-
falo, or fowls, ill dressed, and abun-
dance of rice with it. They use no
spoons to eat their rice, but every
man takes a handful out of the platter,
and by wetting his hand in water
that it may not stick to his hand,
squeezes it into a lump as hard as
possibly he can make it, and then
crams it into his mouth. They all
strive to make these lumps as big as
their mouths can receive them, and
seem to vie with each other and glory
in taking in the biggest lump, so that
sometimes they almost choke them-
selves. They always wash after meals,
or if they touch anything that is un-
clean ; for which reason they spend
abundance of water in their houses.
This water, with the washing of their
dishes, and what other filth they
make, they pour down near their fire-
place, for their chambers are not
boarded but floored with split bam-
boos like laths, so that the water
presently falls underneath their dwell-
ing-rooms, where it breeds maggots
and makes a prodigious stink. Be-
sides this filthiness, the sick people
ease themselves and make water in
their chambers, there being a small
hole made purposely in the floor to
let it drop through; but healthy
sound people commonly ease them-
selves and make water in the river.
For that reason you shall always see
abundance of people of both sexes in
ball ; the smallest saker, with a 3 Ib.
charge, a 4|-lb. ball. The minion
was still a smaller piece.
the river from morning till night-
some easing themselves, others wash-
ing their bodies or clothes. If they
come into the river purposely to wash
their clothes, they strip and stand
naked till they have done, then put
them on and march out again. Both
men and women take great delight in
swimming and washing themselves,
being bred to it from their infancy.
In the city of Mindanao they spoke
two languages indifferently, their own
Mindanao language and the Malay ;
but in other parts of the island they
speak only their proper language,
having little commerce abroad. They
have schools, and instruct the chil-
dren to read and write, and bring
them up in the Mahometan religion.
Therefore many of the words, especi-
ally their prayers, are in Arabic, and
many of the words of civility the
same as in Turkey; and especially
when they meet in the morning, or
take leave of each other, they express
themselves in that language. Many
of the old people, both men and
women, can speak Spanish, for the
Spaniards were formerly settled among
them, and had several forts on this
island ; and then they sent two friars
to this city to convert the Sultan of
Mindanao and his people. At that
time these people began to learn
Spanish, and the Spaniards encroach-
ed on them and endeavoured to bring
them into subjection ; and probably
before this time had brought them all
under their yoke if they themselves
had not been drawn off from this
island to Manilla to resist the Chinese,
who threatened to invade them there.
"When the Spaniards were gone, the
old Sultan of Mindanao, father to the
present, in whose time it was, razed
and demolished their forts, brought
away their guns, and sent away the
friars ; and since that time [they] will
not suffer the Spaniards to settle 011
the islands. They are now most
afraid of the Dutch, being sensible
how they have enslaved many of the
neighbouring islands. For that rea-
son they have a long time desired the
English to settle among them, and
have offered them any convenient
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUKD THE WORLD. [CHAP. XII.
208
place to build a fort in, as the General
himself told us ; giving this reason,
that they do not find the English so
encroaching as the Dutch or Spanish.
The Dutch are no less jealous of their
admitting the English, for they are
sensible what detriment it would be
to them if the English should settle
here.
There are but few tradesmen at the
city of Mindanao. The chief trades
are goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and car-
penters. There are but two or three
goldsmiths ; these will work in gold
or silver, and make anything that you
desire ; but they have no shop fur-
nished with ware ready for sale. Here
are several blacksmiths who work
very well considering the tools that
they work with. l . . .
The Mindanao men have many
wives, but what ceremonies are used
when they marry I know not. There
is commonly a great feast made by
the bridegroom to entertain his friends,
and the most part of the night is spent
in mirth.
The Sultan is absolute in his power
over all his subjects. He is but a poor
prince; for, as I mentioned be-
fore, they have but little trade, and
therefore cannot be rich. If the Sul-
tan understands that any man has
money, if it be but twenty dollars,
which is a great matter among them,
he will send to borrow so much money,
pretending urgent occasions for it,
and they dare not deny him. Some-
times he will send to sell one thing
or another that he has to dispose of
to such whom he knows to have
money, and they must buy it and
give him his price ; and if afterwards
he has occasion for the same thing he
must have it if he sends for it. He
is but a little man, between fifty and
sixty years old, and by relation very
1 The men there are described as
accustomed to the use of the axe and
adze. They also built serviceable
ships, their principal article of export
being gold, bees-wax, and tobacco.
The natives were much subject to a
kind of leprosy, which showed itself
in a dry scurf all over their bodies.
good-natured, but overruled by those
about him. He has a queen, and
keeps about twenty women, or wives,
more, in whose company he spends
most of his tim e. He has one daughter
by his Sultaness or queen, and a great
many sons and daughters by the rest.
These walk about the streets, and
would be always begging things of us ;
but it is reported that the young
Princess is kept in a room and never
stirs out, and that she did never see
any man but her father and Kaja
Laut her uncle, being then about
fourteen years old. When the Sultan
visits his friends, he is carried in a
small couch on four men's shoulders,
with eight or ten armed men to guard
him ; but he never goes far this way,
for the country is very woody, and
they have but little paths, which ren-
ders it the less commodious. When
he takes his pleasure by water, he car-
ries some of his wives along with him.
The proas that are built for this pur-
pose are large enough to entertain
fifty or sixty persons or more. The
hull is neatly built, with a round
head and stern, and over the hull
there is a small slight house built
with bamboos ; the sides are made up
with split bamboos about four feet
high, with little windows in them of
the same to open and shut at their
pleasure. The roof is almost flat,
neatly thatched with palmetto leaves.
This house is divided into two or
three small partitions or chambers,
one particularly for himself. This is
neatly matted underneath and round
the sides, and there is a carpet and
pillows for him to sleep on. The
second room is for his women, much
like the former. The third is for the
servants, who tend them with tobacco
and betel-nut, for they are always
chewing or smoking.
The Sultan has a brother called
Raja Laut, a brave man. He is the
second man in the kingdom. All
strangers that come hither to trade
must make their address to him, for
all sea affairs belong to him. He
licenses strangers to import or export
any commodity, and it is by his per-
mission that the natives themsslvea
1G86.] RELIGIOUS RITES
are suffered to trade ; naj , the very
fishermen must take a permit from
him ; so that there is no man can
come into the river or go out but by
his leave. He is two or three years
younger than the Sultan, and a little
man like him. He has eight women,
by some of whom he has issue. He
has only one son, about twelve or
fourteen years old, who was circum-
cised while we were there. His eldest
son died a little before we came
thither, for whom he was still in
great heaviness. If he had lived a
little longer he should have married
the young Princess ; but whether
this second son must have her I know
not, for I did never hear any dis-
course about it. Raja Laut is a very
sharp man ; he speaks and writes
Spanish, which he learned in his
youth. He has, by often conversing
Avith strangers, got a great insight
into the customs of other nations, and
by Spanish books has some knowledge
of Europe. He is General of the Min-
danayans, and is accounted an expert
soldier and a very stout man ; and the
women in their dances sing many
songs in his praise. The Sultan of
Mindanao sometimes makes war with
his neighbours the Mountaineers or
Alfoores. Their weapons are swords,
lances, and some hand cressets. 1 The
cresset is a small thing like a bayonet,
which they always wear in war or
peace, at work or play, from the
greatest of them to the poorest and
meanest persons. They never meet
each other so as to have a pitched
battle, but they build small works or
Ibrts of timber, wherein they plant
little guns, and lie in sight of each
other two or three months, skirmishing
every day in small parties, and some-
times surprising a breastwork ; and
whatever side is like to be worsted, if
they have no probability to escape by
flight, they sell their lives as dear as
they can ; for there is seldom any
quarter given, but the conqueror cuts
and hacks his enemies to pieces.
OF THE NATIVES.
209
1 Creeses ; the Malay dagger, with
zig-zag blade, often poisoned at th
point.
The religion of these people is
Mahometanism. Friday is their
Sabbath ; but I did never see any
difference that they make between
;his day and any other day, only the
Sultan himself goes then to his
mosque twice. Raja Laut never goes
;o the mosque, but prays at certain
lours, eight or ten times in a day ;
yherever he is, he is very punctual to
lis canonical hours, and if he be aboard
,vill go ashore on purpose to pray. For
no business nor company hinders him
Tom his duty. Whether he is at
lome or abroad, in a house or in a
leld, he leaves all his company, and
S about 100 yards off, and there
ineels down to his devotion. He
first kisses the ground, then prays
aloud, and divers times in his prayers
tie kisses the ground, and does the
same when he leaves off. His ser-
vants, and his wives and children
talk and sing, or play how they
please, all the time, but himself is
very serious. The meaner sort of
people have little devotion ; I did
never see any of them at their prayers,
or go into a mosque. In the Sultan's
mosque there is a great drum with
but one head, called a gong, which is
instead of a clock. This gong is
beaten at 12 o'clock, at three, six,
and nine ; a man being appointed for
that service. He has a stick as big
as a man's arm, with a great knob at
the end, bigger than a man's fist,
made with cotton, bound fast with
small cords ; with this he strikes the
gong as hard as he can about twenty
strokes, beginning to strike leisurely
the first five or six strokes ; then he
strikes faster, and at last strikes as
fast as he can, and then he strikes
again slower and slower so many more
strokes ; thus he rises and falls three
times, and then leaves off till three
hours after. This is done night and
day.
They circumcise the males at eleven
or twelve years of age or older ; and
many are circumcised at once. This
ceremony is performed with a great
deal of solemnity. There had been
no circumcision for some years before
our being here, and then there was
O
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XII.
210
one for Raja Laut's son. They choose
to have a general circumcision when
the Sultan or General or some other
great person has a son fit to be cir-
cumcised ; for with him a great many
more are circumcised. There is
notice given about eight or ten days
before, for all men to appear in arms,
and great preparation is made against
the solemn day. In the morning,
before the boys are circumcised, pre-
sents are sent to the father of the
child that keeps the feast, which, as
I said before, is either the Sultan
or some great person j and, about
10 or 11 o'clock, the Mahometan
priest does his office. After this,
most of the men, both in city and
country, being in arms before the
house, begin to act as if they were
engaged with an enemy, having
such arms as I described. Only one
acts at a time, the rest make a great
ring of 200 or 300 yards round
about him. He that is to exercise
comes into the ring with a great
shriek or two, and a horrid look;
then he fetches two or three large
stately strides, and falls to work. He
holds his broadsword in one hand,
and his lance in the other, and tra-
verses his ground, leaping from one
side of the ring to the other, and in a
menacing posture and look, bids de-
fiance to the enemy whom his fancy
frames to him, for there is nothing
but air to oppose him. Then he
stamps and shakes his head, and grin-
ning with his teeth, makes many rue-
ful faces. Then he throws his lance,
and nimbly snatches out his cresset,
with which he hacks and hews the
air like a madman, often shrieking.
At last, being almost tired with
motion, he flies to the middle of the
ring, where he seems to have his
enemy at his mercy ; and with two
or three blows cuts on the ground as
if he was cutting off his enemy's
head. By this time he is all of a
sweat, and withdraws triumphantly
out of the ring, and presently an-
other enters with the like shrieks and
gestures. Thus they continue com-
bating their imaginary enemy all the
rest of the day ; towards the con-
elusion of which the richest men act,
and at last the General, and then the
Sultan concludes this ceremony. He
and the General with some other
great men, are in armour, but the
rest have none. After this the Sultan
returns home, accompanied with
abundance of
people,
the ar
who wait on
him there till they are dismissed.
But at the time when we were
there there was an after-game to be
played ; for the General's son being
then circumcised, the Sultan in-
tended to give him a second visit in
the night ; so they all waited to
attend him thither. The General
also provided to meet him in the best
manner, and therefore desired Cap-
tain Swan with his men to attend
him. Accordingly Captain Swan. or-
dered us to get our guns, and wait at
the General's house till further orders.
So about forty of us waited till 8
o'clock in the evening, when the
General, with Captain Swan, and
about 1000 men, went to meet the
Sultan, with abundance of torches
that made it as light as day. The
manner of the march was thus : first
of all there was a pageant, 1 and upon
it two dancing-women gorgeously
apparelled, with coronets on their
heads full of glittering spangles, and
pendants of the same hanging down
over their breasts and shoulders.
These are women bred up purposely
for dancing ; their feet and legs are
but little employed, except some-
times to turn round very gently ; but
their hands, arms, head, and body
are in continual motion, especially
their arms, which they turn and twist
so strangely, that you would think
them to be made without bones. Be-
sides the two dancing-women, there
were two old women in the pageant,
holding each a lighted torch in their
hands close by the dancing-women,
by which light the glittering spangles
appeared very gloriously. This pa-
geant was carried by six lusty men.
Then came six or seven torches, light-
ing the General and Captain Swan,
who marched side by side next ; and
A decorated or triumphal chariot.
1686.]
A GREAT PROCESSION.
211
we that attended Captain Swan fol-
lowed close after, marching in order
six and six abreast, with each man
his gun on his shoulder, and torches
on each side. After us came twelve
of the General's men, with old Span-
ish matchlocks, marching four in a
row ; after them about forty lances,
and behind them as many with great
swords, marching all in order. After
them came abundance only with cres-
sets by their sides, who marched up
close without any order. When we
came near the Sultan's house the
Sultan and his men met us, and we
wheeled off to let them pass. The
Sultan had three pageants went be-
fore him. In the first pageant were
four of his sons, who were about ten
or eleven years old ; they had gotten
abundance of small stones, which
they roguishly threw about on the
people's heads. In the next were
four young maidens, nieces to the
Sultan, being his sisters' daughters ;
and in the third there were three of
the Sultan's children, not above six
years old. The Sultan himself fol-
lowed next, being carried in his couch,
which was not like your Indian
palanquins, but open, and very little
and ordinary. A multitude of people
came after, without any order ; but
as soon as he was past by, the General
and Captain Swan and all our men
closed in just behind the Sultan, and
so all marched together to the Gene-
ral's house. We came thither be-
tween ten and eleven o'clock, where
the biggest part of the company were
immediately dismissed ; but the Sul-
tan and his children and his nieces,
and some other persons of quality,
entered the General's house. They
were met at the head of the stairs by
the General's women, who with a
great deal of respect conducted them
into the house. Captain Swan and
we that were with him followed after.
It was not long before the General
caused his dancing-women to enter
the room and divert the
company
with that pastime. I had forgot to
tell you that they have none but vocal
music here, by what I could learn,
except only a row of kind of bells
without clappers ; sixteen in number,
and their weight increasing gradually
from about three to ten pounds'
weight. These were set in a row on
a table in the General's house, where
for seven or eight days together before
the circumcision day they were struck
each with a little stick for the big-
gest part of the day, making a great
noise ; and they ceased that morning.
So these dancing-women sung them-
selves, and danced to their own music.
After this the General's women and
the Sultan's sons and his nieces
danced. Two of the Sultan's nieces
were about eighteen or nineteen years
old, the other two were three or four
years younger. These young ladies
were very richly dressed with loose
garments of silk, and small coronets
on their heads. They were much
fairer than any women that I did ever
see there, and very well featured ;
and their noses, though but small,
yet higher than the other women's,
and very well proportioned. When
the ladies had very well diverted
themselves and the company with
dancing, the General caused us to
fire some sky-rockets that were made
by his and Captain Swan's orders
purposely for this night's solemnity ;
and after that the Sultan and his
retinue went away with a few atten-
dants, and we all broke up ; and thus
ended this day's solemnity.
They are not, as I said before, very
curious or strict in observing any days
or times of particular devotion, ex-
cept it be the Eamdam time, 1 as we
call it. The Ramdam time was then
in August, as I take it, for it was
shortly after OUT arrival here. In
this time they fast all day, and about
7 o'clock in the evening they spend
near an hour in prayer. Towards
the latter end of their prayer they
loudly invoke their Prophet for about
a quarter of an hour, both old and
young bawling out very strangely, as
if they intended to fright him out of
his sleepiness or neglect of them.
After their prayer is ended, they
1 The Fast of Ramadan, the Maho-
metan Lent.
212
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
spend some time in feasting before
they take their repose. Thus they
do every day for a whole month at
least, for sometimes it is two or three
days longer before the Ramdam ends ;
for it begins at the new moon, and
lasts till they see the next new moon,
\vhich sometimes in thick, hazy
weather is not till three or four days
after the change, as it happened
while I was at A chin, where they
continued the Ramdam till the new
moon's appearance. The next day
after they have seen the new moon,
the guns are all discharged about
noon, and then the time ends. A
main part of their religion consists in
washing often, to keep themselves
from being denied, or after they are
defiled to cleanse themselves again.
They also take great care to keep
themselves from being polluted by
tasting or touching anything that is
accounted unclean ; therefore swine's
flesh is very abominable to them ;
nay, any one that has either tasted of
swine's flesh, or touched those crea-
tures, is not permitted to come into
their houses in many days after; and
there is nothing will scare them more
than a swine. Yet there are wild
hogs in the island, and" those so plen-
tiful that they will come in troops
out of the woods in the night into
the very city, and come under their
houses, to rummage up and down the
filth that they find there. The natives
therefore would even desire us to lie
in wait for the hogs to destroy them,
which we did frequently by shooting
them and carrying them presently on
board ; but were prohibited their
houses afterwards. And now I am
on this subject, I cannot omit a story
concerning the General. He once
desired to have a pair of shoes made
after the English fashion, though he
did very seldom wear any ; so one of
our men made him a pair, which the
General liked very well. Afterwards
somebody told him, that the threads
wherewith the shoes were sewed were
pointed with hog's bristles. This put
him into a great passion ; so he sent
the shoes to the man that made them,
and sent him withal more leather to
[CHAP. XIII.
make another pair, with threads
pointed with some other hair, which
was immediately done, and then he
was well pleased.
CHAPTER XIII.
HAVING in the two last Chapters
given some account of the natural,
civil, and religious state of Mindanao,
I shall now go on with the prosecution
of our affairs during our stay there.
It was in a bay on the NE. side of
the island that we came to an anchor,
as li as been said. We lay in this bay
but one night and part of the next
day. Yet there we got speech with
some of the natives, who by signs
made us understand that the city
Mindanao was on the west side of the
island. We endeavoured to persuade
one of them to go with ITS to be our
pilot, but he would not; therefore in
the afternoon we loosed from hence,
steering again to the SE., having the
wind at S'W. When we came to the
SE. end of the Island Mindanao, we
saw two small islands about three
leagues distant from it. 1 We might
have passed between them and the
main island, as we learned since ; but
not knowing them nor what dangers
we might encounter there, we chose
rather to sail to the eastward of them.
But meeting very strong westerly
winds, we got nothing forward in
many days. In this time we first
saw the Islands Meangis, which are
about sixteen leagues distant from the
Mindanao, bearing SE. The 4th of
July we got into a deep bay, four
leagues NW. from the two small
islands before mentioned. But the
night before, in a violent tornado,
our bark, being unable to beat any
longer, bore away; which put us in
some pain for fear she was overset, as
we had like to have been ourselves.
We anchored on Ithe SW. side of the
bay, in fifteen fathoms water, about
a cable's length from the shore. Here
1 The Serangani Islands, off tho
southernmost point of Mindanao.
1G86.J A VISIT FROM RAJA LAUT.
we were forced to shelter ourselves
from the violence of the weather,
which was so boisterous with rains
and tornadoes and a strong westerly
wind, that we were very glad to find
this place to anchor in, being the
only shelter on this side from the
west winds. On the west side of the
bay, the land is of a mean height,
with a large savannah bordering on
the sea, and stretching from the month
of the bay a great way to the west-
ward. This savannah abounds with
long grass, and it is plentifully stocked
with deer. The adjacent woods are a
covert for them in the heat of the
day ; but mornings and evenings they
feed in the open plains, as thick as in
our parks in England. I never saw
anywhere such plenty of wild deer,
though I have met with them in
several parts of America, both in the
North and South Seas. The deer live
here pretty peaceably and unmolested,
for there are no inhabitants on that
side of the bay. "We visited this
savannah every morning, and killed
as many deer as we pleased, sometimes
sixteen or eighteen in a day ; and we
did eat nothing but venison all the
time we stayed here. We saw a great
many plantations by the sides of the
mountains on the east side of the
bay, and we went to one of them, in
hopes to learn of the inhabitants
whereabouts the city was, that we
might not oversail it in the night,
but they fled from us.
We lay here till the 12th before the
winds abated of their fury, and then
we sailed from hence, directing our
course to the westward. Being now
past the SE. part of the island, we
coasted down on the south side, and
we saw abundance of canoes a-nshing,
and now and then a small village.
Neither were these inhabitants afraid
of us as the former, but came aboard;
j^et we could not understand them,
nor they us, but by signs ; and when
we mentioned the word Mindanao,
they would point towards it. The
18th of July we arrived before the
River of Mindanao. We anchored
right against the river in fifteen
fathoms water, clear hard sand, about
213
two miles from the shore. We fired
seven or nine guns, I remember not
well which, and were answered again
with three from the shore, for which
we gave one again. Immediately after
our coming to an anchor, Raja Laut
and one of the Sultan's sons came off
in a canoe, being rowed with ten oars,
and demanded in Spanish what we
were and from whence we came. Mr
Smith (he who was taken prisoner at
Leon in Mexico) answered in the same
language that we were English, that
we had been a great while out of
England. They told us that we were
welcome, and asked us a great many
questions about England, especially
concerning our East India merchants,
and whether we were sent by them to
settle a factory here. Mr Smith told
them that we came hither only to buy
provision. They seemed a little dis-
contented Avhen they understood that
we were not come to settle among
them ; for they had heard of our ar-
rival on the east side of the island a
great while before, and entertained
hopes that we were sent purposely out
of England hither to settle a trade
with them ; which it should seem
they are very desirous of, for Captain
Goodlud had been here not long be-
fore to treat with them about it, and
when he went away he told them, as
they said, that in a short time they
might expect an ambassador from
England to make a full bargain with
them. Indeed, upon mature thoughts
I should think we could not have
done better than to have complied
with the desire they seemed to have
of our settling here, and to have taken
up our quarters among them. For as
thereby we might better have con-
sulted our own profit and satisfaction
than by the other loose roving way
of life ; so it might probably have
proved of public benefit to our nation,
and been a means of introducing an
English settlement and trade, not
only here, but through several of the
spice islands which lie in its neigh-
bourhood. For the Islands Meangis,
which I mentioned in the beginning
of this Chapter, lie within twenty
leagues of Mindanao. These are
2U DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
three small islands that abound with
gold and cloves, if I may credit my
author, 1 Prince Jeoly, who was born
on one of them, and was at this time
a slave in the city of Mindanao. He
might have been purchased by us of
his master for a small matter, as he
was afterwards by Mr Moody, who
came hither to trade, and laded a
ship with clove bark ; and by trans-
porting him home to his own country
we might have gotten a trade there.
But of Prince Jeoly I shall speak
more hereafter. These islands are as
yet probably unknown to the Dutch,
who, as I said before, endeavour to
engross all the spice into their own
hands. There was another oppor-
tunity offered us here of settling on
another spice island that was very
well inhabited ; for the inhabitants
fearing the Dutch, and understand-
ing that the English were settling at
Mindanao, their Sultan sent his
nephew to Mindanao while we were
there to invite us thither. Captain
Swan conferred with him about it
divers times, and I do believe he had
some inclination to accept the offer ;
and I am sure most of the men were
for it ; but this never came to a head
for want of a true understanding be-
tween Captain Swan and his men, as
may be declared hereafter. Besides
the benefit which might accrue from-
this trade with Meangis and other
spice islands, the Philippine Islands
themselves, by a little care and in-
dustry, might have afforded us a very
beneficial trade ; and all these trades
might have been managed from Min-
danao by settling there first. For
that island lies very convenient for
trading either to the Spice Islands or
to the rest of the Philippine Islands ;
since, as its soil is much of the same
nature with either of them, so it lies,
as it were, in the centre of the gold and
spice trade in these parts ; the islands
north of Mindanao abounding most
in gold, and those south of Meangis
in spice. ... As to the capacity
we were then in of settling ourselves
at Mindanao, although we were not
1 Authority, informant.
[CHAP. XIII.
sent out of any such design of settling,
yet we were as well provided, or
better, considering all circumstances,
than if we had. For there was
scarce any useful trade but some
or others of us understood it. We
had sawyers, carpenters, joiners,
brickmakers, bricklayers, shoemakers,
tailors, &c. ; we only wanted a good
smith for great work, which we
might have had at Mindanao. We
were very well provided with iron,
lead, and all sorts of tools, as saws,
axes, hammers, &c. We had powder
and shot enough, and very good
small arms. If we had designed to
build a fort, we could have spared
eight or ten guns out of our ship, and
men enough to have managed it, and
any affair of trade beside. We had
also a great advantage above raw
men that are sent out of England into
these places, who proceed usually too
cautiously, coldly, and formally, to
compass any considerable design,
which experience better teaches than
any rules whatsoever; besides the
danger of their lives in so great and
sudden a change of air, whereas we
were all inured to hot climates, hard-
ened by many fatigues, and in gene-
ral daring men, and such as would
not be easily baffled. To add one
thing more, our men were almost
tired, and began to desire a quietus
est ; and therefore they would gladly
have seated themselves anywhere.
We had a good ship, too, and enough
of us (besides what might have been
spared to manage our new settlement)
to bring the news with the effects to
the owners in England ; for Captain
Swan had already 5000 in gold,
which he and his merchants received
for goods sold mostly to Captain
Harris and his men, which if he had
laid but part of it out in spice, as
probably he might have done, would
have satisfied the merchants to their
hearts' content. So much by way of
digression.
To proceed therefore with our first
reception at Mindanao. Raja Laut
and his nephew sat still in their
canoe and would not come aboard us,
because, as they said, they had no
1686.]
SCHEMES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
215
orders for it from the SuUan. After
about half-an -hour's discourse they
took their leaves, first inviting Cap-
tain Swan ashore, and promising him
to assist him in getting provision,
which they said at present was scarce,
but in three or four months' time the
rice would be gathered in, and then
he might have as much as he pleased,
and that in the meantime he might
secure his ship in some convenient
place for fear of the westerly winds,
which they said would be very violent
at the latter end of this month and all
the next, as we found them. We did
not know the quality of these two
persons till after they were gone, else
we should have fired some guns at
their departure. When they were
gone, a certain officer under the Sul-
tan came aboard and measured our
ship, a custom derived from the
Chinese, who always measure the
length and breadth and the depth of
the hold of all ships that come to
load there, by which means they
know how much each ship will carry.
But for what reason this custom is
used either by the Chinese or Minda-
nao men I could never learn, unless
the Mindanayans design by this means
to improve their skill in shipping,
against they have a trade. Captain
Swan, considering that the season of
the year would oblige us to spend
some time at this island, thought it
convenient to make what interest he
could with the Sultan, who might
afterwards either obstruct or advance
his designs. He therefore immedi-
ately provided a present to send
ashore to the Sultan, viz. , three yards
of scarlet cloth, three yards of broad
gold lace, a Turkish scimitar, and a
pair of pistols ; and to Raja Laut he
sent three yards of scarlet cloth and
three yards of silver lace. This pre-
sent was carried by Mr Henry More
in the evening. He was first con-
ducted to Raja Laut's house, where
he remained till report thereof was
made to the Sultan, who immedi-
ately gave order for all things to be
made ready to receive him. About 9
o'clock at night a messenger came
from the Sultan to bring the present
away. Then Mr More was conducted
all the way, with torches and armed
men, till he came to the house where
the Sultan was. The Sultan, with
eight or ten men of his Council, were
seated on carpets waiting his coming.
The present that Mr More brought
was laid down before them, and was
very kindly accepted by the Sultan,
who caused Mr More to sit down
by them, and asked a great many
questions of him. The discourse
was in Spanish by an interpre-
ter. This conference lasted about
an hour, and then he was dismissed,
and returned again to Raja Laut's
house. There was a supper provided
for him and the boat's crew, after
which he returned aboard.
The next day the Sultan sent for
Captain Swan. He immediately wen t
ashore, with a flag flying in the boat's
head, and two trumpets sounding all
the way. When he came ashore he
was met at his landing by two prin-
cipal officers, guarded along with sol-
diers, and abundance of people gazing
to see him. The Sultan waited for
him in his chamber of audience, where
Captain Swan was treated with to-
bacco and betel, which was all his
entertainment. The Sultan sent for
two English letters for Captain Swan
to read, purposely to let him know
that our East India merchants did
design to settle here, and that they
had already sent a ship hither. One of
these letters was sent to the Sultan from
England by the East India merchants.
The chief thing contained in it, as I re-
member for I saw it afterwards in the
Secretary's hand, who was very proud
to show it to us was to desire some
privileges in order to the building of
a fort there. This letter was written
in a very fair hand, and between each
line there was a gold line drawn. The
other letter was left by Captain Good-
lud, directed to any Englishmen who
should happen to come thither. This
related wholly to trade, giving an
account at what rate he had agreed
with them for goods of the island,
and how European goods should be
sold to them ; with an account of
their weights and measures, and their
216 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XIII,
difference from ours. Captain Good-
lud's letter concluded thus: ''Trust
none of them, for they are all thieves,
but tacc is Latin for a candle." We
understood afterwards that Captain
Goodlud was robbed of some goods by
one of the General's men, and that he
that robbed him was fled into the
mountains, and could not be found
while Captain Goodlud was here.
But the fellow returning to the city
some time after our arrival here, Raja
Laut brought him bound to Captain
Swan, and told him what he had
done, desiring him to punish him for
it as he pleased ; but Captain Swan
excused himself and said it did not
belong to him, therefore he would
have nothing to do with it. How-
ever the General Raja Laut would not
pardon him, but punished him ac-
cording to their own custom. He was
stripped stark naked in the morning
at sun-rising, and bound to a post,
so that he could not stir hand nor
foot but as he was moved, and was
placed with his face eastward against
the sun. In the afternoon they
turned his face towards the west that
the sun might still be in his face, and
thus he stood all day parched in the
sun, which shines here excessively
hot, and tormented with the mosqui-
toes or gnats ; after this the General
would have killed him if Captain
8 wan had consented to it. Their
common way of punishment is to
strip them in this manner and place
them in the sun, but sometimes they
lay them flat on their backs on the
sand, which is very hot, where they
remain a whole day in the scorching
sun, with the mosquitoes biting
them all the time. This action
of the General in offering Captain
Swan the punishment of the thief,
caused Captain Swan afterwards to
make him the same offer of his
men when any had offended the Min-
danao men, but the General left such
offenders to be punished by Captain
Swan as he thought convenient. So
that for the least offence Captain
Swan punished his men, and that in
the sight of the Mindanayans ; and I
thick sometimes only for revenge, as
he did once punish his chief mate Mr
Tait, he that came captain of the
bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that
time Captain Swan had his men as
much under command as if he had
been in a king's ship; and had he
known how to use his authority, he
might have led them to any settle-
ment and have brought them to assist
him in any design he had pleased.
Captain Swan being dismissed from
the Sultan with abundance of civility,
after about two hours' discourse with
him, went thence to Raja Laut's
house. Raja Laut had then some
difference with the Sultan, and there-
fore he was not present at the Sultan's
reception of our Captain, but waited
his return, and treated him and all
his men with boiled rice and fowls.
He then told Captain Swan again,
and urged it to him, that it would be
best to get his ship into the river as
soon as he could, because of the usual
tempestuous weather at this time of
the year, and that he should want no
assistance to further him in anything.
He told him also that as we must of
necessity stay here some time, so our
men would often come ashore ; and he
therefore desired him to warn his men
to be careful to give no affront to the
natives, who, he said, were very re-
vengeful. That their customs being
different from ours, he feared that
Captain Swan's men might sometime
or other offend them, though igno-
rantly; that therefore he gave him
this friendly warning to prevent it;
that his house should always be open
to receive him or any of his men ; and
that he, knowing our customs, would
never be offended at anything. After
a great deal of such discourse he dis-
missed the Captain and his company,
who took their leave and came aboard.
Captain Swan having seen the two
letters, did not doubt that the English
did design to settle a factory here ;
therefore he did not much scruple 1
the honesty of these people, but im-
mediately ordered us to get the ship
into the river. The river upon which
the city of Mindanao stands is but
1 Doubt, suspect.
16SG.]
HOSPITALITY OF THE MINDANAYANS.
217
small, and has not above "jen or eleven
feet of water on the bar at a spring
tide ; therefore we lightened our ship,
and the spring coining on, we with
much ado got her into the river, being
assisted by fifty or sixty Mindanayan
fishermen who lived at the mouth of
the river, Raja Laut himself being
aboard our ship to direct them. We
carried her about a quarter of a mile
up within the mouth of the river, and
there moored her head and stern in a
hole, where we always rode afloat.
After this the citizens of Mindanao
came frequently aboard to invite our
men to their houses and to offer us
pagallies. It was a long time since
any of us had received such friend-
ship, and therefore we were the more
easily drawn to accept of their kind-
nesses ; and in a very short time most
of our men got a comrade or two, and
as many pagallies, especially such of
us as had good clothes and store of
gold, as many had who were of the
number of those that accompanied
Captain Harris over the Isthmus of
Darien, the rest of us being poor
enough. Nay, the very poorest and
meanest of us could hardly pass the
streets but we were even hauled by
force into their houses to be treated
by them, although their treats were
but mean, viz., tobacco or betel-nut,
or a little sweet-spiced water. Yet
their seeming sincerity, simplicity,
and the manner of bestowing these
gifts, made them very acceptable.
When we came to their houses they
would always be praising the English,
as declaring that the English and
Mindanayans were all one. This
they expressed by putting their two
forefingers close together, and saying
that the English and Mindanayans
were samo, samo that is, all one.
Then they would draw their forefingers
half a foot asunder and say the Dutch
and they were bugeto, which signifies
that they were at such distance in
point of friendship. And for the
Spaniards, they would make a greater
representation of distance than for the
Dutch, fearing these, but having felt
and smarted from the Spaniards, who
had once almost brought them under.
Captain Swan did seldom go into
any house at first but into Raja Laut's ;
there he dined commonly every day ;
and as many of his men as were
ashore, and had no money to entertain
themselves, resorted thither about
12 o'clock, where they had rice
enough boiled and well dressed, and
some scraps of fowls or bits of buffalo
dressed very nastily. Captain Swan
was served a little better, and his two
trumpeters sounded all the time that
he was at dinner. After dinner Raja
Laut would sit and discourse with
him most part of the afternoon. It
was now the Ramdam time, therefore
the General excused himself that he
could not entertain our Captain with
dances and other pastimes as he in-
tended to do when this solemn time
was past, besides, it was the very
height of the wet season, and there-
fore not so proper for pastimes. . . .
When the Ramdam time was over,
and the dry time set in a little, the
General, to oblige Captain Swan, en-
tertained him every nightwith dances.
The dancing-women that are pur-
posely bred up to it, and make it
their trade, I have already described.
But besides them, all the women in
general are much addicted to dancing.
They dance forty or fifty at once, and
thaft standing all round in a ring
joined hand in hand, and singing and
keeping time. But they never budge
out of their places, nor make any
motion till the chorus is sung ; then
all at once they throw out one leg
and bawl out aloud, and sometimes
they only clap their hands when the
chorus is sung. Captain Swan, to
retaliate the General's favours, sent
for his violins, and some that could
dance English dances, wherewith the
General was very well pleased. They
commonly spent the biggest part of
the nights in these sort of pastimes.
Among the rest of our men that did
use to dance thus before the General,
there was one John Thacker, who was
a seaman bred, and could neither
write nor read, but had formerly
learnt to dance in the music-houses
bout Wapping. This man came into
he South Seas with Captain Harris ;
a
the
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XIII.
218
and getting with him a good quantity
of gold, and being a pretty good hus-
band of his share, had still some left,
besides what he laid out in a very
good suit of clothes. The General
supposed by his garb and his dancing
that he had been of noble extraction,
and, to be satisfied of his quality,
asked of one of our men if he did not
guess aright of him. The man of
whom the General asked this question
told him he was much in the right,
and that most of our ship's company
were of the like extraction, especially
all those that had fine clothes, and
that they came abroad only to see the
world, having money enough to bear
their expenses wherever they came;
but that for the rest, those that had
but mean clothes, they were only
common seamen. After this the
General showed a great deal of respect
to all that had good clothes, but es-
pecially to John Thacker, till Captain
Swan came to know the business, and
marred all, undeceiving the General,
and drubbing the nobleman; for he
was so much incensed against John
l^acker that he could never endure
lira afterwards, though the poor fel-
low knew nothing of the matter.
About the middle of November we
began to work on our ship's bottom,
which we found very much eaten with
the worm ; for this is a horrid place
for worms. . . . Having ripped off
all our worm-eaten plank and clapped
on new, by the beginning of December
1686, our ship's bottom was sheathed
and tallowed ; and the 10th we went
over the bar, and took aboard the
iron and lead that we could not sell,
and began to fill our water and fetch
aboard rice for our voyage. I was at
that time a-hunting with the General
for beef, which he had js long time
promised us ; but now 1 saw that
there was no credit to be given to his
word, for I was a week out with him
and saw but four cows, which were
so wild that we did not get one.
There were five or six more of our
company with me ; these, who were
young men, and had Delilahs there,
which made them fond of the place,
all agreed with the General to tell
Captain Swan that there were beeves
enough, only they were wild. But I
told him the truth, and advised him
not to be too credulous of the Gene-
ral's promises. He seemed to be very
angry, and stormed behind the Gene-
ral's back, but in his presence was
very mute, being a man of small
courage. It was about the 20th of
December when we returned from
hunting, and the General designed
to go again to another place to hunt
for beef; but he stayed till after
Christmas Day, because some of ua
designed to go with him, and Captain
Swan had desired all his men to be
aboard that day, that we might keep
it solemnly together ; and accordingly
he sent aboard a buffalo the day be-
fore, that we might have a good dinner.
So the 25th, about 10 o'clock, Captain
Swan came aboard, and all his men
who were ashore ; for you must under-
stand that near a third of our men
lived constantly ashore with their
comrades and pagallies, and some
with women - servants whom they
hired of their masters for concubines.
Some of our men also had houses,
which they hired or bought (for
houses are very cheap) for five or six
dollars; for many of them having
more money than they knew what to
do with, eased themselves here of the
trouble of telling it, spending it very
lavishly, their prodigality making the
people impose upon them, to the
making the rest of us pay the dearer
for what we bought, and to the en-
dangering the like impositions upon
such Englishmen as may come here
hereafter. For the Mindanayans knew
how to get our squires' gold from
them (for we had no silver), and
when our men wanted silver they
would change now and then an ounce
of gold, and could get for it no more
than ten or eleven dollars for a Min-
danao ounce, which they would not
part with again under eighteen dol-
lars. Yet this, and the great prices
the Mindanayans set on their goods,
were not the only way to lessen their
stocks; for their pagallies and com-
rades would often be begging some-
what of them, and our men wer
1686.]
DISCOURSE WITH THE NATIVE WOMEN.
219
generous enough, and v/ould bestow
iialf-an-ounce of gold at a time in a
ring for their pagallies, or in a silver
wristband or hoop to come about their
arms, in hopes to get a night's lodging
with them. When we were all aboard
on Christmas Day, Captain Swan and
his two merchants, I did expect that
Captain Swan would have made some
proposals, or have told us his designs ;
but he only dined and went ashore
again without speaking anything of
his mind. Yet even then I think
that he was driving on a design of
going to one of the Spice Islands to
load with spice ; for the young man
before mentioned, who I said was sent
by his uncle, the Sultan of a spice
island near Ternate, to invite the
English to their island, came aboard
at this time, and after some private
discourse with Captain Swan they
both went ashore together. This
young man did not care that the
Mindanayans should be privy to what
he said. I have heard Captain Swan
say that he offered to load his ship
with spice, provided he would build
a small fort and leave some men to
secure the island from the Dutch;
but I am since informed that the
Dutch have now got possession of the
island.
The next day after Christmas the
General went away again, and five or
six Englishmen with him, of whom I
was one, under pretence of going a-
hunting ; and we all went together
by water in his proa, together with
his women and servants, to the hunt-
ing-place. The General always carried
his wives and children, his servants,
his money and goods with him ; so
we all embarked in the morning, and
arrived there before night. I have
already described the fashion of their
proas, and the rooms made in them.
We were entertained in the General's
room or cabin. Our voyage was not
so far but that we reached our port
before night. At this time one of the
General's servants had offended, and
was punished in this manner : He
was bound fast, flat on his belly, on a
bamboo belonging to the proa, which
was so near the water that by the
vessel's motion it frequently delved
under water, and the man along with
it ; and sometimes when hoisted up
he had scarce time to blow before he
would be carried under water again.
When we ha.d rowed about two
leagues we entered a pretty large,
deep river, and rowed up a league
farther ; the water salt all the way.
There was a pretty large village, the
houses built after the country fashion.
We landed at this place, where there
was a house made ready immediately
for us. The General and his women
lay at one end of the house, and we
at the other end ; and in the evening
all the women in the village danced
before the General. While he stayed
here, the General with his men went
out every morning betimes, and did
not return till four or five o'clock in
the afternoon ; and he would often
compliment us by telling us what
good trust and confidence he had in
us, saying that he left his women and
goods under our protection, and that
he thought them as secure with us
six (for we had all our arms with us)
as if he had left a hundred of his own
men to guard them. Yet for all this
great confidence he always left one of
his principal men, for fear some of us
should be too familiar with his women.
They did never stir out of their own
room when the General was at home ;
but as soon as he was gone out they
would presently come into our room,
and sit with us all day, and ask a
thousand questions of us concerning
our English women and our customs.
You may imagine that before this
time some of us had attained so much
of their language as to understand
them and give them answers to their
demands. I remember that one day
they asked how many wives the King
of England had. We told them but
one, and that our English laws did
not allow of any more. They said it
was a very strange custom that a man
should be confined to one woman ;
some of them said it was a very bad
law, but others again said it was a
good law ; so there was a great dis-
pute among them about it. But one
of the General's women said posi-
220 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CiiAP. XIII.
lively tliat our law was better than
theirs, and made them all silent by
the reason which she gave for it.
This was the War Queen, as we called
her, for she did always accompany
the General whenever he was called
out to engage his enemies, but the
rest did not. By this familiarity
among the women, and by often dis-
coursing with them, we came to be ac-
quainted with their customs and pri-
vileges. The General lies with his
wives by turns, but she by whom he
had the first son has a double portion
of his company ; for when it conies
to her turn, she has him two nights,
whereas the rest have him but one.
She with whom he is to lie at night
seems to have a particular respect
shown her by the rest all the preced-
ing day, and for a mark of distinc-
tion wears a striped silk handker-
chief about her neck, by which we
knew who was queen that day.
We lay here about five or six days,
but did never in all that time see the
least sign of any beef, which was the
business we came about; neither
were we suffered to go out with the
General to see the wild kine, but we
wanted for nothing else. However,
this did not please us, and we often
importuned him to let us go out
among the cattle. At last he told us
that he had provided a jar of rice-
drink to be merry with us, and after
that we should go with him. This
rice-drink is made of rice boiled and
put into a jar, where it remains a
long time steeping in water. I know
not the manner of making it, but it
is very strong pleasant drink. The
evening when the General designed
to be merry, he caused a jar of this
drink to be brought into our room,
and he began to drink first himself,
then afterwards his men ; so they
took turns till they were all as drunk
as swine, before they suffered us to
drink. After they had enough, then
we drank, and they drank no more,
for they will not drink after us. The
General leaped about our room a little
while ; but, having his load, soon
went to sleep. The next day we
went out with the General into the
savannah, where he had near 100
men making a large pen to drive the
cattle into, for that is the manner of
their hunting, having no dogs, But
I saw not above eight or ten cows,
and those as wild as deer, so that we
got none this day ; yet the next day
some of his men brought in three
heifers which they killed in the sa-
vannah. With these we returned
board, they being all that we got
there. Captain Swan was much
vexed at the General's actions ; for he
promised to supply us with as much
beef as we should want, but now
either could not or would not make
good his promise. Besides he failed
to perform his promise in a bargain
of rice that we were to have for the
iron which he sold him, but he put
us off still from time to time, and
would not come to any account.
Neither were these all his tricks ; for
a little before his son was circum-
cised, he pretended, a great strait for
money to defray the charges of that
day ; and therefore desired Captain
Swan to lend him about twenty
ounces of gold ; for he knew that
Captain Swan had a considerable
quantity of gold in his possession,
which the General thought was his
own, but indeed had none but what
belonged to the merchants. How-
ever, he lent it the General; but
when he came to an account with
Captain Swan he told him that it was
usual at such solemn times to make
presents, and that he received it as a
gift. He also demanded payment for
the victuals that our Captain and his
men did eat at his house. These
things startled Captain Swan, yet
how to help himself he knew not.
But all this, with other inward
troubles, lay hard on our Captain's
spirits, and put him very much out
of humour ; for his own company also
were pressing him every day to be
gone, because now was the height of
the easterly monsoon, the only wind
to carry us farther into the Indies.
About this time some of our men,
who were weary and tired with wan-
dering, ran away into the country
and absconded, they being assisted,
1687.]
MUTINY ON BOARD.
221
as was generally believed, by Raja
Laut. There were others also, who,
fearing we should not go to an Eng-
lish port, bought a canoe and de-
signed to go in her to Borneo ; for
not long before a Mindanao vessel
came from thence and brought a
letter directed to the chief of the
English factory at Mindanao. This
letter the General would have Cap-
tain Swan to have opened ; but he
thought it might come from some of
the East India merchants, whose
affairs he would not intermeddle
with, and therefore did not open it.
I since met with Captain Bowry at
Achin, and telling him this story he
said that he sent that letter, suppos-
ing that the English were settled
there at Mindanao ; and by this
letter we also thought that there was
an English factory at Borneo ; so
here was a mistake on both sides.
But this canoe wherewith some of
them thought to go to Borneo, Captain
Swan took from them, and threatened
the undertakers very hardly. How-
ever, this did not so far discourage
them, for they secretly bought an-
other; but their designs taking air,
they were again frustrated by Captain
Swan. The whole crew were at this
time under & general disaffection, and
full of very different projects ; and all
for want of action. The main divi-
sion was between those that had
money and those that had none.
There was a great difference in the
humours of these ; for they that had
money lived ashore, and did not care
for leaving Mindanao ; whilst those
that were poor lived aboard and
urged Captain Swan to go to sea.
These began to be unruly as well as
dissatisfied, and sent ashore the mer-
chants' iron to sell for rack and honey
to make punch, wherewith they grew
drunk and quarrelsome; which disor-
derly actions deterred me from going
aboard, for I did ever abhor drunken-
ness, which now our men that were
aboard addicted themselves wholly
to. Yet these disorders might have
been crushed if Captain Swan had
used his authority to suppress them ;
but he with his merchants living al-
ways ashore, there was no command,
and therefore every man did what he
E leased and encouraged each other in
isvillanies. Now Mr Hartop, who
was one of Captain Swan's merchants,
did very much importune him to settle
his resolutions and declare his mind
to his men ; which at last he con-
sented to do ; therefore he gave warn-
ing to all his men to come aboard the
13th of January 1687.
We did all earnestly expect to hear
what Captain Swan would propose,
and therefore were very willing to go
aboard ; but unluckily for him, two
days before this meeting was to be,
Captain Swan sent aboard his gunner
to fetch something ashore out of his
cabin. The gunner rummaging to
find what he was sent for, among
other things took out the captain's
journal from America to the Island
of Guam, and laid it down by him.
This journal was taken up by one
John Reed, a Bristol man. He was
a pretty ingenious young man, and
of a very civil carriage and behaviour.
He was also accounted a good artist,
and kept a journal, and was now
prompted by his curiosity to peep
into Captain Swan's journal to see
how it agreed with his own ; a thing
very usual among seamen that keep
journals, when they have an oppor-
tunity, and especially young men
who have no great experience. At
the first opening of the book, he
lighted on a place in which Captain
Swan had inveighed bitterly against
most of his men, especially against
another John Reed, a Jamaica-man.
This was such stuff as he did not seek
after; but hitting so pat on the subject,
his curiosity led him to pry further ;
and therefore while the gunner was
busy, he conveyed the book away, to
look over it at his leisure. The gunner
having despatched his business, locked
up the cabin-door, not missing the
book, and went ashore ; then John
Reed shewed it to his name-sake,
and to the rest that were aboard,
who were by this time the biggest
part of them ripe for mischief, only
wanting some fair pretence to set
themselves to work about it. There-
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XIII.
222
fore looking on what was written in
this journal to be matter sufficient
for them to accomplish their ends,
Captain Tait, who, as I said before,
had been abused by Captain Swan,
laid hold on this opportunity to be
revenged for his injuries, and aggra-
vated the matter to the height, per-
suading the men to turn out Captain
Swan from being commander, in
hopes to have commanded the ship
himself. As for the seamen, they
were easily persuaded to anything,
for they were quite tired with this
long and tedious voyage, and most of
them despaired of ever getting home,
and therefore did not care what they
did or whither they went. It was
only want of being busied in some
action that made them so uneasy ;
therefore they consented to what Tait
proposed, and immediately all that
were aboard bound themselves by
oath to turn Captain Swan out, and
to conceal this design from those
that were ashore, until the ship was
under sail ; which would have been
presently, if the surgeon or his mate
had been aboard : but they were both
ashore, and they thought it no pru-
dence to go to sea without a surgeon.
Therefore the next morning they sent
ashore one JohnCookworthy, to hasten
off either the surgeon or his mate, by
pretending that one of the men in the
night broke his leg by falling into the
hold. The surgeon told him that he
intended to come aboard the next day
with the Captain, and would not come
before, but sent his mate Herman
Coppingcr. This man, some time
before this, was sleeping at his pa-
gally's, and a snake twisted himself
about his neck, but afterwards went
away without hurting him. In this
country it is usual to have the snakes
come into the houses, and into fhe
ships too ; for we had several came
aboard our ship when we lay in the
river. But to proceed : Herman Cop-
pinger provided to go aboard ; and
the next day, being the time appoint-
ed for Captain Swan and all his men
to meet aboard, I went aboard with
him, neither of us mistrusting what
was designed by those aboard till we
came thither. Then we found it was
only a trick to get the surgeon off ;
for now, having obtained their de-
sires, the canoe was sent ashore again
immediately, to desire as many as
they could meet to come aboard, but
not to tell the reason, lest Captain
Swan should come to hear of it.
The 13th, in the morning, they
weighed, and fired a gun. Captain
Swan immediately sent aboard Mi-
Nelly, who was now his chief mate,
to see what the matter was ; to him
they told all their grievances, and
showed him the journal. He per-
suaded them to stay till the next day
for an answer from Captain Swan and
the merchants ; so they came to an
anchor again, and the next morning
Mr Hartop came aboard. He per-
suaded l them to be reconciled again,
or at least to stay and get more rice ;
but they were deaf to it, and weighed
again while he was aboard. Yet at
Mr Hartop's persuasion they promised
to stay till 2 o'clock in the afternoon
for Captain Swan and the rest of the
men, if they would come aboard ;
but they suffered no man to go ashore
except one "William Williams that had
a wooden leg, and another that was a
sawyer. If Captain Swan had yet
come aboard, he might have dashed
all their designs ; but he neither came
himself, as a captain of any prudence
and courage would have done, nor
sent till the time was expired. So
we left Captain Swan and about
thirty-six men ashore in the city,
and six or eight that ran away ; and
about sixteen we had buried there,
the most of which died by poison.
The natives are very expert at poison-
ing, and do it upon small occasions :
nor did our men want for given
offence, through their general ro-
gueries, and sometimes by dallying
too familiarly with their women even
before their faces. Some of their
poisons are slow and lingering ; for
we had some now aboard who were
poisoned there, but died not till
some months after.
1 Advised.
1687.]
APPARENT CHANGE IN THE TIME.
223
CHAPTER XIV.
THE 14th of January 1687, at 3 o'clock
in the afternoon, we sailed from the
River of Mindanao, designing to cruise
before Manilla. It was during our
stay at Mindanao that we were first
made sensible of the change of time
in the course of our voyage. For
having travelled so far westward,
keeping the same course with the sun,
we must consequently have gained
something insensibly in the length
of the particular days, but have lost
in the tale, the bulk, or number, of
the days or hours. According to
the different longitudes of England
and Mindanao, this isle being west
from the Lizard, by common compu-
tation, about 210 degrees, the differ-
ence of time at our arrival at Mindanao
ought to be about fourteen hours :
and so much we should have antici-
pated our reckoning, having gained
it by bearing the sun company. Now
the natural day in every particular
place must be consonant to itself : but
this going about with or against the
sun's course will of necessity make a
difference in the calculation of the
civil day between any two places.
Accordingly, at Mindanao and all
other places in the East Indies, we
found them reckoning a day before
us, both natives and Europeans ; for,
the Europeans coming eastward by
the Cape of Good Hope, in a course
contrary to the sun and us, wherever
we met they were a full day before us
in their accounts. So, among the
Indian Mahometans here, their Friday,
the day of their Sultan's going to their
mosques, was Thursday with us ;
though it was Friday also with those
who came eastward from Europe.
Yet at the Ladrone Islands we found
the Spaniards of Guam keeping the
same computation with ourselves ; the
reason of which I take to be, that they
settled that colony by a course west-
ward from Spain ; the Spaniards going
first to America, and thence to the
Ladrones and Philippines. . . .
We coasted to the westward on the
south side of the Island Mindanao,
keeping within four or five leagues off
the shore. The land from hence
trends away W. by S. ; it is of a good
height by the sea and very woody ;
and in the country we saw high hills.
The next day we were abreast of
Chambongo, 1 a town in this island,
thirty leagues from the River of Min-
danao. Here is said to be a good har-
bour and a great settlement, with
plenty of beef and buffalo. It is re-
ported that the Spaniards were for-
merly fortified here also. About six
leagues before we came to the west-
end of the Island Mindanao, we fell
in with a great many small low islands
or keys; and about two or three leagues
to the southward of these keys there is
a long island, stretching NE. and SW.
about twelve leagues. 2 This island
is low by the sea on the north side,
and has a ridge of hills in the middle
running from one end to the other.
Between this island and the small
keys there is a good large channel.
The 17th, we anchored on the east
side of all these keys in eight fathoms
water, clean sand. Here are plenty
of green turtle, whose flesh is as sweet
as any in the West Indies ; but they
are very shy. A little to the west-
ward of these keys, on the Island
Mindanao, we saw abundance of cocoa-
nut trees. Therefore we sent our
canoe ashore, thinking to find inhabi-
tants, but found none, nor sign of
any, but great tracks of hogs and
great cattle ; and close by the sea
there were the ruins of an old fort ;
the walls thereof were of a good
height, built with stone and lime,
and, by the workmanship, seemed to
be Spanish. We weighed again the
14th, and went through between the
keys, but met such uncertain tides
that we were forced to anchor again.
1 Chambongo, or Zamboanga, stands
at the south end of the great jut of
land which forms the western portion
of the Island of Mindanao ; the bay
enclosed in the curve of the coast
between Mindanao and Zamboanga
being called the Bay of Liana or
Illana.
2 Evidently the Basilian group of
islands to the south of Zamboanga.
DAMPIEE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XIV.
The 22d, we got about the western-
most point of all Mindanao, and stood
to the northward, plying under the
shore, and having the wind at NNE. ,
a fresh gale. Here we met with two
proas belonging to the Sologus, one
of the Mindanayan nations before
mentioned. They came from Manilla
laden with silks and calicoes. We
kept on this western part of the
island, steering northerly, till we
came abreast of some other of the
Philippine islands that lay to the
northward of us, then -steered away
towards them, but still keeping on
the west side of them, and we had the
winds at NNE. The 3d of February
we anchored in a good bay on the
west side of an island in Lat. 9 55',
where we had thirteen fathoms water,
good soft ooze. This island has no
name that we could find in any book, 1
but lies on the west side of Island
Sebo. It is about eight or ten leagues
long, mountainous and woody. At
this place Captain Reed, who was the
same Captain Swan had so much
railed against in his journal, and was
now made captain in his room (as
Captain Tait was made master, and
Mr Henry More quarter-master), or-
dered the carpenters to cut down our
quarter-deck, to make the ship snug
and the fitter for sailing. When that
was done we heeled her, scrubbed her
bottom, and tallowed it ; then we
filled all our water, for here is a deli-
cate small run of water. The land
was pretty low in this bay, the mould
black and fat, and the trees of several
kinds, very thick and tall. In some
places we found plenty of canes, such
as we use in England for walking-
canes. These were short-jointed, not
above two feet and a half or two feet
ten inches the longest, and most of
them not above two feet. They run
along on the ground like a vine, or
taking hold of the trees they climb up
to their very tops. They are fifteen
or twenty fathoms long, and much of
a bigness froui the root till within
1 It seems to be the Island of
Negros, which lies to the west of
Zebu, or, as Dampier calls it, Sebo.
five or six fathoms of the end. They
are of a pale green colour, clothed
over with a coat of short thick hairy
substance of a dun colour, but it
omes off by only drawing the cane
through your hand. We did cut
many of them, and they proved very
tough heavy canes. We saw no
houses, nor sign of inhabitants. In
the middle of this bay, about a mile
from the shore, there " is a small low
woody island not above a mile in cir-
cumference ; our ship rode about a
mile from it. This island was the
habitation of an incredible number of
great bats, with bodies as big as
ducks or larger fowl, and with vast
wings ; for I saw at Mindanao one of
this sort, and I judge that the wings,
stretched out in length, could not be
less asunder than seven or eight feet
from tip to tip, for it was much more
than any of us could fathom with our
arms extended to the utmost.
We stayed here till the 10th of
February 1687, and then, having
completed our business, we sailed
hence with the wind at north; but
going out we struck on a rock,
where we lay two hours. It was very
smooth water, and the tide of flood,
or else we should there have lost our
ship. We struck off a great piece of
our rudder, which was all the damage
that we received ; but we more nar-
rowly missed losing our ship this time
than in any other in the whole voyage.
This is a very dangerous shoal, be-
cause it does not break, unless pro-
bably it may appear in foul weather.
After we were passed this shoal, we
coasted along by the rest of the
Philippine Islands, keeping on the
west side of them. Some of them
appeared to be very mountainous
dry land. We saw many fires in the
night as we passed by Panay, 2 a great
island settled by Spaniards ; and by
the fires up and down it seems to be
well settled by them ; for this is a
Spanish custom, whereby they give
notice of any danger, or the like, from
sea ; and it is probable they had
seen our ship the day before. Tho
3 Lying to the north-west of Negros.
1687.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
18th of February we anchored at the
NW. end of the Island Mindoro, in
ten fathoms water, about three-quar-
ters of a mile from the shore. Min-
doro is a large island, the middle of
it lying in Lat. 13, about forty
leagues long, stretching NW. and
SE. It is high and mountainous,
and not very woody. Here we saw
great tracks of hogs and beef, and we
saw some of each, and hunted them ;
but they were wild, and we could kill
none. While we lay here, there was
a canoe with four Indians came from
Manilla. They were very shy of us a
while ; but at last, hearing us speak
Spanish, they came to us, and told
us that they were going to a friar that
lived at an Indian village towards the
SE. end of the island. They told us
also that the harbour of Manilla is
seldom or never without twenty or
thirty sail of vessels, most Chinese,
some Portuguese, and some few the
Spaniards have of their own. They
said that when they had done
their business with the friar, they
would return to Manilla, and hoped
to be back again at this place in four
days' time. "We told them that we
came for a trade with the Spaniards
at Manilla, and should be glad if they
would carry a letter to some merchant
there, which they promised to do.
But this was only a pretence of ours,
to get out of them what intelligence
we could as to their shipping, strength,
and the like, under colour of seeking
a trade ; for our business was to pil-
lage. Now if we had really designed
to have traded here, this was as fair
an opportunity as men could have
desired, for these men could have
brought us to the friar that they
were going to, and a small present to
him would have engaged him to do
any kindness for us in the way of
trade ; for the Spanish Governors do
not allow of it, and we must trade by
stealth.
The 21st, we went from hence with
the wind at ENE., a small gale. The
23d, in the morning, we were fair by
the SE. end of the Island Luconia,"
225
he place that had been so long de-
ired by us. We presently saw a sail
oming from the northward, and
naking after her, we took her in two
lours' time. She was a Spanish bark
hat came from a place called Panga-
anam, a small town on the N. end
f Luconia, as they told us ; pro-
)ably the same with Pongassinay,
which lies on a bay at the N W. side of
he island. She was bound to Man-
ila, but had no goods aboard ; and
herefore we turned her away. The
23d we took another Spanish vessel
hat came from the same place as the
>ther. She was laden with rice and
otton cloth, and bound for Manilla
Iso. These goods were purposely
or the Acapulco ship ; the rice was
'or the men to live on while they lay
here, and in their return ; and the
cotton cloth was to make sails. The
master of this prize was boatswain of
;he Acapulco ship, which escaped us
at Guam, and was now at Manilla.
It was this man that gave us the re-
ation of what strength it had, how
;hey were afraid of us there, and of
;he accident that happened to them,
as is before mentioned in the tenth
Dhanter. We took these two vessels
within seven or eight leagues of
Manilla.
Luconia I have spoken of already ;
but I shall now add this further
account of it. It is a great island,
taking up between six and seven de-
grees of Latitude in length, and its
breadth near the middle is about
sixty leagues, but the ends are nar-
row. The north end lies in about
19 N., and the south end in about
12 30'. This great island has abun-
dance of small keys or islands lying
about it, especially at the north end.
The south side fronts towards the
rest of the Philippine Islands ; of
these that are its nearest neighbours,
Mindoro, lately mentioned, is the
chief, and gives name to the sea or
1 Not of the whole island, which
stretches away south-east of Manilla,
into a long jagged peninsula ; Dam-
pier evidently means at the southern
point of what we may call the main-
land
P
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XIV.
226
strait that parts it and the other
islands from Luconia, being called
the Straits of Mindoro. The body of
the Island Luconia is composed of
many spacious plain savannahs, and
large mountains. The north end
seems to be more plain and even, I
mean freer from hills, than the south
end ; but the land is all along of a
good height. It does not appear so
flourishing and green as some of the
other islands in this range, especially '
that of St John, Mindanao, Bat
Island, &c. ; yet in some places it is
very woody. Some of the mountains
of this island afford gold, and the
savannahs are well stocked with herds
of cattle, especially buffaloes. These
cattle are in great plenty all over the
East Indies ; and therefore it is very
probable that there were many of
these here even before the Spaniards
came hither. But now there are also
plenty of other cattle, as I have been
told, as bullocks, horses, sheep, goats,
hogs, &c., brought hither by the
Spaniards. It is pretty well in-
habited with Indians, most of them,
if not all, under the Spaniards, who
now are masters of it. The native
Indians do live together in towns ;
and they have priests among them to
instruct them in the Spanish religion.
Manilla, the chief, or perhaps only
city, lies at the foot of a ridge of high
hills, facing upon a spacious harbour
near the SW. point of the island, in
about 14 E". It is environed with a
high strong wall, and very well forti-
fied with forts and breastworks. The
houses are large, strongly built, and
covered with pantile. The streets
are large and pretty regular, with a
Earade* in the midst, after the
panish fashion. There are a great
many fair buildings, besides churches
and other religious houses, of which
there are not a few. The harbour is
so large, that some hundreds of ships
may ride here ; and is never without
many, both of their own, and strangers.
I have already given you an account
of the two ships going and coming
between this place and Acapulco.
1 Plaza.
Besides them, they have some small
vessels of their own ; and they do
allow the Portuguese to trade here ;
but the Chinese are the chief mer-
chants, and they drive the greatest
trade ; for they have commonly
twenty or thirty, or forty junks in
the harbour at a time, and a great
many merchants constantly residing
in the city, beside shop-keepers and
handicraftsmen in abundance. Small
vessels run up near the town, but the
Acapulco ships, and others of greater
burthen lie a league short of it, where
there is a strong fort also, and store-
houses to put goods in. I had the
major part of this relation two or
three years after this time, from Mr
Coppinger our surgeon ; for he made
a voyage hither from Porto Novo, a
town on the coast of Coromandel, in
a Portuguese ship, as I think. We
were not within sight of this town,
but I was shown the hills that over-
looked it, and drew a draught of them
as we lay off at sea. 2
The time of the year being now too
far spent to do anything here, it was
concluded to sail from hence to Pulo
Condore, a little parcel of islands on
the coast of Cambodia, and carry this
prize with us, and there careen if we
could find any convenient place for
it ; designing to return hither again
by the latter end of May, and wait
for the Acapulco ship that comes
about that time. By our draughts
(which we were guided by, being
strangers to these parts) this seemed
to us, then, to be a place out of the
Avay, where we might lie snug for a
while, and wait the time of returning
for our prey. For we avoided as
much as we could, going to lie by at
any great place of commerce, lest we
should become too much exposed,
and perhaps be assaulted by a force
2 In the edition from which the
present text is printed, there is a
shaded skeleton drawing, about four
inches long by three-quarters high,
entitled "A Prospect of y e Coast of
y e I. Luconia, near Manila, at 6 L.
off shore, y e highest Pike bearing
East."
1687.] ISLANDS ON THE
greater than our own. So having
set our prisoners ashore, we sailed
from Luconia the 26th of February.
In our way we went pretty near the
shoals of Pracel, 1 and other shoals
which are very dangerous. "We were
very much afraid of them, but escaped
them without so much as seeing them,
only at the very south end of the
Pracel shoals we saw three little
sandy islands or spots of sand, stand-
ing just above water, within a mile
of us. It was the 13th of March be-
fore we came in sight of Pulo Con-
dore, or the Island Condore, as
"Pulo" signifies. The 14th about
noon we anchored on the north side
of the island, against a sandy bay
two miles from the shore, in ten
fathoms clean hard sand, with both
ship and prize. Pulo Condore is the
principal of a heap of islands, and
the only inhabited one of them.
They lie in Lat. 8 40' N. and about
twenty leagues south and by east
from the mouth of the River of Cam-
bodia. 2 These islands lie so near to-
gether, that at a distance they appear
to be but one island. Two of these
islands are pretty large, and of a good
height ; they may be seen fourteen or
fifteen leagues at sea ; the rest are
but little spots. The biggest of the
two (which is the inhabited one) is
tf)out four or five leagues long, and
lies east and west. It is not above
three miles broad at the broadest
place, in most places not above a mile
wide. The other large island is about
three miles long, and half-a-mile
wide. This island stretches north
and south. There are no more islands
on the north side, but five or six on
the south side of the great island.
The mould of these islands for the
biggest part is blackish, and pretty
CAMBODIA COAST.
227
1 The Paracel Islands and reefs at
the mouth^ of the Gulf of Tonquin.
2 Or Mai-Kiang, which on its way
to the coast traverses the whole ex-
tent of the empire of Annam ; Pulo
Condore is directly south of its main
embouchure, at the mouth of which
stands Saigon, chief town of the
French colony of Cochin China.
deep ; only the hills are someAvhat
stony. The eastern part of the
biggest island is sandy, yet all
clothed with trees of divers sorts.
The trees do not grow so thick as I
have seen them in some places, but
they are generally large and tall, and
fit for any uses. There is one sort of
tree much larger than any other on
this island, and which I have not
seen anywhere else. It is about three
or four feet diameter in the body,
from whence is drawn a sort of
clammy juice, which being boiled a
little becomes perfect tar; and if
you boil it much it will become hard
as pitch. 3 The fruit trees that Nature
has bestowed on these isles are man-
goes, and trees bearing a sort of grape,
and other trees bearing a kind of wild or
bastard nutmegs. These all grow wild
in the woods, and in very great
plenty. The mangoes here grow on
trees as big as apple trees. Those at
Fort St George are not so large. The
fruit of these is as big as a small
peach, but long and smaller towards
the top. It is of a yellowish colour
when ripe ; it is very juicy, and of a
pleasant smell and delicate taste.
When the mango is young, they cut
them in two pieces, and pickle them
with salt and vinegar, in which they
put some cloves and garlic. The
grape tree grows with a straight body,
of a diameter about a foot or more,
and has but few limbs or boughs.
The fruit grows in clusters, all about
the body of the tree, like the jack,
durian, and cacao fruits. There are
of them both red and white. They
are much like such grapes as grow
on our vines, both in shape and
colour. The wild nutmeg tree is as
big as a walnut tree ; but it does not
spread so much. The boughs are
gross, 4 and the fruit grows among
the boughs as the walnut and other
fruits. The animals of these islands
are some hogs, lizards, guanas,
and some of those creatures men-
tioned in Chapter XL, which are
3 Well known in commerce and for
nautical purposes as Cambodia pitch.
4 Thick. "".""
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUKD THE WORLD. [CHAP. XIV.
Islands, it seems borrowed for the
carrying on*of trade.
228
like, but much bigger, than the
guana. Here are many sorts of birds,
as parrots, paroquets, doves, and
pigeons. Here are also a sort of wild
cocks and hens, which crow like ours,
but much more small and shrill ; and
by their crowing we do first find them
out in the woods where we shoot them.
Their flesh is very white and sweet.
There are a great many limpets and
mussels, and plenty of green turtle.
These islands are pretty well watered
with small brooks of fresh water, that
run slush 1 into the sea for ten months
in the years. The latter end of March
they begin to dry away, and in April
you shall have none in the brooks
but what is lodged in deep holes ; but
you may dig wells in some places. In
May, when the rain comes, the land
is again replenished with water, and
the brooks run out into the sea.
These islands lie very commodiously
in the way to and from Japan, China,
Manilla, Tonquin, Cochin China, and
in general all this most easterly coast
of the Indian continent, whether you
go through the Straits of Malacca or
the Straits of Sunda between Sumatra
and Java ; and one of them you must
pass in the common way from Europe,
or other parts of the East Indies, un-
less you mean to fetch a great com-
pass round most of the East India
islands, as we did. Any ship in dis-
tress may be refreshed and recruited
here very conveniently, and, besides
ordinary accommodations, be furnish-
ed with masts, yards, pitch, and tar.
The inhabitants are by nation Cochin
Chinese, as they told us, for one of
tli em spoke good Malay, which lan-
guage we learnt a smattering of, and
some of us so as to speak it pretty
well while we lay at Mindanao ; and
this is the common tongue of trade
and commerce (though it be not in
several of them the native language)
in most of the East India islands,
being the lingua franca, as it were,
of these parts. I believe it is the
vulgar tongue at Malacca, Sumatra,
Java, and Borneo ; but at Celebes,
the Philippine Islands, and the Spice
Full.
The inhabit-
ants of Pulo Condore are but a small
people in stature, well enough shaped,
and of a darker colour than the Min-
danayans. They are pretty long-vis-
aged, their hair is black and straight,
their eyes are but small and black,
their noses of a mean bigness and
pretty high, their lips thin, their
teeth white, and little mouths. They
are very civil people, but extraordin-
ary poor. Their chief employment is
to draw the juice of those trees that I
have described to make tar. They
preserve it in wooden troughs, and
when they have their cargo they
transport it to Cochin China, their
mother country. Some others of
them employ themselves to catch
turtle, and boil up their fat to oil,
which they also transport home.
These people have great large nets
with wide meshes to catch the turtle.
The Jamaica turtlers have such, and
I did never see the like nets but at
Jamaica and here. They are so free
of their women that they would bring
them aboard and offer them to us,
and many of our men hired them for
a small matter. This is a custom
used by several nations in the East
Indies, as at Pegu, Siam, Cochin
China, and Cambodia, as I have been
told. It is used at Tonquin also to
my knowledge, for I did afterwards
make a voyage thither, and most of
our men had women aboard all the
time of their abode there. In Africa
also, on the coast of Guinea, our mer-
chants, factors, and seamen that re-
side there have their black misses.
It is accounted a piece of policy to do
it, for the chief factors and captains
of ships have the great men's daugh-
ters offered them, the Mandarin's or
noblemen's at Tonquin, and even the
King's wives in [New] Guinea ; and
by this sort of alliance the country
people are engaged to a greater friend-
ship. And if there should arise any
difference about trade, or anything
else, which might provoke the natives
to seek some treacherous revenge (to
which all these heathen nations are
very prone), then these Delilahs would
1687.]
CHINESE TEMPLES AND IDOLS.
229
certainly declare it to their white
friends, and so hinder their country-
men's designs.
These people are idolaters; but
their manner of worship I know not.
There are a few scattering houses and
plantations on the great island, and a
small village on the south side of it ;
where there is a little idol temple,
and an image of an elephant, about
five feet high, and in bigness propor-
tionable, placed on one side of the
temple, and a horse, not so big, placed
on the other side of it : both stand-
ing with their heads towards the
south. The temple itself was low
and ordinary, built of wood, and
thatched, like one of their houses,
which are but very meanly. The
images of the horse and the elephant
were the most general idols that I
observed in the temple of Tonquin
when I travelled there. There were
other images also, of beasts, birds,
and fish ; I do not remember I saw
any human shape there, nor any such
monstrous representations as I have
seen among the Chinese. Wherever
the Chinese seamen or merchants
come (and they are very numerous
all over the seas), they have always
hideous idols on board their junks or
ships, with altars, and images burn-
ing before them. These idols they
bring ashore with them. And be-
sides those they have in common ;
every man has one in his o\vri house.
Upon some particular solemn days I
have seen their Bonzes, or priests,
bring whole armfuls of painted papers,
and burn them with a great deal of cere-
mony, being very careful to let no piece
escape them. The same day they
killed a goat, which had been pur-
posely fatting a month before ; this
they offer or present before their idol,
and then dress it and feast themselves
with it. I have seen them do this in
Tonquin, where I have at the same
time been invited to their feasts : and
at Bencoolen, in the Isle of Sumatra,
they sent a shoulder of the sacrificed
goat to the English, who ate of it
and asked me to do so too ; but I
refused.
"When 1 was at Madras, or Fort St
George, I took notice of a great cere-
mony used for several nights succes-
sively by the idolaters inhabiting the
suburbs. Both men and women
(these very well clad) in a great mul-
titude went in solemn procession with
lighted torches, carrying their idols
about with them. I know not the
meaning of it. I observed some went
purposely carrying oil to sprinkle into
the lamps, to make them burn the
brighter. They began their round
about 11 o'clock at night ; and hav-
ing paced it gravely about the streets
till 2 or 3 o'clock in the morning,
their idols were carried with much
ceremony into the temple by the
chief of the procession, and some of
the women I saw enter the temple
particularly. Their idols were differ-
ent from those of Tonquin, Cambodia,
&c., being in human shape.
I have said already that we arrived
at these islands the 14th of March
1687. The next day we searched
about for a place to careen in ; and
the 16th we entered the harbour, and
immediately provided to careen. Some
men were set to fell great trees to saw
into plank ; others went to unrigging
the ship : some made a house to put
our goods in, and for the sailmaker
to work in. The country people re-
sorted to us, and brought us of the
fruits of the island, with hogs, and
sometimes turtle ; for which they
received rice in exchange, which we
had a. shipload of, taken at Manilla.
We bought of them also a good quan-
tity of their pitchy liquor, which we
boiled, and used about our ship's
bottom. We mixed it first with lime,
which we made here ; and it made an
excellent coat, and stuck on very
well. We stayed in this harbour
from the 16th of March till the 16th
of April ; in which time we made a
new suit of sails of the cloth that was
taken in the prize. We cut a spare
main-topmast, arid sawed plank to
sheathe the ship's bottom ; for she was
not sheathed all over at Mindanao,
and that old plank that was left on
then we now ripped off, and clapped
on new. While we lay here, two of
our men died, who were poisoned at
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XIV.
230
Mindanao : they told us of it when
they found themselves poisoned, and
had lingered ever since. They were
opened by our doctor, according to
their own request before they died,
and their livers were black, light and
dry, like pieces of cork. Our busi-
ness being finished here, we left the
Spanish prize taken at Manilla, and
most of the rice, taking out enough
for ourselves : and on the 17th we
went from hence to the place where
we first anchored, on the north side
of the great island, purposely to water;
for there was a great stream when we
first came to the island, and we thought
it was so now. But we found it dried
up, only it stood in holes, two or
three hogsheads or a tun in a hole ;
therefore we did immediately cut
bamboos, and made spouts, through
which we conveyed the water down
to the sea-side by taking it up in
bowls, and pouring it into these
spouts or troughs. We conveyed
some of it thus near half-a-mile.
While we were filling our water, Cap-
tain Reed engaged an old man, one
of the inhabitants of this island (the
same who, I said, could speak the
Malay language), to be his pilot to
the Bay of Siam : for he had often
been telling us, that he was well ac-
quainted there, and that he knew
some islands there where there were
fishermen lived, who he thought
could supply us with salt- fish to eat
at sea ; for we had nothing but rice
to eat. The easterly monsoon was
not yet done; therefore it was con-
cluded to spend some time there,
and then take the advantage of the
beginning of the western monsoon to
return to Manilla again.
The 21st of April 1687, we sailed
from Pulo Condore, directing our
course W. by S. for the Bay of Siam.
The 23d, we arrived at Pulo Uby. 1
The island is about forty leagues to
the westward of Pulo Condore ; it-
lies just at the entrance of the Bay
of Siam, and the SW. point of land
that makes the bay, namely, the Point
1 Pulo Obi, off the extreme southern
point of the Cambodian peninsula.
of Cambodia. This island is about
seven or eight leagues round, and it
is higher land than any of the Pulo
Condore isles. Against the south-
east part of it there is a small key,
about a cable's length from the main
island. This Pulo Uby is very woody.
At Pulo Uby we found two small
barks laden with rice. They belonged
to Cambodia, from whence they came
not above two or three days before ;
and they touched here to fill water.
Rice is the general food, of all these
countries ; therefore it is transported
by sea from one country to another,
as corn is in these parts of the world.
For in some countries they produce
more than enough for themselves,
and send what they can spare to those
places where there is but little. The
24th, we went into the Bay of Siam.
This is a large deep bay,* of which
and of this kingdom I shall at pre-
sent speak but little. 2 We run down
into the Bay of Siam till we came to
the islands that our Pulo Condore
pilot told us of, which lie about the
middle of the bay ; 3 but as good a
pilot as he was, he nin us aground ;
yet we had no damage. Captain
Reed went ashore at these islands,
where he found a small town of fisher-
men ; but they had no fish to sell,
and so we returned empty. We had
yet fair weather and very little wind ;
so that being often becalmed, we were
till the 13th of May before we got to
Pulo Uby again. There we found
two small vessels at anchor on the
east side : they were laden with rice
and lacquer, which is used in japan-
ning of cabinets. One of these came
from Champa, bound to the town of
Malacca, which belongs to the Dutch,
who took it from the Portuguese ;
and this shows that they have a trade
with Champa. This was a very pretty
neat vessel, her bottom very clean
and curiously coated ; she had about
forty men all armed with cortans or
broadswords, lances, and some guns
2 Reserving a more particular ac-
count to Appendix I. (see Introduc-
tory Note on page 115).
3 Probably Pulo Way, in Lat. 10 N.
SAVAGE TREATMENT FROM THE MALAYS.
1687.]
that went with a swivel upon their
gunwales. They were of the idolaters,
natives of Champa, and some of the
briskest, most sociable, without fear-
fulness or shyness, and the most neat
and dexterous about their shipping,
of any such I have met with in all
my travels. 1 The other vessel came
from the River of Cambodia and was
bound towards the Straits of Malacca.
Both of them stopped here, for the
westerly winds now began to blow,
which were against them, being
somewhat belated. "We anchored
also on the east side, intending to fill
water.
The 21st of May we went back from
hence towards Pulo Condore. In our
way we overtook a great junk that
came from Palembang, a town on the
Island of Sumatra. She was full laden
with pepper which they bought there,
and was bound to Siam ; but it blow-
ing so hard, she was afraid to venture
into that bay, and therefore came to
Pulo Condore with us, where we
both anchored May 24th. This ves-
sel was of the Chinese make, full of
little rooms or partitions like our
well-boats. I shall describe them in
the next Chapter. The men of this
junk told us that the English were
settled on the Island of Sumatra, at
a place called Sillabar ; and the first
knowledge we had that the English
had any settlement on Sumatra was
from these. When we came to an
anchor, we saw a small bark at anchor
near the shore ; therefore Captain
Reed sent a canoe aboard her to know
from whence they came ; and suppos-
ing that it was a Malay vessel, he
ordered the men not to go aboard,
for they are accounted desperate fel-
lows, and their vessels are commonly
full of men, who all wear cressets or
little daggers by their sides. The
canoe's crew, not minding the Cap-
tain's orders, went aboard, all but one
man that stayed in the canoe. The
Malays, who were about twenty of
231
1 One is tempted to find in this
graphic account traces of the Japanese,
then little if at all known to even our
most experienced navigators.
;hem, seeing our men all armed,
thought that they came to take their
vessel ; therefore at once, on a signal
given, they drew out their cressets
ind stabbed five or six of our men
before they knew what the matter
was. The rest of our men leaped over-
board, some into the canoe and some
into the sea, and so got away. Among
the rest, one Daniel Wallis leaped into
the sea, who could never swim before
nor since ; yet now he swam very
well a good while before he was taken
up. When the canoe came aboard,
Captain Reed manned two canoes and
went to be revenged on the Malays ;
but they, seeing him coming, cut a
hole in their vessel's bottom and went
ashore in their boat. Captain Reed
followed them, but they ran into the
woods and hid themselves.
Here we stayed ten or eleven days,
for it blew very hard all the time.
While we stayed here, Herman Cop-
pinger our surgeon went ashore, in-
tending to live here ; but Captain
Reed sent some men and fetched him
again. I had the same thoughts, and
would have gone ashore too, but
waited for a more convenient place.
For neither he nor I when we went
last on board at Mindanao had any
knowledge of the plot that was laid to
leave Captain Swan and run away
with the ship ; and being sufficiently
weary of this mad crew, we were
willing to give them the slip at any
place from whence we might hope to
get a passage to an English factory.
There was nothing else of moment
happened whilst we stayed here.
CHAPTER XV.
HAVING filled our water, cut our
wood, and got our ship in a sailing
posture while the blustering hard
winds lasted, we took the first oppor-
tunity of a settled gale to sail towards
Manilla. Accordingly, June the 4tb
1687, we loosed from Pulo Condore
with the wind at SW., fair weather,
at a brisk gale. The pepper j unk bound
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XV.
daunt us, for we were resolved to try
our fortunes there if the winds would
permit ; and we did beat for it five or
six days, but at last were forced to
leave that design also for want of
winds, for the SE. winds continuing,
forced us on the coast of China.
It was the 25th of June when we
made the land, and running iu to-
wards the shore, we came to an anchor
the same day on the NE. end of St
John's Island. 3 This island is in
Lat. about 22 30'' N., lying on the
S. coast of the province of Quan Tung,
or Canton, in China. It is of an in-
different height and pretty plain, and
the soil fertile enough. It is partly
woody, partly savannahs or pasturage
for cattle, and there is some moist
arable land for rice. The skirts or
outer part of the island, especially
that part of it which borders on the
main sea, is woody. The middle part
of it is good thick grassy pasture,
with some groves of trees ; and that
which is cultivated land is low wet
land, yielding plentiful crops of rice,
the only grain that I did see here.
The tame cattle which this island
affords are China hogs, goats, buffa-
loes, and some bullocks. The hogs of
this island are all black ; they have but
small heads, very short thick necks,
great bellies commonly touching the
ground, and short legs. They eat
but little food, yet they are most of
them very fat, probably because they
sleep much. The tame fowls are
ducks and cocks and hens. I saw no
wild fowl but a few small birds.
The natives of this island are
Chinese. They are subject to the
crown of China, and consequently at
this time to the Tartars. 4 The Chinese
in general are tall, straight-bodied,
232
to Siani remained there waiting for
an easterly'wind ; but one of his men,
a kind of bastard Portuguese, came
aboard our ship and was entertained
for the sake of his knowledge in the
several languages of these countries.
The wind continued in the SW. but
twenty-four hours, or a little more,
and then came about to the N. and
then to the NE., and the sky became
exceeding clear. Then the wind came
at E., and lasted betwixt E. and SE.
for eight or ten days. Yet we con-
tinued plying to windward, expecting
every day a shift of wind, because
these winds were not according to the
season of the year. We were now
afraid lest the currents might deceive
us and carry us on the shoals of Pra-
cel, which were near us, a little to
the NW.j but we passed on to the
eastward without seeing any sign of
them. Yet we were kept much to
the northward of our intended course,
and the easterly winds still continu-
ing, we despaired of getting to Man-
illa, and therefore began to project
some new design ; and the result was,
to visit the Island of Prata, 1 about
the Lat. of 20 40' N., and not far
from us at this time. It is a small
low island environed with rocks clear
round it, by report. It lieth so in
the way between Manilla and Canton,
the head of a province and a town of
great trade in China, that the Chinese
do dread the rocks about it more than
the Spaniards did formerly dread Ber-
mudas, 2 for many of their junks
coming from Manilla have been lost
there, and with abundance of treasure
in them, as we were informed by all
the Spaniards that ever we conversed
with in these parts. They told us
also that in these wrecks most of the
men were drowned, and that the
Chinese did never go thither to take
up any of the treasure that was lost
there for fear of being lost themselves.
But the danger of the place did not
1 Pratos, lying in the north of the
Chinese Sea, about equidistant from
Canton, Formosa, and the northern
extremity of Luzon.
8 " The vext Bcrmoothes. "
8 Called in Chinese Chang-cheun,
which is evidently an assimilation of
the name given by the Portuguese ; it
lies nearly a degree south-west of
Macao.
4 The Manchoo Tartars, after a
war lasting nearly thirty years, had
established their dynasty more than
forty years before the time of which
Dampier writes,
1687.]
HOME CUSTOMS OF THE CHINESE.
233
raw-boned men. They are long-vis-
aged, and their foreheads are high ;
but they have little eyes. Their
noses are pretty large, with a rising
in the middle. Their mouths are of
a mean size, pretty thin lips. They
are of an ashy complexion ; their
hair is black, and their beards thin
and long, for they pluck the hair out
by the roots, suffering only some few
very long straggling hairs to grow
about their chin, in which they
take great pride, often combing them
and sometimes tying them up in a
knot ; and they have such hairs too
growing down from each side of their
upper lip like whiskers. The ancient
Chinese were very proud of the hair
of their heads, letting it grow very
long, and stroking it back with their
hands curiously, and then winding
the plats all together round a bod-
kin thrust through it at the hinder
part of the head ; and both men and
women did thus. But when the
Tartars conquered them, they broke
them off this custom they were fond
of by main force, insomuch that they
resented this imposition worse than
their subjection, and rebelled upon
it ; but being still worsted, were
forced to acquiesce ; and to this day
they follow the fashion of their mas-
ters the Tartars, and shave all their
heads, only reserving one lock, which
some tie up, others let it hang down
to a great or small length, as they
please. The Chinese in other coun-
tries still keep their old custom, but
if any of the Chinese is found wearing
long hair in China, he forfeits his
head ; and many of them have aban-
doned their country to preserve their
liberty of wearing their hair, as I have
oeen told by themselves. The Chinese
have no hats, caps, or turbans ; but
when they walk abroad they carry a
small umbrella in their hands, where-
with they fence their heads from the
sun or the rain by holding it over
their heads. If they walk but a little
way, they carry only a large fan made
of paper or silk, of the same fashion
as those our ladies have, and many
of them are brought over hither ; one
of these every man carries in his hand
f he do but cross the street, screening
lis head with it if he has not an urn-
)rella with him. The common ap-
)arel of the men is a loose frock and
)reeches. They seldom wear stock-
ngs, but they have shoes, or a sort
of slippers rather. The men's shoes
are made diversely. The women have
very small feet, and consequently but
ittle shoes, for from their infancy
;heir feet are kept swathed up with
Dands as hard as they can possibly
endure them; and from the time
;hey can go till they have done grow-
ng, they bind them up every night.
This they do purposely to hinder
;hem from growing, esteeming little
? eet to be a great beauty. But by
this unreasonable custom they do in
a manner lose the use of their feet,
and instead of going, they only
stumble about their houses, and pre-
sently squat down again, being, as it
were, confined to sitting all the days of
their lives. They seldom stir abroad ;
and one would be apt to think that,
as some have conjectured, their keep-
ing up their fondness for this fashion
were a stratagem of the men's to
keep them from gadding and gossip-
ing about and confine them at home.
They are kept constantly to their
rk, being fine needle-women, and
making many curious embroideries,
and they make their own shoes ; but
if any stranger be desirous to bring
away any for novelty's sake, he must
be a great favourite to get a pair of
shoes of them, though he give twice
their value. The poorer sort of women
trudge about the streets, and to the
market, without shoes or stockings ;
and these cannot afford to have little
feet,beingtogettheirlivingwiththem.
The Chinese, both men and women,
are very ingenious, as may appear by the
many curious things that are brought
from thence, especially the porcelain
or China earthenware. The Span-
iards of Manilla, that we took on the
coast of Luconia, told me that this
commodity is made of conch shells,
the inside of which looks like mother-
of-pearl. But the Portuguese, lately
mentioned, who had lived in China,
and spoke that and the neighbouring
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XV.
234
languages very well, said that it was
made of a fine sort of clay that was
dug in the province of Canton. I
have often made inquiry about it,
but could never be well satisfied in it ;
but while I was on the coast of Can-
ton I forgot to inquire about it. They
make very fine lacquer ware also, and
good silks ; and they are curious at
painting and carving. China affords
drugs in great abundance, especially
China root ; but this is not peculiar
to that country alone, for there is
much of this root growing in Jamaica,
particularly at Sixteen Mile Walk ;
and in the Bay of Honduras it is very
plentiful. There is a great store of
sugar made in this country ; and tea
in abundance is brought from thence,
being much used there, and in Ton-
quin and Cochin China as common
drinking, women sitting in the streets
and selling dishes of tea hot and
ready made ; they call it Chan, and
even the poorest people sip it. But
the tea at Tonquin or Cochin China
seems not so good, or of so pleasant a
bitter, or of so fine a colour, or such
virtue, as this in China ; for I have
drank of it in these countries, unless
the fault be in their way of making
it, for I made none there myself ; and
by the high red colour it looks as if
they made a decoction of it, or kept it
stale. Yet, at Japan, I was told there
is a great deal of pure tea, very good. 1
The Chinese are very great game-
sters, and they will never be tired
with it, playing night and day, till
they have lost all their estates, then
it is usual with them to hang them-
selves. This was frequently done by
the Chinese factor at Manilla, as I
was told by Spaniards that lived there.
The Spaniards themselves are much
addicted to gaming, and are very ex-
pert at it; but the Chinese are too
subtle for them, being in general a
very cunning people. But a particu-
lar account of them and their country
would fill a volume ; nor does my
short experience of them qualify me
1 Teahadbeen introduced in England,
though only as a rare luxury, some
thirty years before Dampier wrote.
to say much of them. Wherefore, to
confine myself chiefly to what I ob-
served at St John's Island, where
we lay some time, and visited the
shore every day to buy provision, as
hogs, fowl, and buffalo. Here was
a small town standing in a wet
swampy ground, with many filthy
ponds amongst the houses, which
were built 011 the ground as ours are,
not on posts as at Mindanao. In
these ponds were plenty of ducks ;
the houses were small and low, and
covered with thatch, and inside were
but ill furnished, and kept nastily ;
and I have been told by one who was
there, that most of the houses in the
city of Canton itself are but poor and
irregular. The inhabitants of this
village seem to be most husbandmen ;
they were at this time very busy in
sowing their rice, which is their chief
commodity. The land in which they
choose to sow the rice is low and wet,
and when ploughed, the earth was like
a mass of mud. They ploughed their
land with a small plough drawn by
one buffalo, and one man both holds
the plough and drives the beast.
When the rice is ripe and gathered
in, they tread it out of the ear with
buffaloes, in a large round place made
with a hard floor fit for that purpose,
where they chain three or four of
these beasts, one at the tail of the
other ; and driving them round in a
ring, as in a horse-mill, they so order it
that the buffaloes may tread upon it all.
I was once ashore at this island, with
seven or eight Englishmen more, and
having occasion to stay some time, we
killed a small "shore" or young
porker, and roasted it for our dinners.
While we were busy dressing of our
pork, one of the natives came and sat
down by us ; and when our dinner
was ready, we cut a good piece and
gave it him, which he willingly re-
ceived. But by signs he begged more,
and withal pointed into the woods ; yet
we did not understand his meaning,
nor much, mind him, till our hunger
was pretty well assuaged, although
he did still make signs, and walking
a little way from us, he beckoned to
us to come to him, which at last I did,
1687.] DESCRIPTION OF A CHINESE JUNK.
and two or three more,
before, led the way in
He, goin|
small blinc
path through a thicket into a small
grove of trees, in which there was an
old idol temple about ten feet square.
The walls of it were about nine feet
high, and two feet thick, made of
bricks. The floor was paved with
broad bricks, and in the middle of
the floor stood an old rusty iron bell on
its brims. This bell was about two
feet high, standing flat on the ground ;
the brims on which it stood were about
sixteen inches diameter. From the
brims it did taper away a little to-
wards the head, much like our bells,
but that the brims did not turn out
so much as ours do. On the head of
the bell there were three iron bar? as
big as a man's arm, and about ten
inches long from the top of the bell,
where the ends joined as in a centre,
and seemed of one mass with the bell,
as if cast together. These bars stood
all parallel to the ground ; and their
further ends, which stood triangularly
and opening from each other at equal
distances, like the flyers of our
kitchen-jacks, were made exactly in
the shape of the paw of some mon-
strous beast, having sharp claws on
it. This, it seems, was their god ;
for as soon as our zealous guide came
before the bell, he fell flat on his face,
and beckoned to us, seeming very
desirous to have us do the like. At
the inner side of the temple, against
the walls, there was an altar of white
hewn stone. The table of the altar
was about three feet long, sixteen
inches broad, and three inches thick.
It was raised about two feet from the
ground, and supported by three small
pillars of the same white stone. On
this altar there were several small
earthen vessels ; one of them was full
of small sticks that had been burned
at one end. Our guide made a great
many signs for us to fetch and to
leave some of our meat there, and
seemed very importunate ; but we
refused. AVe left him there, and
went aboard. I did see no other
temple nor idol here.
While we lay at this place, we saw
several small China junks sailing in
235
the lagoon between the island^ and
the main : one came and anchored
by us. I and some more of our men
went aboard to view her. She was
built with a square flat head as well
as stern, only the head or fore-part
was not so broad as the stern. On
her deck she had little thatched
houses like hovels, covered with
palmetto leaves, and raised about
three feet high, for the seamen to
creep into. She had a pretty large
cabin, wherein there was an altar and
a lamp burning ; I did but just look
in, and saw not the idol. The hold
was divided into many small parti-
tions, all of them made so tight, that
if a leak should spring up in any one
of them, it could go no farther, and
so could do but little damage, but
only to the goods in the bottom of
that room where the leak springs up.
Each of these rooms belongs to one
or two merchants, or more ; and every
man freights his goods in his own
room, and probably lodges there if he
be on board himself. These junks
have only two masts, a mainmast and
a foremast. The foremast has a
square yard and a square sail ; but
the mainmast has a sail narrow aloft,
like a sloop's sail ; and in fair weather
they use a topsail, which is to haul
down on the deck in foul weather,
yard and all ; for they do not go up
to furl it. The mainmast in their
biggest junks seemed to me as big as
any third-rate man-of-war's mast in
England, and yet not pieced as ours,
but made of one grown tree ; and in
all my travels I never saw any single
tree masts so big in the body, and so
long, and yet so well tapered, as I
have seen in the Chinese junks.
Some of our men went over to a
pretty large town on the continent of
China, where we might have fur-
nished ourselves with provision,
which was a thing we were always
in want of, and was our chief busi-
ness here ; but we were afraid to lie
in this place any longer, for we had
some signs of an approaching storm,
this being the time of the year in
which storms are expected on this
coast ; and here was no safe riding.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XV.
236
It was now the time of the year for
the SW. monsoon ; but the wind had
been whiffling about from one part of
the compass to another for two or
three days, and sometimes it would
be quite calm. This caused us to put
to sea, that we might have sea-room
at least ; for such fluttering weather
is commonly the forerunner of a tem-
pest. Accordingly we weighed an-
chor and set out ; yet we had very
little wind all the next night. But
the day ensuing, which was the 4th
of July, about 4 o'clock in the after-
noon, the wind came to the NE. and
freshened upon us, and the sky looked
very black in that quarter, and the
black clouds began to rise apace and
move towards us, having hung all the
morning in the horizon. This made
us take in our topsails ; and the
wind still increasing, about 9 o'clock
we reefed our mainsail and foresail.
At ten we furled our foresail, keeping
under a mainsail and mizzen. At 11
o'clock we furled our mainsail, and
ballasted our mizzen, at which time it
began to rain, and by 12 o'clock at
night it blew exceeding hard, and the
rain poured down as through a sieve.
It thundered and lightened prodi-
giously, and the sea seemed all of a
fire about us ; for every sea that broke
sparkled like lightning. The violent
wind raised the sea presently to a
great height, and it ran very short
and began to break in on our deck.
One sea struck away the rails of our
head ; and our sheet anchor, which
was stowed with one fluke, or bend-
ing of the iron over the ship's gun-
wale, and lashed very well down to
the side, was violently washed off,
and had like to have struck a hole in
our bow as it lay beating against it.
Then we were forced to put right
before the wind, to stow our anchor
again, which we did with much
ado ; but afterwards we durst not
adventure 11 to bring our ship to the
wind again, for fear of foundering,
for the turning the ship either to or
from the wind is dangerous in such
violent storms. The fierceness of
the weather continued till 4 o'clock
that morning, in which time we cut
away two canoes that were towing
astern. After 4 o'clock the thunder
and the rain abated, and then we
saw a Corpus Sant 1 at our main-top-
mast head, on the very top of the
truck of the spindle. This sight re-
joiced our men exceedingly ; for the
height of the storm is commonly
over when the Corpus Sant is seen
aloft; but when they are seen lying
on the deck it is generally accounted
a bad sign. A Corpus Sant is a cer-
tain small glittering light. When it
appears, as this did, on the very top
of the mainmast or at a yard-arm, it
is like a star ; but when it appears on
the deck it resembles a great glow-
worm. The Spaniards have another
name for it (though 1 take even this
to be a Spanish or Portuguese name,
and a corruption only of Corpus
Sanctum) ; and I have been told that
when they see them they presently go
to prayers, and bless themselves for
the happy sight. I have heard some
ignorant seamen discoursing how they
have seen them creep, or, as they say,
travel about in the scuppers, telling
many dismal stories that happened at
such times ; but I did never see any
one stir out of the place where it first
was fixed, except upon deck, where
every sea washes it about. Neither
did I ever see any but when we have
had hard rain as well as wind, and
therefore do believe it is some jelly :
but enough of this. We continued
scudding right before wind and sea
from 2 till 7 o'clock in the morning ;
and then the wind being much abated,
we set our mizzen again, and brought
our ship to the wind, and lay under a
mizzen till eleven. Then it fellflat calm,
1 "Corposant. A name given to
the luminous appearance often beheld
in a dark tempestuous night about
the decks and rigging of a ship, espe-
cially aboiit the mast-heads, yard-arms,
&c., caused by the electric fluid pass-
ing upwards and downwards, 'by
means of the humidity on the masts
and rigging,' and 'most frequent in
heavy rain accompanied by light-
ning.'" Young's Nautical <*-
ary.
1687.]
PESCADORES.
237
and it continued so for about two
hours ; but the sky looked very black
and rueful, especially in the SW.,
and the sea tossed us about like an
eggshell for want of wind. About 1
o'clock in the afternoon, the wind
sprung up at SW., out of the quarter
from whence we did expect it ; l there-
fore we presently brailed up our mizzen
and wore our ship ; but we had no
sooner put our ship before the wind
but it blew a storm again, and it
rained very hard, though not so
violently as the night before ; but the
wind was altogether as boisterous, and
so continued till 10 or 11 o'clock at
night. All which time we scudded,
or run, before the wind very swift,
though only with our bare poles, that
is, without any sail abroad. After-
wards the wind died away by degrees,
and before day we had but little wind
and fine clear weather.
I was never in such a violent storm
in all my life ; so said all the com-
pany. This was near the change of
the moon ; it was two or three days
before the change. The 6th, in the
morning, having fine handsome wea-
ther, we got up our yards again, and
began to dry ourselves and our clothes,
for we were all well sopped. This
storm had deadened the hearts of our
men so much that, instead of going
to buy more provision at the same
place from whence we came before
the storm, or of seeking any more from
the Island of Prata, they thought of
going somewhere to shelter before the
full moon, for fear of another such
storm at that time ; for commonly, if
there is any very bad weather in the
month it is about two or three days
before or after the full or change of
the moon. These thoughts, I say,
put our men on thinking where to
go ; and the draughts or sea-plats 2
being first consulted, it was concluded
1 It had been in the NE. before ;
and thus, though Dampier knew no-
thing about modern theories of storms,
it seems clear that in the two hours'
lull he had passed through the vortex
of a tornado.
2 Plans or charts.
to go to certain islands lying in Lat.
23 N., called Pescadores. For there
was not a man aboard that was any-
thing acquainted on these coasts ; and
therefore all our dependence was on
the draughts, which only pointed out
to us where such and such places or
islands were, without giving us any
account what harbour, roads, or bays
there were, or the produce, strength,
or trade of them. These we were
forced to seek after ourselves. The
Pescadores are a great many inhabited
islands, lying near the Island of For-
mosa, between it and China, in or
near Lat. 23 N., almost as high as
the Tropic of Cancer. 3 These Pesca-
dore Islands are moderately high, and
appear much like our Dorsetshire and
Wiltshire Downs in England. They
produce thick short grass and a few
trees. They are pretty well watered, and
they feed abundance of goats and some
great cattle. There are abundance of
mounts 4 and old fortifications on them,
but of no use now, whatever they have
been. Between the two easternmost
islands there is a very good harbour,
which is never without junks riding in
it ; and on the west side of the eastern-
most island there is a large town and fort
commanding the harbour. The houses
are but low, yet well built, and the town
makes a fine prospect. This is a gar-
rison of the Tartars, wherein are also
three or four hundred soldiers, who
live here three years, and then they
are removed to some other place. On
the island on the west side of the
harbour, close by the sea, there is a
small town of Chinese, and most of
the other islands have some Chinese
living on them, more or less.
Having, as I said before, concluded
to go to these islands, we steered
away for them. The 20th of July we
had first sight of them, and steered
in among them, finding no pla/!e to
anchor in till we came into the har-
bour before mentioned. We blun-
dered in, knowing little of our way,
and we admired 5 to see so many
8 They really lie about 20' to the
northward of the Tropic.
4 Mounds. 5 Wondered.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XV.
238
junks going and coining, and some at
anchor, an d so great a town as the neigh-
bouring easternmost town, the Tartar-
ian garrison ; for we did not expect nor
desire to have seen any people, being
in care to lie concealed in these seas.
However, seeing we were here, we
boldly ran into the harbour, and pre-
sently sent ashore our canoe to the
town. Our people were met by an
officer at their landing, and our quar-
termaster, who was the chief man in
the boat, was conducted before the
Governor and examined, of what na-
tion we were, and what was our busi-
ness here. He answered that we were
English, and were bound to Amoy or
Anhay, which is a city standing on a
navigable river in the province of
Fo-kien in China, a place of vast
trade, there being a huge multitude
of ships there, and in general on all
these coasts, as I have heard of several
that have been there. He said also,
that having received some damage by
a storm, we therefore put in here to
refit before we would adventure to go
farther, and that we did intend to lie
here till after the full moon, for fear
of another storm. The Governor told
him that we might better refit our
ship at Amoy than here, and that he
heard that two English vessels were
arrived there already, and that he
should be very ready to assist us in
anything, but we must not expect
to trade there, but must go to the
places allowed to entertain merchant
strangers, which wereAmoy andMacao.
(Macao is a town of great trade also,
lying in an island at the very mouth
of the Eiver of Canton. It is forti-
fied and garrisoned by a large Portu-
guese colony, but yet under the
Chinese Governor, whose people in-
habit one moiety of the town, and
lay on the Portuguese what tax they
please; for they dare not disoblige
the Chinese for fear of losing their
trade. ) However, the Governor very
kindly told our quartermaster that
whatsoever we wanted, if that place
could furnish us, we should have it ;
yet that we must not come ashore on
that island, but he would send aboard
some of his men to know what we
wanted, and they should also bring it
off to us ; that nevertheless we might
go on shore on the other islands, to
buy refreshments of the Chinese.
After the discourse was ended, the
Governor dismissed him with a small
jar of flour and three or four large
cakes of very fine bread, and about a
dozen pine-apples and water-melons
(all very good in their kind) as a pre-
sent to the Captain.
The next day an eminent officer
came aboard with a great many at-
tendants. He wore a black silk cap
of a particular make, with a plume of
black and white feathers standing up
almost round his head behind, and
all his outside clothes were black silk.
He had a loose black coat which
reached to his knees, and his breeches
were of the same, and underneath his
coat he had two garments more of
other coloured silk. His legs were
covered with small black limber boots.
All hi attendants were in a very
handsome garb of black silk, all
wearing those small black boots and
caps. These caps were like the crown
of a hat made of palmetto leaves, like
our straw-hats, but without brims,
and coming down but to their ears.
These had no feathers, but had an
oblong button on the top, and from
between the button and the cap there
fell down all round their head, as low
as the cap reached, a sort of coarse
hair like horse-hair, dyed (as I sup-
pose) of a light red colour. The officer
brought aboard, as a present from the
Governor, a young heifer, the fattest
and kindliest beef that I did ever
taste in any foreign country ; it was
small yet full grown ; two large hogs,
four goats, two baskets of fine flour,
twenty great flat cakes of fine well-
tasted bread, two great jars of arrack
(made of rice as I judged), called by
the Chinese Sam- Shu, and fifty-five
jars of Hog-Shu, as they call it, and
our Europeans from them. This is a
strong liquor, made of wheat, as I
have been told. It looks like mum, 1
1 Described in Bailey as "a strong
liquor brought from Brunswick, in
Germany" a drink so potent as to
1687.]
GRAFTON AND MONMOUTH ISLANDS.
and tastes much like it, and is very
pleasant and hearty. Our seamen
love it mightily, and will lick their
lips with it ; for scarce a ship goes to
China but the men come home fat
with soaking this liquor, and bring
store of jars of it home with them.
It is put into small, white, thick jars
that hold near a quart; the double
jars hold about two quarts. These
jars are small below, and thence rise
up with a pretty full belly, closing in
pretty short at top, with a small
thick mouth. Over the mouth of
the jar they put a thin chip cut round
just so as to cover the mouth, over
that a piece of paper, and over that
they put a great lump of clay, almost
as big as the bottle or jar itself, with
a hollow in it to admit the neck of
the bottle, made round and about
four inches long ; this is to preserve
the liquor. If the liquor take any
vent, it will be sour presently; so
that when we buy any of it of the
ships from China returning to Madras
or Fort St George, where it is then
sold, or of the Chinese themselves,
of whom I have bought it at Achin
and Bencooleu in Sumatra, if the clay
be cracked, or the liquor mothery, 1
we make them take it again. A quart
jar there is worth sixpence. Besides
this present from the Governor, there
was a captain of a junk sent two jars
of arrack, and abundance of pine-
apples and water-melons. Captain
Reed sent ashore, as a present to the
Governor, a curious Spanish silver-
hilted rapier, an English carbine, and
a gold chain; and when the officer
went ashore three guns were fired.
In the afternoon the Governor sent
off the same officer again, to compli-
ment the Captain for his civility, and
promised to retaliate his kindness
before we departed ; but we had such
blustering weather afterwards, that
no boat could come aboard.
We stayed here till the 29th, and
then sailed from hence, with the
wind at SW., and pretty fair weather.
make "mum" the word with the
imbiber.
1 Mouldy, muddy.
"We now directed our course for some
islands we had chosen to go to that
lie between Formosa and Luconia.
They are laid down in our plots 2
without any name, only with a figure
of 5, denoting the number of them.
It was supposed by us that these
islands had no inhabitants, because
they had not any name by our hydro-
graphers ; therefore we thought to lie
there secure, and be pretty near the
Island of Luconia, which we did still
intend to visit. In going to them we
sailed by the SW. end of Formosa,
leaving it on our larboard side. The
6th of August we arrived at the five
islands that we were bound to, and
anchored on the east side of the nor-
thernmost island, in fifteen fathoms,
a cable's length from the shore. Here,
contrary to our expectation, we found
abundance of inhabitants in sight ;
for there were three large towns all
within a league of the sea, and another
larger town than any of the three on
the back side of a small hill close by
also, as we found afterwards. These
islands having no particular names in
the draughts, some or other of us
made use of the seamen's privilege to
give them what names we pleased.
Three of the islands were pretty large ;
the westernmost is the biggest. This
the Dutchmen who were among us
called the Prince of Orange's Island,
in honour of his present majesty.
The other two great islands are about
four or five leagues to the eastward
of this. The northernmost of them,
where we first anchored, I called the
Duke of Grafton's Isle as soon as we
landed on it ; having married my
wife out of his Duchess's family, and
leaving her at Arlington House at my
going abroad. The other great isle
our seamen called the Duke of Mon-
mouth's Island ; this is about a league
to the southward of Grafton Isle.
Between Monmouth and the south
end of Orange Island there are two
small islands of a roundish form,
lying east and west. The eastern-
most island of the two our men un-
animously called Bashee Island, from
2 Plats ; maps, charts, or plates.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CiiAP. XV,
'240
a liquor which we drank there plenti-
fully every day after we came to an
anchor at it. The other, which is
the smallest of all, we called Goat
Island, from the great number of
goats there ; and to the northward of
them all are two high rocks. Orange
Island, which is the biggest of them
all, is not inhabited. It is high land,
flat and even on the top, with steep
cliffs against the sea ; for which rea-
son we could not go ashore there, as
we did on all the rest. Monmouth
and Grafton Isles are very hilly, with
many of those steep inhabited preci-
pices on them that I shall describe par-
ticularly. The two small islands are
flat and even ; only the Bashee Island
has one ste?p, scraggy hill, but Goat
Island is all flat and very even. The
mould of these islands in the valleys
is blackish in some places, but in
most red. The hills are very rocky ;
the valleys are well watered with
brooks of fresh water, which run into
the sea in many different places.
The soil is indifferent fruitful, espe-
cially in the valleys, producing pretty
great plenty of trees (though not very
big) and thick grass. The sides of
the mountains have also short grass,
and some of the mountains have mines
within them ; for the natives told us
that the yellow metal they showed us
(as I shall speak more particularly)
came from these mountains ; for when
they held it up they would point to-
wards them.
The fruit of the islands are a few
plantains, bananas, pine-apples, pump-
kins, sugar- canes, &c. ; and there
might be more if the natives would,
for the ground seems fertile enough.
Here are great plenty of potatoes and
yams, which is the common food for
the natives for bread kind ; for those
few plantains they have are only used
as fruit. They have some cotton
growing here, of the small plants.
Here are plenty of goats and abun-
dance of hogs, and few fowls, either
wild or tame. For this I have always
observed in my travels, both in the
East and West Indies, that in those
places where there is plenty of grain,
that is, of rice in the one and maize
in the other, there are also found
great abundance of fowls ; but on the
contrary, few fowls in those countries
where the inhabitants feed on fruits
and roots only. The few wild fowls
that are here are paroquets and some
other small birds. Their tame fowl
are only a few cocks and hens.
Monmouth and Grafton Islands are
very thick inhabited ; and Bashee
Island has one town on it. The
natives of these islands are short,
squat people ; they are generally
round-visaged, with low foreheads
and thick eyebrows ; their eyes of a
hazel colour and small, yet bigger
than the Chinese ; short low noses,
and their lips and mouths middle
proportioned. Their teeth are white ;
their hair is black, and thick, and
lank, which they wear but short ; it
will just cover their ears, and so it is
cut round very even. Their skins
are of a very dark copper colour.
They wear no hat, cap, or turbat, 1
nor anything to keep off the sun.
The men for the biggest part have only
a small clout to cover their naked-
ness ; some of them have jackets
made of plantain leaves, which were
as rough as any bear's skin. I never
saw such rugged things. The women
have a short petticoat made of cotton,
which comes a little below their knees.
It is a thick sort of stubborn cloth,
which they make themselves of their
cotton. Both men and women wear
large earrings, made of that yellow
metal before mentioned. Whether it
were gold or no I cannot positively
say ; I took it to be so, it was heavy,
and of the colour of our paler gold.
I would fain have brought away some
to have satisfied my curiosity, but I
had nothing wherewith to buy any.
Captain Reed bought two of these
rings with some iron, of which the
people are very greedy ; and he would
have bought more, thinking he was
come to a very fair market, but that
the paleness of the metal made him
and his crew distrust its being right
gold. For my part, I should have
ventured on the purchase of some ;
Turban.
NATIVE HOUSE AND BOAT BUILDING.
sible. Tliese precipices are natural j
for the rocks seem too hard to work
on ; nor is there any sign that art
has been employed about them. On
Bashee Island there is one such, and
built upon, with its back next the sea.
Graf ton and Monmouth Isles are very
thick set with these hills and towns ;
and the natives, whether for fear of
pirates, or foreign enemies, or factions
among their own clans, care not for
building but in these fastnesses, which
I take to be the reason that Orange
Isle, though the largest, and as fertile
as any, yet, being level and exposed,
has no inhabitants. I never saw the
like precipices and towns.
1687.]
but having no property in the iron,
of which we had great store on board,
sent from England by the merchants
along with Captain Swan, I durst not
barter it away. These rings when
first polished look very gloriously;
but time makes them fade, and turn
to a pale yellow. Then they make a
soft paste of red earth, and, smearing
it over their rings, they cast them into
a quick fire, where they remain till
they be red-hot ; then they take them
out and cool them in water, and rub
off the paste ; and they look again of
a glorious colour and lustre. These
people make but small low houses.
The sides, which are made of small
posts, wattled with boughs, are not
above four feet and a half high : the
ridge pole is about seven or eight feet
high. They have a fireplace at one
end of their houses, and boards placed
on the ground to lie on. They in-
habit together in small villages, built
on the sides and tops of rocky hills ;
three or four rows of houses one above
another, and on such steep precipices,
that they go up to the first row with a
wooden ladder, and so with a ladder
still from every story up to that
above it : there being no [other] way
to ascend. The plain on the first pre-
cipice may be so wide as to have room
both for a row of houses that stand
all along on the edge or brink of it,
and a very narrow street running
along before their doors ; between the
row of houses and the foot of the next
precipice, the plain of which is in a
manner level to the tops of the houses
below ; and so for the rest. The
common ladder to eacli row or street
comes up at a narrow passage left
purposely about the middle of it ;
and the street being bounded with a
precipice also at each end, it is but
drawing up the ladder, if they be
assaulted, and then there is no com-
ing at them from below, but by
These people are pretty ingenious
also in building boats. Their small
boats are much like our Deal yawls,
but not so big ; and they are built
with very narrow plank, pinned with
wooden pins and some nails. They
have also some pretty large boats,
which will carry forty or fifty men ;
these they row with twelve or four-
teen oars of a side. They are built
much like the small ones, and they
row double-banked ; that is, two men
sitting on one bench, but one rowing
on one side, the other on the other
side, of the boat. They understand
the use of iron, and work it them-
selves. Their bellows are like those
at Mindanao. The common employ-
ment for the men is fishing ; but I
did never see them catch much :
whether it is more plenty at other
times of the year I know not. The
women do manage their plantations.
I did never see them kill any of
their goats or hogs for themselves ;
yet they would beg the paunches of
the goats that they themselves did
sell to us : and if any of our surly
seamen did heave them into the sea,
they would take them np again, and
the skins of the goats also. They
would not meddle with hogs' guts, if
climbing up as against a perpendi- l our men threw away any besides what
cular wall ; and that they may not
be assaulted from above, they take
care to build on the side of such a
hill whose back side hangs over the
sea, or is some high, steep, perpendi-
cular precipice, altogether inacces-
they made chitterling and sausages
oif. The goats' skins these people
would carry ashore, and making a
fire they would singe off all the hair,
and afterwards let the skin lie and
parch on the coals, till they thought
Q
242
it eatable ; and then they would gnaw
it, and tear it to pieces with their
teeth, and at last swallow it. The
paunches of the goats would make
them an excellent dish : they dressed
it in this manner. They would turn
out all the chopped grass and crudities
found in the maw 1 into their pots,
and set it over the fire, and stir it
about often ; this would smoke, and
puff, and heave up as it was boiling ;
wind breaking out of the ferment,
and making a very savoury stink.
While this was doing, if they had
any fish, as commonly they had two
or three small fish, these they would
make very clean (as hating nastiness
belike) and cut the flesh from the
bone, and then mince the flesh as
small as possibly they could ; and
when that in the pot was well boiled,
they would take it up, and strewing
a little salt into it they would eat it,
mixed with their raw minced fish.
The dung in the maw would look
like so much boiled herbs minced
very small ; and they took up their
mess with their fingers, as the Moors
do their pillau, using no spoons.
They had another dish made of a
sort of locusts, whose bodies were
about an inch and a half long, and
as thick as the top of one's little
finger ; with large thin wings, and
long and small legs. At this time
of the year these creatures came in
great swarms to devour their potato-
leaves and other herbs ; and the
natives would go out with small nets,
and take a quart at one sweep. When
they had enough, they would carry
them home, and parch them over the
fire in an earthen pan ; and then
their wings and legs would fall off",
and their heads and backs would turn
red like boiled shrimps, being before
brownish. Their bodies being full,
would eat very moist, their heads
would crackle in one's teeth. I did
once eat of this dish, and liked it well
enough ; but their other dish my
stomach would not take.
Their common drink is water ; as
it is of all other Indians. Besides
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XV.
which, they make a sort of drink
with the juice of the sugar-cane,
which they boil and put some small
black sort of berries among it. When
it is well boiled, they put it into
great jars, and let it stand three or
four days, and work. Then it settles
and becomes clear, and is presently
fit to drink. This is an excellent
liquor, and very much like English
beer, both in colour and taste. It is
very strong, and I do believe very
wholesome : for our men, who drank
briskly of it all day for several weeks,
were frequently drunk with it, and
never sick after it. The natives
brought a vast deal of it every day
to those aboard and ashore : for some
of our men were ashore at work on
Bashee Island ; which island they
gave that name to from their drink-
ing this liquor there, that being the
name which the natives called this
liquor by : and as they sold it to our
men very cheap, so they did not spare
to drink it as freely. And indeed,
from the plenty of this liquor, and
their plentiful use of it, our men called
all these islands the Bashee Islands.
What language those people speak
I know not : for it had no affinity in
sound to the Chinese, which is spoken
much through the teeth ; nor yet to
the Malay language. They called
the metal that their earrings were
made of, Bullawan, which is the
Mindanao word for gold ; therefore
probably they may be related to the
Philippine Indies : for that is the
general name for gold among all those
Indians. I could not learn whence
they have their iron ; but it is most
likely they go in their great boats to
the north end of Luconia, and trade
with the Indians of that island for it.
Neither did I see anything besides
iron, and pieces of buffaloes' hides,
which I could judge that they bought
of strangers. Their clothes were of
their own growth and manufacture.
These men had wooden lances, and a
few lances headed with iron ; which
are all the weapons that they have.
Their armour is a piece of buffalo
hide, shaped like our carters' frocks,
being without sleeves, and sewed both
1 Stomach.
1687.]
sides together, with holes for the
Head and the arms to come forth.
This buff-coat reaches down to their
knees ; it is close about their shoulders,
but below it is three feet wide, and as
thick as a board.
I could never perceive them to wor-
ship anything, neither had they any
idols ; neither did they seem to ob-
serve any one day more than another.
I could never perceive that one man
was of greater power than another ;
but they seemed to be all equal : only
every man ruling in his own house,
and the children respecting and hon-
ouring their parents. Yet it is pro-
bable that they have some law, or
custom, by which they are governed :
for while we lay here we saw a young
man buried alive in the earth ; and
it was for theft, as far as we could
understand from them. There was a
great deep hole dug, and abundance
of people came to the place to take
their last farewell of him. Among
the rest, there was one woman who
made great lamentation, and took off
the condemned person's earrings. "We
supposed her to be his mother. After
he had taken his leave of her and
some others, he was put into the pit,
and covered over with earth. He
did not struggle, but yielded very
quietly to his punishment ; and they
crammed the earth close upon him,
and stifled him.
They have but one wife, with whom
they live and agree very well ; and
their children live very obediently
under them. The boys go out a-fish-
ing with their fathers, and the girls
live at home with their mothers : and
when the girls are grown pretty
strong, they send them to their plan-
tations, to dig yams and potatoes, of
which they bring home on their heads
every day enough to serve the whole
family : for they have no rice nor
maize. Their plantations are in the
valleys, at a good distance from their
houses : where every man has a cer-
tain spot of land, which is properly
his own. This he manages himself
for his own use ; and provides enough,
that he may not be beholden to
his neighbour. Notwithstanding the
HOME LIFE OF THE NATIVES.
243
seeming nastiness of their dish of
goat's maw, they are in their persons
a very neat cleanly people, both men
and women : and they are withal the
quietest and civilest people that I did
ever meet with. I could never per-
ceive them to be angry with one an-
other. I have admired to see twenty
or thirty boats aboard our ship at a
time, and yet no difference among
them, but all civil and quiet, endea-
vouring to help each other on occa-
sion : no noise, nor appearance of
distaste : and although sometimes
cross accidents would happen, which
might have set "other men together
by the ears, yet they were not moved
by them. They have no sort of coin :
but they have small crumbs of the
metal before described, which they
bind up very safe in plantain-leaves,
or the like. This metal they exchange
for what they want, giving a small
quantity of it, about two or three
grains, for a jar of drink that would
hold five or six gallons. They have
no scales, but give it by guess. Thus
much in general.
To proceed, therefore, with our
affairs. I have said before that we
anchored here the 6th of August.
While we were furling our sails, there
came near 100 boats of the natives
aboard, with three or four men in
each, so that our deck was full of men.
We were at first afraid of them, and
therefore got up twenty or thirty small
arms on our poop, and kept three or
four men as sentinels, with guns in
their hands, ready to fire on them if
they had offered to molest us. But
they were pretty quiet, only they
picked up such old iron as they found
on our deck ; and they also took out
our pump-bolts, and linch-pins out of
the carriages of our guns, before we
perceived them. At last one of our
men perceived one of them very busy
getting out one of our linch-pins, and
took hold of the fellow, who immedi-
ately bawled out ; and all the rest
presently leaped overboard some into
their boats, others into the sea and
they all made away for the shore.
But when we perceived their fright we
made much of him that was in hold,
244
who stood trembling all the while ;
and at last we gave him a small piece
of iron, with which he immediately
leaped overboard and swam to his
consorts, who hovered about our ship
to see the issue. Then we beckoned
to them to come aboard again, being
very loth to lose a commerce with
them. Some of the boats came aboard
again, and they were always very
honest and civil afterwards. We pre-
sently after this sent a canoe ashore
to see their manner of living, and
what provision they had. The canoe's
crew were made very welcome with
Bashee drink, and saw abundance of
hogs, some of which they bought and
returned aboard. After this the na-
tives brought aboard both hogs and
goats to us in their own boats ; and
every day we should have fifteen or
twenty hogs and goats in boats aboard
by our side. These we bought for a
small matter. We could buy a good
fat goat for an old iron hoop, and a hog
of seventy or eighty pounds' weight for
two or three pounds of iron. Their
drink also they brought off in jars,
which we bought for old nails, spikes,
and leaden bullets. Besides the fore-
mentioned commodities, they brought
aboard great quantities of yams and
potatoes, which we purchased for
nails, spikes, or bullets. It was one
man's work to be all day cutting out
bars of iron into small pieces with a
cold chisel, and these were for the
great purchases of hogs and goats,
which they would not sell for nails,
as their drink and roots. We never
let them know what store we had,
that they might value it the more.
Every morning, as soon as it was
light, they would thus come aboard
with their commodities, which we
bought as we had occasion. We did
commonly furnish ourselves with as
many goats and roots as served us all
the day; and their hogs we bought
in large quantities as we thought con-
venient, for we salted them. Their
hogs were very sweet, but I never saw
so many measled ones.
We filled all our water at a curious
brook close by us in Grafton Isle,
where we first anchored. We stayed
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XV.
there about three or four days before we
went to other islands. We sailed to the
southward, passing on the east side
of Grafton Island ; and then passed
through between that and Monmouth
Island, but we found no anchoring
till we came to the north end of Mon-
mouth Island, and there we stopped
during one tide. When we went from
hence, we coasted about two leagues
to the southward on the west side of
Monmouth Island ; and finding no
anchor ground, we stood over to
Bashee Island, and came to an anchor
on the north-east part of it against a
small sandy bay in seven fathom clean
hard sand, and about a quarter of a
mile from the shore. We presently
built a tent ashore to mend our sails
in, and stayed all the rest of our time
here, viz., from the 13th of August
till the 26th of September. In which
time we mended our sails and scrub-
bed our ship's bottom very well ; and
every day some of us went to their
towns and were kindly entertained
by them. Their boats also came
aboard with their merchandise to sell,
and lay aboard all day ; and if we did
not take it off their hands one day,
they would bring the same again the
next. We had yet the winds at SW.
and SSW., mostly fair weather. In
October we did expect the winds to
shift to the NK, and therefore we
provided to sail (as soon as the east-
ern monsoon was settled) to cruise off
Manilla. Accordingly we provided a
stock of provision. We salted seventy
or eighty good fat hogs, and bought
yams and potatoes good store to eat
at sea.
About the 24th of September
the winds shifted about to the E.,
and thence to the NE., fine fair
weather. The 25th it came at N.
and began to grow fresh, and the sky
began to be clouded, and the wind
freshened on us. At 12 of the clock
at night it blew a very fierce storm.
We were then riding with our best
bower ahead, and though our yards
and topmast were down, yet we drove.
This obliged us to let go our sheet
anchor, veering out a good scope of
cable, which stopped us till 10 or 11
1687.] SIX MEN PICKED UP.
of the clock the next day. Then the
wind came on so fierce that she drove
again with both anchors ahead. The
wind was now at N. by "W., and we
kept driving till 3 or 4 of the clock
in the afternoon ; and it was well for
us that there were no islands, rocks,
or sands in our way, for if there had
been, we must have been driven upoii
them. We used our utmost endeavours
to stop her, being loth to go to sea,
because we had six of our men ashore
who could not get off now. At last we
were driven out into deep water, and
then it was in vain to wait any longer ;
therefore we hove in our sheet cable,
and got up our sheet anchor, and cut
away our best bower (for to have
heaved her \vp then would have gone
near to have foundered us), and so
put to sea. We had very violent
weather the night ensuing, with very
hard rain ; and we were forced to scud
with our bare poles till 3 o'clock in
the morning. Then the Avind slack-
ened, and we brought our ship to
under a mizzen, and lay with our head
to the westward. The 27th the wind
abated much, but it rained very hard
all day and the night ensuing. The
28th the wind came about to the NE. ,
and it cleared up and blew a hard
gale ; but it stood not there, for it
shifted about to the eastward, thence
to the SE., then to the S. ; at last it
settled at SW., and then we had a
moderate gale and fair weather. It
was the 29th when the wind came to
the SW. Then we made all the sail
we could for the island again. The
30th we had the wind at W., and
saw the islands, but could not get in
before night. Therefore we stood oiF
to the southward till 2 of the clock in
the morning, then we tacked and
stood in all the morning ; and about
12 of the clock, the 1st of October, we
anchored again at the place whence
we were driven.
Then our six men were brought
aboard by the natives, to whom we
gave three whole bars of iron for their
kindness and civility, which was an
extraordinary present to them. Mr
Robert Hall was one of the men that
were left ashore; I shall speak more
245
of him hereafter. He and the rest of
them told me that after the ship was
out of sight the natives began to be
more kind to them than they had
been before, and persuaded them to
cut their hair short, as theirs was ;
offering to each of them, if they would
do it, a young woman to wife, and a
small hatchet and other iron utensils
fit for a planter, in dowry ; and withal
showed them a piece of land for them
to manage. They were courted thus
by several of the town where they
then were, but they took up their
headquarters at the house of him with
whom they first went ashore. When
the ship appeared in sight again, then
they importuned them for some iron,
which is the chief thing that they
covet, even above their earrings. We
might have bought all their earrings
or other gold they had, with our iron
bars, had we been assured of its good-
ness ; and yet when it was touched
and compared with other gold, we
could not discern any difference,
though it looked so pale in the lump ;
but the seeing them polish it so often
was a new discouragement.
This last storm put our men quite
out of heart ; for although it was not
altogether so fierce as that which we
were in on the coast of China, which
was still fresh in memory, yet it
wrought more powerfully, and fright-
ed them from their design of cruis-
ing before Manilla, fearing another
storm there. Now every man wished
himself at home, as they had done a
hundred times before ; but Captain.
Reed, and Captain Tait, the master,
persuaded them to go towards Cape
Comorin, and then they would tell them
more of their minds, intending, doubt-
less, to cruise in the Red Sea; and
they easily prevailed with the crew.
The eastern monsoon was now at
hand, and the best way had been to
go through the Straits of Malacca ;
but Captain Tait said it was danger-
ous, by reason of many islands and
shoals there, with which none of us
were acquainted. Therefore he thought
it best to go round on the east cide
of all the Philippine Islands, and
so keeping south toward the Spice
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVI.
246
Islands, to pass out into the East
Indian Ocean about the Island Timor.
This seemed to be a very tedious way
about, and as dangerous altogether
for shoals ; but not for meeting with
English or Dutch ships, which was
their greatest fear. I was well
enough satisfied, knowing that the
farther we went, the more knowledge
and experience I should get, which
was the main thing that I regarded ;
and I should also have the more
variety of places to attempt an escape
from them, being fully resolved to
take the first opportunity of giving
them the slip.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE 3d of October 1687, we sailed
from these islands standing to the
southward, intending to sail through
among the Spice Islands. We had
fair weather, and the wind at W.
We first steered SSW., and passed
close by certain small islands that lie
just by the north end of the Island
Luconia. We left them all on the
west of us, and passed on the east
side of it, and the rest of the Philip-
pine Islands, coasting to the south-
ward. The NE. end of the Island
Luconia appears to be good cham-
paign land, of an indifferent height,
plain and even for many leagues, only
it has some pretty high hills stand-
ing upright by themselves in these
plains ; but no ridges of hills, or
chains of mountains joining one to
another. The land on this side
seems to be most savannah, or pas-
ture ; the SE. part is more mountain-
ous and woody. Leaving the Island
Luconia, and with it our golden pro-
jects, we sailed on the southward,
passing on the east side of the rest of
the Philippine Islands. These appear
to be more mountainous and less
woody, till we came in sight of the
Island St John, the first of that name
I mentioned ; the other I spoke of on
the coast of China. This I have
already described to be a very woody
island. Here the wind coming
southerly, forced us to keep farther
from the islands. The 14th of Octo-
ber we came close by a small, low,
woody island, that lies east from the
SE. end of Mindanao, distant from it
about twenty leagues. I do not find
it set down in any sea-chart. The
15th we had the wind at NE., and
steered west for the Island Mindanao,
and arrived at the SE. end again on
the 16th. There we went in and
anchored between two small islands.
Here we found a fine small cove on
the NW. end of the easternmost
island, fit to careen in or haul ashore ;
so we went in there, and presently
unrigged our ship, and provided to
haul our ship ashore, to clean her
bottom.
These islands are about three or
four leagues from the Island Minda-
nao ; they are about four or five miles
in circumference, and of a pretty
good height. The mould is black
and deep, and there are two small
brooks of fresh water. They are
both plentifully stored with great
high trees ; therefore our carpenters
were sent ashore to cut down some of
them for our use ; for here they made
a new boltsprit, 1 which we did set
here also, our old one being very
faulty. They made a new foreyard
too, andaforetopmast ; and our pumps
being faulty and not serviceable, they
did cut a tree to make a pump. They
first squared it, then sawed it in the
middle, and then hollowed each side
exactly. The two hollow sides were
made big enough to contain a pump-
box in the midst of them both, when
they were joined together, and it re-
quired their utmost skill to close
them exactly to the making a tight
cylinder for the pump-box ; being un-
accustomed to such work. We learnt
this way of pump -making from the
Spaniards, who make their pumps
that they use in their ships in the
South Seas after this manner ; and I
am confident that there are no better
1 Bowsprit, so called, probably,
from the meaning of the word "bolt,"
as something projected or thrust out
from the bow of the ship.
1687.]
hand-pumps in the world than they
have.
While we lay here, the young
Prince that I mentioned in Chapter
XIII. , came aboard. 1 He, under-
standing that we were bound farther
to the southward, desired us to trans-
port him and his men to his own
island. He showed it to us in our
draught, and told us the name of it,
which we put down in our draught,
for it was not named there ; but I
quite forgot to put it into my journal.
This man told us, that not above six
days before this he saw Captain Swan,
and several of his men that we left-
there, and named the names of some
of them, who, he said, were all well,
and now they were at the city of Min-
danao ; but that they had been all of
them out with Raja Laut, fighting
under him in his wars against his
enemies the Alfoores ; and that most
of them fought with undaunted cour-
age, for which they were highly hon-
oured and esteemed, as well by the
Sultan, as by the General Raja Laut.
That now Captain Swan intended to
go with his men to Fort St George, 2
and that in order thereto, he bad prof-
fered forty ounces of gold for a ship,
but the owner and he were not yet
agreed ; and that he feared the Sul-
tan would not let him go away till
the wars were ended. All this the
Prince told us in the Malay tongue,
which many of us had learnt ; and
when he went away he promised to
return to us again in three days' time,
and so long Captain Reed promised
to stay for him (for we had now al-
most finished our business), and he
seemed very glad of the opportunity
of going with us.
After this I endeavoured to persuade
our men to return with the ship to
the River of Mindanao and offer theii
service again to Captain Swan. I took
an opportunity when they were filling
water, there being then half the ship's
DEATH OF CAPTAIN SWAN.
ompany ashore, and I
1 Who had been sent by his uncle,
the Sultan of a spice island, to Min-
danao, with an invitation to Captain
Swan to come and trade.
2 Madras.
247
found these
ill very willing to do it. I desired
hem to say nothing till I had tried
he minds of the other half, which I
ntended to do the next day, it being
heir turn to fill water then ; but one
>f these men, who seemed most for-
ward to invite back Captain Swan,
old Captain Reed and Captain Tait
if the project, and they presently dis-
uaded the men from any such de-
signs. Yet, fearing the worst, they
made all possible haste to be gone. I
lave since been informed that Captain
Swan and his men stayed there a
great while afterward, and that many
of the men got passage thence in
Dutch sloops to Ternate, particularly
Mr Rofy and Mr Nelly. There they
remained a great while, and at last
a;ot to Batavia (where the Dutch took
heir journals from them), and so to
Europe ; and some of Captain Swan's
men died at Mindanao, of which num-
ber Mr Harthope and Mr Smith, Cap-
tain Swan's merchants, were two. At
last Captain Swan and his surgeon,
going in a small canoe aboard of a
Dutch ship then in the road, in order
to get passage to Europe, were over-
set by the natives at the mouth of the
river, who waited their coming pur-
posely to do it, but unsuspected by
them, where they both were killed in
the water. This was done by the
General's order, as some think, to get
his gold, which he did immediately
seize on. Others say it was because
the General's house was burnt a little
before, and Captain Swan was sus-
pected to be the author of it; and
others say that it was Captain Swan's
threats occasioned his own ruin, for
he would often say, passionately, that
he had been abused 3 by the General,
and that he would have satisfaction
for it ; saying also, that now he was
well acquainted with their rivers, and
knew how to come in at any time ;
that he also knew their manner of
fighting and the weakness of their
country ; and therefore he would go
away and get a band of men to assist
him, and returning thither again he
Dealt falsely with.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [Ciur. XVI.
243
would spoil and take all that they had,
and their country too. When the
General has been informed of these
discourses he would say, "What, is
Captain Swan made of iron, and able
to resist a whole kingdom ? or does
he think that we are afraid of him
that he speaks thus?" Yet did he
never touch him till now the Min-
danayans killed him. It is very pro-
bable there might be somewhat of
truth in all this, for the Captain was
passionate, and the General greedy of
gold. But whatever was the occa-
sion, so he wau killed, as several have
assured me, and his gold seized on,
and all his things ; and his journal
also from England, as far as Cape Cor-
rientes on the coast of Mexico. This
journal was afterwards sent away from
thence by Mr Moody (who was there
both a little before and a little after
the murder), and he sent it into Eng-
land by Mr Goddard, chief mate of
the Defence.
But to our purpose. Seeing I could
not persuade them to go to Captain
Swan again, I had a great desire to
have had the Prince's company ; but
Captain Reed was afraid to let his
fickle crew lie long. That very day
that the Prince had promised to re-
turn to us, which was November 2,
1687, we sailed hence, directing our
course SW. and having the wind at
NW. This wind continued till we
came in sight of the Island Celebes,
then it veered about to the W. and
to the S. of W. We came up with
the NE. end of the Island Celebes on
the 9th, and there we found the cur-
rent setting to the W. so strongly
that we could hardly get on the E.
side of that island.
The Island Celebes is a very large
island, extended in length from north
to south about seven degrees of Lati-
tude, and in breadth about three de-
grees. It lies under the Equator,
the north end being in Lat. 1 30' N.,
and the south end in Lat. 5 30' S. ;
and by common account the bulk of
this island lies nearest north and
south, but at the north-east end there
runs out a long narrow point, stretch-
ing NE. about thirty leagues; and
about thirty leagues to the eastward
of this long slip is the Island Gilolo,
on the west side of which are four
small islands close by it, which are very
well stored with cloves. The two chief
are Ternate and Tidore. And as the
Isle of Ceylon is reckoned the only
place for cinnamon, and that of Banda
for nutmegs; so these are thought by
some to be the only clove islands in
the world ; but this is a great error,
as I have already shown. At the
south end of the Island Celebes there
is a sea or gulf of about seven or eight
leagues wide, and forty or fifty long,
which runs up the country almost
directly to the north ; and this gulf
has several small islands along the
middle of it. On the west side of the
island, almost at the south end of it,
the town of Macassar is seated a town
of great strength and trade belonging
to the Dutch. There are great inlets
and lakes on the east side of the island,
as also abundance of small islands and
shoals lying scattered about it. We
saw a high-peaked hill at the north
end, but the land on the east side is
low all along, for we cruised almost
the length of it. The mould on this
side is black A? id deep, and extraor-
dinarily fat and rich, and full of trees ;
and many brooks of water run out into
the sea. Indeed all this east side of the
island seems to be but one large grove
of extraordinary great high trees.
Having with much ado got on this
east side, coasting along to the south-
ward, and yet having but little wind,
and even that little against us at SSW.
and sometimes calm, we were a long
time going about the island. The
22d we were in Lat. 1 20' S., and
being about three leagues from the
island, standing to the southward,
with a very gentle land wind, about
2 or 3 of the clock in the morning,
we heard clashing in the water, like
boats rowing ; and fearing some sud-
den attack, we got up all our arms
and stood ready to defend ourselves.
As soon as it was day we saw a great
proa, built like the Mindanayan proas,
with about sixty men in her, and six
smaller proas. They lay still about a
mile to windward of us to view us,
1687.]
FELLING A MONSTER TREE.
249
and probably designed to make a prey
of us when they first came out, but
they were now afraid to venture on us.
At last we showed them Dutch colours,
thinking thereby to allure them to
come to us, for we could not go to
them ; but they presently rowed in
towards the island and went into a
large opening, and we saw them no
more ; nor did we ever see any other
boats or men but only one fishing
canoe while we were about this island,
neither did we see any house on all
the coast.
About five or six leagues to the
south of this place there is a great
range of both large and small islands,
and many shoals also that are not laid
down in our draughts, which made it
extremely troublesome for us to get
through. But we passed between
them all and the Island Celebes, and
anchored against a sandy bay in eight
fathomssandy ground abouthalf-a-mile
from the main island, being then in
Lat. 1 50' S. Here we stayed several
days, and sent out our canoes a-strik-
ing of turtle every day, for here is
great plenty of them ; but they were
very shy, as they were generally wher-
ever we found them in the East India
Seas. I know not the reason of it,
unless thenatives go very much a-strik-
ing here ; for even in the West Indies
they are shy in places that are much
disturbed ; and yet on New Holland
we found them shy, as I shall relate,
though the natives there do not molest
them. On the shoals without us we
went and gathered shell-fish at low
water. There were a monstrous sort
of cockles the meat of one of them
would suffice seven or eight men. It
was very good wholesome meat. "We
did also beat about in the woods on
the island, but found no game. One
of our men, who was always troubled
with sore legs, found a certain vine
that supported itself by climbing
about otner trees. The leaves reached
six or seven feet high, but the strings
or branches eleven or twelve. It had
a very green leaf, pretty broad and
roundish, and of a thick substance.
These leaves pounded small, and boiled
with hogs lard, make an excellent
salve. Our men, knoAving the virtues
of it, stocked themselves here ; there
was scarce a man in the ship but got
a pound or two of it, especially such
as were troubled with old ulcers, who
found great benefit by it. The man
that discovered these leaves here had
his first knowledge of them in the
Isthmus of Darien, he having had
this receipt from one of the Indians
there; and he had been ashore in
divers places since purposely to seek
these leaves, but did never find any
but here.
Among the many vast trees here-
abouts there was one exceeded all the
rest. This Captain Reed caused to be
cut down in order to make a canoe,
having lost our boats, all but one
small one, in the late storms ; so six
lusty men, who had been logwood
cutters in the Bays of Campeachy and
Honduras (as Captain Reed himself,
and many more of us had), and so
were very expert at this work, under-
took to fell it, taking their turns
three always cutting together ; and
they were one whole day and half the
next before they got it down. This
tree, though it grew in a wood, was
yet eighteen feet in circumference and
forty-four feet of clean body, without
knot or branch ; and even there it had
no more than one or two branches, and
then ran clean again ten feet higher ;
there it spread itself into many great
limbs and branches like an oak, very
green and flourishing; yet it was
perished at the heart, which marred
it for the service intended. So, leav-
ing it, and having no more business
here, we weighed and went from hence
the next day, it being the 29th of
November. We had the wind at NE.
when we weighed, and we steered off
SSW. In the afternoon we saw a
shoal ahead of us, and altered our
course to the SSE. In the evening,
at 4 of the clock, we were close by
another great shoal; therefore we
tacked and stood in for the Island
Celebes again for fear of running on
some of the shoals in the night. By day
a man might avoid them well enough,
for they had all beacons on them, like
huts built on tall posts, above high-
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVI.
water mark, probably set up by the
natives of the Island Celebes or those
of some other neighbouring islands;
and I never saw any such elsewhere.
The 30th we had a fresh land wind,
and steered away south, passing be-
tween the two shoals which we saw
the day before. Being past them,
the wind died away, and we lay be-
calmed till the afternoon ; then we
had a hard tornado out of the SW.,
and towards the evening we saw two
or three spouts, the first I had seen
since I came into the East Indies :
in the West Indies I had often met
with them. A spout is a small ragged
piece, or part of a cloud, hanging
down about a yard, seemingly from
the blackest part thereof. Commonly
it hangs down sloping from thence,
or sometimes appearing with a small
bending or elbow in the middle. I
never saw any hang perpendicularly
down. It is small at the lower end,
seeming no bigger than one's arm ;
but it is fuller towards the cloud,
whence it proceeds. They seem ter-
rible enough : the rather because
they come upon you while you lie
becalmed like a log in the sea, and
cannot get out of their way; but
though I have seen and been beset
by them often, yet the fright was
always the greatest of the harm.
December the 1st, we had a gentle
gale at ESE. We steered south ; and
at noon I was by observation in Lat.
3 34' S. Then we saw the Island
Bouton, bearing south-west, and
about ten leagues distant. We had
very uncertain and unconstant winds.
The 5th, we got close by the NW.
end of the Island Bouton, and in the
evening, it being fair weather, we
hoisted out our canoe, and sent the
Mosquito men, of whom we had two
or three, to strike turtle, for here are
plenty of them ; but they being shj T ,
we chose to strike them in the night
(which is customary in the West
Indies also) for every time they come
up to breathe, which is once in eight
or ten minutes, they blow so hard,
that one may hear them at thirty or
forty yards' distance ; by which means
the striker knows where they are, and
in ay more easily approach them than
in the day, for the turtle sees better
than he hears : but, on the contrary,
the manatee's hearing is quickest. In
the morning they returned with a very
large turtle, which they took near the
shore ; and withal an Indian of the is-
land came aboard with them. He spake
the Malay language, by which we did
understand him. He told us, that
two leagues farther to the southward
of us there was a good harbour, in
which we might anchor : so having
a fair wind, we got thither by noon.
This harbour is in Lat. 4 54' S.,
lying on the east side of the Island
Bouton. Which island lies near the
SE. end of the Island Celebes, distant
from it about three or four leagues. It
is of a long form, stretching S W. and
NE. about twenty-five leagues, and
ten broad. It is pretty high land,
and appears pretty even, and flat, and
very woody. There is a large town
within a league of the anchoring-
place, called Callasusung, being the
chief, if there were more ; which we
knew not. It is about a mile from
the sea, on the top of a small hill, in
a very fair plain, encompassed with
cocoa-nut trees. Without the trees
there is a strong stone wall, clear
round the town. The houses are
built like the houses at Mindanao,
but more neat ; and the whole town
was very clean and delightsome. The
inhabitants are small and well shaped.
They are much like the Mindanayans
in shape, colour, and habit; but
more neat and tight. They speak
the Malay language, and are all
Mahometans. They are very obedi-
ent to the Sultan, who is a little man,
about forty or fifty years old, and
has a great many Avives and children.
About an hour after we came to an
anchor, the Sultan sent a messenger
aboard, to know what we were, and
what our business. We gave him an
account, and he returned ashore, and
in a short time after he came aboard
again, and told us that the Sultan
was very well pleased when he heard
that we were English, and said, that
we should have anything the island
afforded ; and that he himself would
1687.1
THE SULTAN OF BOUTOX.
251
come aboard in the morning. There-
fore the ship was made clean, and
everything put in the best order to
receive him.
The 6th, in the morning betimes,
a great many boats and canoes came
aboard, with fowls, eggs, plantains,
potatoes, &c., but they would dispose
of none till they had order for it from
the Sultan, at his coming. About
10 of the clock the Sultan came
aboard in a very neat proa, built after
the Mindanao fashion. There was a
large white silk flag^at the head of
the mast, edged round with a deep
red for about two or three inches
broad, and in the middle there was
neatly drawn a green griffin, tramp-
ling on a winged serpent that seemed
to struggle to get up, and threatened
his adversary with open mouth, and
with a long sting that was ready to
be darted into his legs. Other East
Indian princes have their devices also.
The Sultan, with three or four of his
nobles, and three of his sons, sat in
the house of the proa. His guards
were ten musketeers, five standing
on one side of the proa, and five on
the other side : and before the door
of the proa-house stood one with a
great broad sword and a target, and
two more such at the after-part of
the house ; and in the head and stern
of the proa stood four musketeers
more, two at each end. The Sultan
had a silk turban, laced with narrow
gold lace by the sides, and broad lace
at the end ; which hung down on one
side the head, after the Mindanayan
fashion. He had a sky-coloured silk
pair of breeches, and a piece of red
silk thrown across his shoulders, and
hanging loose about him ; the greatest
part of his back and waist appearing
naked. He had neither stocking nor
shoe. One of his sons was about
fifteen or sixteen years old ; the other
two were young things, and they were
always in the arms of one or other of
his attendants.
Captain Reed met him at the side,
and led him into his small cabin, and
fired five guns for his welcome. As
soon as he came aboard he gave leave
to his subjects to traffic with us . and
then our people bought what they
had a mind to. The Sultan seemed
very well pleased to be visited by the
English ; and said he had coveted to
have a sight of Englishmen, having
heard extraordinary characters of their
just and honourable dealings : but he
exclaimed against the Dutch (as all
the Mindanayans, and all the Indians
we met with, do) and wished them at
a greater distance. For Macassar is
not very far from hence, one of the
chief towns that the Dutch have in
those parts. Thence the Dutch come
sometimes hither to purchase slaves.
The slaves that these people get here
and sell to the Dutch are some of the
idolatrous natives of the island, who,
not being under the Sultan, and hav-
ing no head, live straggling in the
country, flying from one place to
another to preserve themselves from
this prince and his subjects, who hunt
after them to make them slaves. For
the civilising Indians of the maritime
places, who trade with foreigners, if
they cannot reduce the inland people
to the obedience of their prince, catch
all they can of them and sell them
for slaves ; accounting them to be but
as savages, just as the Spaniards do
the poor Americans.
After two or three hours' discourse,
the Sultan went ashore again, and
five guns were fired at his departure
also. The next day he sent for Cap-
tain Reed to come ashore ; and he,
with seven or eight men, went to
wait on the Sultan. I could not slip
an opportunity of seeing the place ;
and so accompanied them. "We were
met at the landing-place by two of
the chief men, and guided to a pretty
neat house, where the Sultan waited
our coming. The house stood at the
farther end of all the town before
mentioned, which we passed through ;
and abundance of people were gazing
on us as we passed by. When we
came near the house, forty poor,
naked soldiers with muskets made
a line for us to pass through. This
house was not built on posts, as the
rest were, after the Mindanayan way ;
but the room in which we were en-
tertained was on the ground, covered
252
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVI.
with mats to sit on. Our entertain-
ment was tobacco and betel -nut, and
young cocoa-nuts ; and the house was
beset with men, women, and children,
who thronged to get near the windows
to look on us. We did not tarry
above an hour before we took our
leave and departed. The next day
the Sultan came aboard again, and
presented Captain Reed with a little
boy ; but he was too small to be ser-
viceable on board ; and so Captain
Reed returned thanks, and told him
he was too little for him. Then the
Sultan sent for a bigger boy, which
the Captain accepted. This boy was
a very pretty tractable boy ; but what
was wonderful in him, he had two
rows of teeth, one within another, on
each jaw. None of the other people
were so, nor did I ever see the like.
The Captain was presented also with
two he -goats, and was promised some
buffalo, but I do believe that they
have but few of either on the island.
We did not see any buffalo, nor many
goats ; neither have they much rice ;
but their chief food is roots. We
bought here about a thousand pound
weight of potatoes. Here our men
bought also abundance of crockadores
and fine large paroquets, curiously
coloured, and some of the finest I saw.
The crockador is as big as a parrot,
and shaped much like it, with such a
bill ; but is as white as milk, and has
a bunch of feathers on his head like
a crown. At this place we bought a
proa also of the Mindanayan make,
for our own use, which our carpenters
afterwards altered, and made a deli
cate boat fit for any service. Sh^
was sharp at both ends ; but we
sawed off one, and made that enc
flat, fastening a rudder to it ; anc
she rowed and sailed incomparably.
We stayed here but till the 12th,
because it was a bad harbour and fou"
ground, and a bad time of the year too,
for the tornadoes began to come in
thick and strong. When we went to
weigh our anchor, it was hooked in E
rock, and we broke our cable, and
could not get our anchor, though we
strove hard for it ; so we went away
and left it there. We had the wind
t NNE., and we steered towards the
3E. , and fell in with four or five small
slands, that lie in 5 40' S. Lat., and
ibout five or six leagues from Calla-
susung harbour. These islands ap-
peared very green with cocoa-nut
;rees, and we saw two or three towns
>n them, and heard a drum all night,
'or we were got in among shoals,
ind could not get out again till the
lext day. We know not whether
;he drum were for fear of us, or that
;hey were making merry, as it is
usual in these parts to do all the
night, singing and dancing till morn-
"ng. At last AVC passed between the
islands, and tried for a passage on the
east side. We met with divers shoals
on this side also, but found channels
to pass through ; so we steered away
for the Island Timor, intending to
pass out by it. The 16th, we got
lear of the shoals, and steered S. by
E., with the wind at WSW., but
veering every half hour, sometimes at
SW., and then again at W., and
sometimes at NNW., bringing much
rain, with thunder and lightning.
The 20th we passed by the Island
Omba, which is a pretty high island,
lying in Lat. 8 20', and not above
five or six leagues from the NE. part
of the Island Timor. It is about
thirteen or fourteen leagues long, and
five or six leagues wide. About seven
or eight leagues to the west of Omba
is another pretty large island, but it
had no name in our plans ; yet by
the situation it should be that which
in some maps is called Pentare. 1 We
saw on it abundance of smokes by day,
and fires by night, and a large town
on the north side of it, not far from
the sea ; but it was such bad weather
that we did not go ashore. BetAveen
Omba and Pentare, and in the mid-
channel, there is a small, IOAV, sandy
island, with great shoals on either
side ; but there is a very good channel
close by Pentare betAveen them and
the shoals about the small isle. We
were three days beating off and on,
not having a wind, for it was at SSW.
1 Or Pantor ; a small island about
midway betAveen Timor and Floris.
AUSTRALIA OR NEW HOLLAND.
1688.]
The 23d, in the evening, having a
small gale at north, we got through,
keeping close by Pentare. The tide
of ebb here set out to the southward,
by which we were helped through,
for we had but little wind ; but this
tide, which did us a kindness in set-
ting us through, had like to have
ruined us afterwards. For there are
two small islands lying at the south
end of the channel we came through ;
and towards these islands the tide
hurried so swiftly, that we very nar-
rowly escaped being driven ashore ; for
the little wind we had before at north
died away ; we had not one breath of
wind when we came there, neither
was there an anchor-ground. But we
got out our oars and rowed, yet all in
vain ; for the tide set wholly on one
of the small islands, that we were
forced by might and main strength
to bear off the ship, by thrusting with
our oars against the shore, which was
a steep bank, and by this means we
presently drove away, clear of danger ;
and having a little wind in the night
at north, we steered away SSW. In
the morning again we had the wind
at WSW., and steered S. ; and the
wind coming to the "WNW., we
steered SW. to get clear of the SW.
end of the Island Timor. The 26th,
we saw the N W. point of Timor, SE.
by E., distant about eight leagues.
Timor is a long high mountainous
island, stretching NE. and SW. It
is about seventy leagues long, and
fifteen or sixteen wide ; the middle
of the island is in Latitude about
9 S. I have been informed that the
Portuguese trade to this island, but I
know nothing of its produce, besides
Coir, or making cables. 1
Being now clear of all the islands,
we stood off south, intending to touch
at New Holland, a part of Terra Aus-
tralia Incognita, to see what that
country would afford us. In-
deed, as the winds were, we could
not now keep our intended course
(which was first westerly, and then
northerly) without going to New
Holland, unless we had gone back
253
Cordage made of cocoa-nut fibre.
again among the islands ; but this
was not a good time of the year to
be among any islands to the south of
the Equator, unless in a good har-
bour. The 31st, we were in Lat. 13
20', still standing to the southward,
the wind bearing commonly very
hard at W., and we keeping upon it
under two courses, and our mizzen,
and sometimes a maintopsail reefed.
About 10 of the clock at night we
tacked and stood to the northward,
for fear of running on a shoal, which
is laid down on our draughts in
Lat. 13 50' or thereabouts. At
3 of the clock we tacked again, and
stood S. by W. and SSW. In the
morning, as soon as it was day, we
saw the shoal right ahead. We
stemmed right with the middle of it,
and stood within half-a-mile of the
rocks, and sounded, but found no
ground. Then we went about and
stood to the north two hours ; and
then tacked and stood to the south-
ward again, thinking to weather it,
but could not. So we bore away on
the north side, till we came to the
east point, giving the rocks a small
berth ; then we trimmed sharp, and
stood to the southward, passing close
to it, and sounded again, but found
no ground. . . .
The 4th of January, 1GS8, we fell
in with the land of New Holland
in Lat. 16 50', having made our
course due south from the shoal that
we passed by the 31st of December.
We ran in close by it, and finding no
convenient anchoring, because it lies
open to the NW., we ran along shore
to the eastward, steering NE. by E.,
for so the land lies. We steered thus
about twelve leagues, and then came
to a point of land, whence the land
trends east and southerly for ten or
twelve leagues, but how afterwards I
know not. About three leagues to
eastward of this point, there is a
pretty deep bay, with abundance
of islands in it, and a very good
place to anchor in, or to haul
ashore. About a league to the
eastward of that point we anchored,
January the 5th, 1688, two miles
from the shore, in twenty -nine
254 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
fathoms, good hard sand, and clean
ground.
New Holland is a very large tract
of Jand. It is not yet determined
whether it is an island or a main con-
tinent ; but I am certain that it joins
neither to Asia, Africa, nor America.
This part of it that we saw is all low
even land, with sandy banks against
the sea ; only the points are rocky,
and so are some of the islands in this
bay. The land is of a dry sandy soil,
destitute of water, except you make
wells ; yet producing divers sorts
of trees ; but the woods are not
thick, nor the trees very big. Most
of the trees that we saw are dragon
trees, as we supposed ; and these two
are the largest trees of any there.
They are about the bigness of our
large apple trees, and about the same
height, and the rind is blackish, and
somewhat rough. The leaves are of
a dark colour; the gum distils out
of the knots or cracks that are in the
bodies of the trees. We compared it
with some gum-dragon, or dragon's
blood, that was aboard, and it was of
the same colour and taste. The other
sorts of trees were not known by any
of us. There was pretty long grass
growing under the trees ; but it was
very thin. We saw no trees that
bore fruit or berries. We saw no sort
of animal, nor any track of beast,
but once, and that seemed to be the
tread of a beast as big as a great mas-
tiff dog. Here are a few small land-
birds, but none bigger than a black-
bird, and but few sea-fowls. Neither
is the sea very plentifully stored with
fish, unless you reckon the manatee
and turtle as such. Of these crea-
tures there is plenty ; but they
are extraordinary shy, though the
inhabitants cannot trouble them
much, having neither boats nor
arrows.
The inhabitants of this country are
the miserablest people in the world.
The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, 1
though a nasty people, yet for wealth
are gentlemen to these, who have no
1 The Hottentots of the Cape.
Chapter XX.
See
[CHAP. XVI.
houses and skin garments, sheep,
poultry, and fruits of the earth, os-
trich eggs, &c., as the Hodmadods
have ; and setting aside their human
shape, they differ but little from
brutes. They are tall, straight-
bodied, and thin, with small long
limbs. They have great heads,
round foreheads, and great brows.
Their eyelids are always half-closed,
to keep the flies out of their eyes,
they being so troublesome here, that
no fanning will keep them from
coming to one's face ; and without
the assistance of both hands to keep
them off, they will creep into one s
nostrils, and mouth too, if the lips
are not shut very close. So that
from their infancy, being thus an-
noyed with these insects, they do
never open their eyes as other people,
and therefore they cannot see far,
unless they hold up their heads, as
if they were looking at somewhat
over them. They have great bottle
noses, pretty full lips, and wide
mouths. The two fore teeth of their
upper jaw are wanting in all of them,
men and women, old and young ;
whether they draw them out, I know
not, neither have they any beards.
They are long-visaged, and of a very
unpleasing aspect, having no one
graceful feature in their faces. Their
hair is black, short and curled, like
that of the Negroes, and not long
and lank like the common Indians.
The colour of their skins, both of
their faces and the rest of their body,
is coal black, like that of the Negroes
of Guinea. They have no sort of
clothes, but a piece of the rind of a
tree, tied like a girdle about their
waists, and a handful of long grass,
or three or four small green boughs,
full of leaves, thrust under theii
girdle to cover their nakedness.
They have no houses, but lie in the
open air, without any covering, the
earth being their bed, and the heaven
their canopy. Whether they cohabit
one man to one woman, or promiscu-
ously, I know not : but they do live
in companies, twenty or thirty men,
women, and children together. Their
only food is a small sort of fish, which
1688.]
WRETCHEDNESS OF THE NATIVES.
255
they get by making wears 1 of stone
across little coves, or "branches of the
sea ; every tide bringing in the small
fish, and there leaving them for a prey
to these people, who constantly attend
there, to search for them at low water.
This small fry I take to be the top of
their fishery : they have no instru-
ments to catch great fish, should they
come ; and such seldom stay to be
left behind at low water : nor could
we catch any fish with our hooks and
lines all the while we lay there. In
other places at low water they seek
for cockles, mussels, periwinkles. Of
these shell-fish there are fewer still ;
so that their chief dependence is upon
what the sea leaves in their wears,
which, be it much or little, they
gather up, and march, to the places
of their abode. There the old people,
that are not able to stir abroad by
reason of their age, and the tender
infants, wait their return ; and what
Providence has bestowed on them,
they presently broil on the coals, and
eat it in common. Sometimes they
get as many fish as make them a
plentiful banquet ; and at other times
they scarce get every one a taste : but
be it little or much that they get,
every one has his part, as well the
young and tender, as the old and
feeble, who are not able to go abroad,
and the strong and lusty. When
they have eaten, they lie down till
the next low water, and then all that
are able to march out, be it night or
day, rain or shine, it is all one : they
must attend the wears, or else they
must fast. For the earth affords
them no food at all. There is neither
herb, root, pulse, nor any sort of
grain, for them to eat, that we saw :
nor any sort of bird or beast that they
can catch, having no instruments
wherewithal to do so.
I did not perceive that they did
worship anything. These poor crea-
tures have a sort of weapon to defend
their wear, or fight with their enemies
if they have any that will interfere
with their poor fishery. They did at
first endeavour with their weapons to
frighten us, who lying ashore deterred
them from one of their fishing-places.
Some of them had wooden swords,
others had a sort of lances. The
sword is a "oiece of wood, shaped
somewhat lik'e a cutlass. The lance
is a long straight pole, sharp at one
end, and hardened afterwards oy heat.
I saw no iron, nor any other sort of
metal : therefore it is probable they
use stone hatchets, as some Indians
in America do. 2 How they get their
fire I know not : but probably, as
Indians do, out of wood. I have seen
the Indians of Buen Ayre 3 do it, and
have myself tried the experiment.
They take a flat piece of wood, that
is pretty soft, and make a small dent
in one side of it : then they take an-
other hard round stick, about the
bigness of one's little finger, and
sharping it at one end like a pencil,
they put that sharp end in the hole
or dent of the flat soft piece ; then
rubbing or twirling the hard piece
between the palms of their hands,
they drill the soft piece till it smokes
and at last takes fire.
These people speak some what through
the throat ; but we could not under-
stand one word that they said. We
anchored, as I said before, January
the 5th, and seeing men walking on
the shore, we presently sent a canoe
to get some acquaintance with them :
for we were in hopes to get some pro-
vision among them. But the inhabi-
tants, seeing our boat coming, ran
away and hid themselves. We searched
afterwards three days, in hopes to find
their houses, but found none ; yet we
saw many places where they had made
fires. At last, being out of hopes to
find their habitations, we searched no
farther ; but left a great many toys
ashore, in such places where we thought
that they would come. In all our
search we found no water, but old
wells on the sandy bays. At last we
went over to the islands, and there we
Dams or embankments.
2 Mentioned in Chapter IV., page
158.
3 One of the Windward Islands,
I visited by the Author in 1681.
256 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVI.
found a great many of the natives ; I | purpose, for they stood like statues,
do believe there were forty on one
island, men, women, and children.
The men, at our first coming ashore,
threatened us with their lances and
swords ; but they were frighted by
firing one gun, which we hred pur-
posely to scare them. The island was
so small, that they could not hide
themselves ; but they were much dis-
ordered at our landing, especially the
women and children : for we went
directly to their camp. The lustiest
of the women, snatching up their
infants, ran away howling, and the
little children ran after squeaking and
bawling ; but the men stood still.
Some of the women, and such people
as could not go from us, lay still by
a fire, making a doleful noise, as if
we had been coining to devour them.
But when they saw we did not intend
to harm them, they were pretty quiet ;
and the rest, that fled from us at our
first coming, returned again. This
their place of dwelling was only a fire,
with a few boughs before it, set up on
that side the wind was off. After we
had been here a little while, the men
began to be familiar, and we clothed
some of them, designing to have had
some service of them for it ; for we
found some wells of water here, and
intended to carry two or three barrels
of it aboard. But it being somewhat
troublesome to carry to the canoes,
we thought to have made these men
to have carried it for us, and therefore
we gave them some clothes ; to one an
old pair of breeches, to another a
ragged shirt, to a third a jacket that
was scarce worth owning : which yet
would have been very acceptable at
some places where we had been, and
so we thought they might have been
with these people. We put them on
them, thinking that this finery would
have brought them to work heartily
for us ; and our water being filled in
small long ban-els, about six gallons
in each, which were made purposely
to carry water in, we brought these
our new servants to the wells, and put
a barrel on each of their shoulders for
them to carry to the canoe. But all
the signs we could make were to no
without motion, but grinned like so
many monkeys, staring one upon an-
other : for these poor creatures seem
not accustomed to carry burthens :
and I believe that one of our ship-
boys of ten years old would carry aa
much as one of them. So we were
forced to carry our water ourselves ;
and they very fairly put the clothes
off again, and laid them down, as if
clothes were only to work in. I did
not perceive that they had any great
liking to them at first ; neither did
they seem to admire l anything that
we had.
At another time our canoe being
among these islands seeking for game,
espied a drove of these men swimming
from one island to another ; for they
have no boats, canoes, or bark-logs.
They took up four of them, and brought
them aboard ; two of them were middle-
aged, the other two were young men
about eighteen or twenty years old.
To these we gave boiled rice, and with
it turtle and manatee boiled. They
did greedily devour what we gave
them, but took no notice of the ship,
or anything in it ; and when they
were set on land again, they ran away
as fast as they could. At our first
coming, before we were acquainted with
them, or they with us, a company of
them who lived on the main came
just against our ship, and, standing
on a pretty high bank, threatened us
with their swords and lances, by
shaking them at us : at last the Cap-
tain ordered the drum to be beaten,
which was done of a sudden with
much vigour, purposely to scare the
poor creatures. They, hearing the
noise, ran away as fast as they could
drive, and when they ran away in
haste, they would cry "Gurry, Gurry,"
speaking deep in the throat. Those
inhabitants also that live on the main
would always run away from us ; yet
we took several of them : for, as I
have already observed, they had such
bad eyes that they could not see us
till we came close to them. We did
always give them victuals, and let
1 Wonder, be surprised at.
1688.]
DEPASTURE FROM NEW HOLLAND.
257
them go again ; but the islanders,
after our first time of being among
them, did not stir for us.
When we had been here about a
week, we hauled our ship into a small
sandy cove, at a spring-tide, as far as
she would float : and at low water she
was left dry. All the neap-tides we
lay wholly aground, for the sea did
not come near us by about a hundred
yards. We had therefore time enough
to clean our ship's bottom, which we
did very well. Most of our men lay
ashore in a tent, where our sails were
mending : and our strikers brought
home turtle and manatee every day,
which was our constant food. While
we lay here, I did endeavour to per-
suade our men to go to some English
factory ; but was threatened to be
turned ashore and left here for it.
This made me desist, and patiently
wait for some more convenient place
and opportunity to leave them, than
here : which I did hope I should ac-
complish in a short time ; because
they did intend, when they went
hence, to bear down towards Cape
Comorin. In their way thither they
designed also to visit the Island Cocos,
which lies in Lat. 12 12' N. by our
draughts : hoping there to find of
that fruit, the island having its name
from thence. 1
CHAPTER XVII.
MARCH the 12th, 1688, we sailed from
New Holland, with the wind at
NNW., and fair weather. We di-
rected our course to the northward,
intending, as I said, to touch at the
Island Cocos. It was the 26th of
March before we were in the Latitude
of the island, which is in 12 12' ; and
then, by judgment, we were forty or
1 Dampier lays it down, despite his
text, in his " Map of the East Indies,"
in something between 12 and 13
south of the Line, and to the SSW.
of the Strait of Sunda. The island
is subsequently several times men-
tioned,
fifty leagues to the east of it ; and the
wind was now at SW. : therefore we
did rather choose to bear away towards
some islands on the west side of Su-
matra, than to beat against the wind
for the Island Cocos. I was very glad
of this, being in hopes to;make my
escape from them to Sumatra, or
some other place. We met nothing
of remark in this voyage, besides the
catching two great sharks, till the
28th. Then we fell in with a small
woody island, in Lat. 10 30'. Its
Longitude from "New Holland, whence
we came, was by my account 12 6' W.
It was deep water about the island,
and therefore no anchoring ; but we
sent two canoes ashore one of them
with the carpenters, to cut a tree to
make another pump the other canoe
went to search for fresh water, and
found a fine, small brook near the
SW. point of the island; but there
the sea fell in on the shore so high,
that they could not get it off. At
noon both our canoes returned aboard,
and the carpenters brought aboard a
good tree, which they afterwards made
a pump with, such as they made at
Mindanao. The other canoe brought
aboard as many boobies and men-of-
war birds as sufficed all the ship's
company, when they were boiled.
They got also a sort of land animal
somewhat resembling a large craw-
fish without its great claws. These
creatures lived in holes in the dry,
sandy ground like rabbits. Sir Fran-
cis Drake, in his Voyage round the
World, makes mention of such that
he found at Ternate, or some other of
the Spice Islands, or near them. 1
They were very good sweet meat, and
so large that two of them were more
than a man could eat, being almost
as thick, as one's leg. Their shells
were of a dark brown, but red when
boiled.
About 1 o'clock in the afternoon
we made sail from this island, with
the wind at SW., and we steered
NW. We met nothing of remark
till the 7th of April, and then, being
in Lat. 7 S., we saw the land of
2 See page 6f>.
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVII.
258
Sumatra at a great distance, bearing
north. The 8th we saw the east end
of the Island Sumatra very plainly,
we being then in Lat. 6 S. The
10th, being in Lat. 5 11', and about
seven or eight leagues from the Island
Sumatra, on the west side of it, we
saw abundance of cocoa-nuts swim-
ming in the sea, and we hoisted out
our boat and took up some of them,
as also a small hatch, or scuttle rather,
belonging to some bark. The nuts
were very sound, and the kernel sweet;
and in some the milk or water was
yet sweet and good. The 13th we
came to a small island called Triste,
in Lat. (by observation) 4 S. It is
about fourteen or fifteen leagues to
the west of the Island Sumatra. From
hence to the northward there are a
great many small uninhabited islands
lying much at the same distance from
Sumatra. This Island Triste is not a
mile round, and so low, that the tide
flows clear over it. It is of a sandy
soil, and full of cocoa-nut trees. The
nuts are but small, yet sweet enough,
full, and more ponderous than I ever
felt any of that bigness, notwith-
standing that every spring-tide the
salt water goes clear over the island.
We sent ashore our canoes for cocoa-
jmts, and they returned aboard laden
with them three times. Our strikers
also went out and struck some fish,
which was boiled for supper. They
also killed two young alligators, which
we salted for the next day.
I had no opportunity at this place
to make my escape, as I would have
done, and gone over hence to Sumatra,
could I have kept a boat with me.
But there was no compassing this;
and so on the 15th we went from
hence, steering to the northward on
the west side of Sumatra. Our food
now was rice and the meat of the
cocoa-nuts rasped and steeped in water,
which made a sort of milk, into which
we put our rice, making a pleasant
mess enough. After we parted from
Triste, we saw other small islands
that were also full of cocoa-nut trees.
The 19th, being in Lat. 3 25' S., the
SW. point of the Island Nassau bore
N. about five miles distant. This is
a pretty large uninhabited island, in
Lat. 3 20' S., and is full of high
trees. About a mile from the Island
Nassau, there is a small island full of
cocoa-nut trees. There we anchored
the 20th to replenish our stock of
cocoa-nuts. A reef of rocks lies
almost round this island, so that our
boats could not go ashore, nor come
aboard at low water, yet we got
aboard four boat loads of nuts. The
21st we went from hence, and kept
to the northward, coasting still on
the west side of the Island Sumatra.
The 25th we crossed the Equator, still
coasting to the northward between
the Island Sumatra and a range of
small islands lying fourteen or fifteen
leagues off it. Among all these islands,
Hog Island is the most considerable.
It lies in Lat. 3 40' N. It is pretty
high even land, clothed with tall,
flourishing trees ; we passed by it on
the 28th.
The 29th we saw a sail to the north
of us, which we chased ; but it being
little wind, we did not come up with
her till the 30th. Then, being within
a league of her, Captain Reed went in
a canoe and took her, and brought
her aboard. She was a proa with
four men in her, belonging to Achin, 1
whither she was bound. She came
from one of these cocoa-nut islands
that we passed by, and was laden
with cocoa-nuts and cocoa-nut oil.
Captain Reed ordered his men to take
aboard all the nuts, and as much of
the oil as he thought convenient, and
then cut a hole in the bottom of the
proa, and turned her loose, keeping
the men prisoners. It was not for
the lucre of the cargo that Captain
Reed took this boat, but to hinder
me and some others from going ashore ;
for he knew that we were ready to
make our escape if an opportunity
presented itself, and he thought that
by his abusing and robbing the na-
tives, we should be afraid to trust
ourselves among them. But yet this
1 Or Acheen, a native town at the
extreme north point of Sumatra,
which now carries on an extensive
trade with Hindostan.
1688.]
AT ANCHOR OFF NIGOBAR ISLANDS.
259
proceeding of his turned to our great
advantage, as shall be declared here-
after.
May the 1st we ran down by the
north-west end of the Island Sumatra,
within seven or eight leagues of the
shore. All this west side of Sumatra
which we thus coasted along, our
Englishmen at Fort St George call
the West Coast, simply without add-
ing the name of Sumatra. The pri-
soners who were taken the day before
showed us the islands that lie off
Achin harbour, and the channels
through which ships go in, and told
us also that there was an English
factory at Achin. I wished myself
there, but was forced to wait with
patience till my time was come. We
were now directing our course towards
the Nicobar Islands, intending there
to clean the ship's bottom, in order to
make her sail weU. The 4th, in the
evening, we had sight of one of the
Nicobar Islands. The southernmost
of them lies about forty leagues
NNW. from the NW. end of the
Island Sumatra. This most southerly
of them is Nicobar itself, 1 but all the
cluster of islands lying south of the
Andaman Islands are called by our
seamen the Nicobar Islands.
The inhabitants of these islands
have no certain converse with any
nation; but as ships pass by them
they will come aboard in their proas,
and offer their commodities for sale,
never inquiring of what nation they
are : for all white people are alike to
them. Their chief commodities are
ambergris and fruits. Ambergris is
often found by the native Indians of
these islands, who know it very well,
as also know how to cheat ignorant
strangers with a certain mixture like
it. Several of our men bought such
of them for a small purchase. Cap-
tain Weldon also about this time
touched at some of these islands to
the north of the island where we lay,
and I saw a great deal of such amber-
gris that one of his men bought there,
but it was not good, having no smell
at all. Yet I saw some there very
1 Great Nicobar.
good and fragrant. At that island
where Captain Weldon was, there
were two friars sent thither to con-
vert the Indians. One of them came
away with Captain Weldon, the other
remained there still. He that came
away with Captain Weldon gave a
very good character of the inhabitants
of that island, that they were very
honest, civil, harmless people ; that
they were not addicted to quarrelling,
theft, or murder ; that they did marry,
or at least live as man and wife, one
man with one woman, never changing
till death made the separation ; that
they were punctual and honest in
performing their bargains; and that
they were inclined to receive the
Christian religion. This relation I
had afterwards from the mouth of a
priest at Tonquin, who told me that
he received this information by a letter
from the friar that Captain Weldon
brought away from thence. But to
proceed.
The 5th of May we ran down on
the west side of the Island Nicobar
properly so called, and anchored at
the N W. end of it, in a small bay, in
eight fathoms water, not half-a-mile
from the shore. The body of this
island is in 7 30' N. Lat. ; it is about
twelve leagues long, and three or four
broad. The south end of it is pretty
high, with steep cliffs against the sea ;
the rest of the island is low, flat, and
even. The mould of it is black and
deep, and it is very well watered with
small running streams. It produces
abundance of tall trees fit for any
uses : for the whole bulk of it seems
to be but one entire grove. But that
which adds most to its beauty off at
sea are the many spots of cocoa-nut
trees which grow round it in every
small bay. The bays are half-a-mile
or a mile long, more or less, and these
bays are intercepted or divided from
each other with as many little rocky
points of woodland. As the cocoa-
nut trees do thus grow in groves
fronting to the sea in the bays, so
there is another sort of fruit tree in
the bays bordering on the back side
of the cocoa trees farther from the sea.
It is called by the natives a melory
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CiiAr. XVII.
260
tree. This tree is as big as our large
apple trees, and as high. It has a
blackish rind, and a pretty broad
leaf. The fruit is as big as the bread-
fruit at Guam, or a large penny loaf.
It is shaped like a pear, and has a
pretty tough smooth rind of a light
green colour. The inside of the fruit
is in substance much like an apple,
but full of small strings as big as a
brown thread. I did never see these
trees anywhere but here.
The natives of this island are tall,
well-limbed men ; pretty long-visaged,
with black eyes; their noses middle
proportioned, and the whole symmetry
of their faces agreeing very well.
Their hair is black and lank, and
their skin of a dark copper colour.
The women have no hair on their
eyebrows. I do believe it is plucked
up by the roots ; for the men had hair
growing on their eyebrows, as other
people. [The men all go naked, save
a long, narrow strip of cloth round
their waist. The women wear a short
petticoat reaching from their waist to
the knee. Their houses are described
as small, square, and low, and curi-
ously thatched with palmetto leaves.
Their canoes are commonly manned
by twenty or thirty natives, and sel-
dom fewer than nine or ten.] . . .
But to proceed with our affairs. It
was, as I said, before the 5th of May,
about ten in the morning, when we
anchored at this island. Captain
Reed immediately ordered his men
to heel the ship, in order to clean
her, which was done this day and the
next. All the water vessels were
filled, they intending to go to sea at
night ; for the winds being yet at
NJS r E., the Captain was in hopes to
get over to Cape Comorin before the
wind shifted, otherwise it would have
been somewhat difficult for him to
get thither, because the westerly
monsoon was now at hand. I thought
now was my time to make my escape,
by getting leave, if possible, to stay
here. For it seemed not very feasible
to do it by stealth ; and I had no
reason to despair of getting leave,
this being a place where my stay
could probably do our crew no harm,
should I design it. Indeed, ono
reason that put me on the thoughts
of staying at this particular place,
besides the present opportunity of
leaving Captain Reed, which I did
always intend to do as soon as I could,
was, that I had here also a prospect
of advancing a profitable trade for
ambergris with these people, and of
gaining a considerable fortune for my-
self ; for in a short time I might have
learned their language, and by accus-
toming myself to row with them in
their proas or canoes, especially by
conforming myself to their customs
and manners of living, I should have
seen how they got their ambergris, and
have known what quantities the) 7 got,
and the time of the year Avhen most
is found. And then afterwards, I
thought it would be easy for me tc
have transported myself from thence.,
either in some ship that passed this
way, whether English, Dutch, or
Portuguese, or else to have got some
of the young men of the island to
have gone with me in one of their
canoes to Achin, and there to have
furnished myself with such commodi-
ties as I found most coveted by them ;
and therewith, at my return, to have
bought their ambergris.
I had, till this time, made no open
show of going ashore here. But now,
the water being filled, and the ship
in readiness to sail, I desired Cap-
tain Reed to set me ashore on this
island. He, supposing that I could
not go ashore in a place less frequented
by ships than this, gave me leave,
which probably he would have re-
fused, if he thought I should have
got from hence in any short time ;
for fear of my giving an account of
him to the English or Dutch. I
soon got up my chest and bedding,
and immediately got some to row
me ashore, for fear lest his mind
should change again. The canoe
that brought me ashore landed me on
a small sandy bay, where there were
two houses, but no person in them.
For the inhabitants were removed to
some other house, probably for fear
of us, because the ship was close by ;
and yet both men and women came
1638.]
aboard the ship without any sign of
fear. When our ship's canoe was
going aboard again, they met the
owner of the houses coming ashore in
his boat. He made a great many
signs to them to fetch me off again ;
but they would not understand
him. Then he came to me and
offered his boat to carry me off;
but I refused. Then he made signs
for me to go up into tlxe house, and
according as I did understand him by
his signs, and a few Malay words
that he used, he intimated that some-
what would come out of the woods in
the night, when I was asleep, and
kill me, meaning probably some
wild beast. Then I carried my chest
and clothes up into the house.
I had not been ashore an hour, be-
fore Captain Tait, and one John Dama-
rell, with three or four armed men
more, came to fetch me aboard again.
They need not have sent an armed
posse for me, for had they but sent
the cabin-boy ashore for me, I would
not have denied going aboard. For
though I could have hid myself in the
woods, yet then they would have abused
r have killed some of the natives,
purposely to incense them against
me. I told them, therefore, that I
was ready to go with them, and went
aboard with all my things. When I
came aboard I found the ship in an
uproar, for there were three men more,
who, taking courage by my example,
desired leave also to accompany me.
One of them was the surgeon, Mr
Coppinger, the others were Mr Robert
Hall, and one named Ambrose ; I
have forgot his surname. These men
had always harboured the same de-
signs as I had. The two last were
not much opposed ; but Captain Reed
and his crew would not part with the
surgeon. At last the surgeon leaped
into the canoe, and taking up my
gun, swore he would go ashore, and
if any man did oppose it, he would
shoot him. But Jitin Oliver, who
was then quarter-master, leaped into
the canoe, taking hold of him, took
away the gun, and with the help of
two or three more, they dragged him
fegain into the ship. Then Mr Hall,
DAMPIEB LEAVES THE SHIP.
261
and Ambrose, and I were again set
ashore ; and one of the men that
rowed us ashore stole an axe and gave
it to us, knowing it was a good com-
modity with the Indians. It was
now dark, therefore we lighted a
candle, and I being the oldest stander
in our new country, conducted them
into one of the houses, where we did
presently hang up our hammocks. We
had scarce done this, before the canoe
came ashore again, and brought the
four Malay men belonging to Achin,
which we took in the proa we took
off Sumatra, and the Portuguese that
came to our ship out of the Siam junk
at Pulo Condore, the crew having no
occasion for these, being leaving the
Malay parts, where the Portuguese
served as an interpreter ; and not
fearing now that the Achinese could
be serviceable to us in bringing us
over to their country, forty leagues
off. Nor imagining that we durst
make such an attempt, as, indeed, it
was a bold one. Now we were men
enough to defend ourselves against
the natives of this island, if they
should prove our enemies ; though if
none of these men had come ashore
to me, I should not have feared any
danger. Nay, perhaps less, because
I should have been cautious of giving
any offence to the natives ; and I am of
the opinion, that there are no people
in the world so barbarous as to kill a
single person that falls accidentally
into their hands, or comes to live
among them, except they have before
been injured by some outrage or
violence committed against them.
Yet even then, or afterwards, if a man
could but preserve his life from their
first rage, and come to treat with
them (which is the hardest thing, be-
cause their way is usually to abscond, 1
and rushing suddenly upon their
enemy, to kill him at unawares),
one might, by some sleight, insinuate
one's self into their favour again ;
especially T>y showing some toy or
knack that they did never see before,
which any European that has seen the
world might soon contrive to amuse
1 Conceal themselves,
262
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
them withal, as might be done, gene-
rally, even with a little fire struck
with a flint and steel.
As for the common opinion of An-
thropophagi, or man-eaters, I did
never meet with any such people.
All nations or families in the world
that I have seen or heard of, having
some sort of food to live on, either
fruit, grain, pulse, or roots, which
grow naturally, or else planted by
them, if not fish,' and land animals
besides (yea, even the people of New
Holland had fish amidst all their
penury), would scarce kill a man pur-
posely to cat him. I know not what
barbarous customs may formerly have
been in the world : and to sacrifice
their enemies to their gods is a thing
that has been much talked of with
relation to the savages of America.
I am a stranger to that also, if it be
or have been customary in any nation
there ; and yet, if they sacrifice their
enemies, it is not necessary they
should eat them too. After all, I
will not be peremptory in the nega-
tive, but I speak as to the compass
of my own knowledge, and know
some of these cannibal stories to be
false ; and many of them have been
disproved since I first went to the
West Indies. At that time how bar-
barous were the poor Florida Indians
accounted, which now we find to be
civil enough? What strange stories
have we heard of the Indians whose
islands were called the Isles of Canni-
bals ? Yet we find that they trade very
civilly with the French and Spaniards,
and have done so with us. I own that
they have formerly endeavoured to
destroy our plantations at Barbadoes,
and have since hindered us from
settling the Island Santa Lucia, by
destroying two or three colonies suc-
cessively of those that were settled
there; and even the Island Tobago
has been often annoyed and ravaged
by them, when settled by the Dutch,
and still lies waste (though a delicate
fruitful island) as being too near the
Caribbees on the continent, who
visit it every year. But this was to
preserve their own right, by endea-
vouring to keep out any that would
settle themselves on
[CHAP. XVII.
those islands
where they had planted themselves :
yet even these people would not hurt
a single person, as I have been told
by some that have been prisoners
among them. I could instance also
the Indians of Bocca Toro and Bocca
Drago, and many other places where
they do live, as the Spaniards call it,
wild and savage ; yet there they have
been familiar with privateers, but by
abuses have withdrawn their friend-
ship again. As for these Nicobar
people, I found them affable enough,
and therefore did not fear them ; but
I did not much care whether I had
gotten any more company or no. But,
however, I was very well satisfied,
and the rather because we were now
men enough to row ourselves over to
the Island Sumatra ; and accordingly
we presently consulted how to pur-
chase a canoe of the natives.
It was a fine clear moonlight night
in which we were left ashore. There-
fore we walked on the sandy bay, to
watch when the ship would weigh
and be gone, not thinking ourselves
secure in our new-gotten liberty till
then. About 11 or 12 o'clock we
saw her under sail, and then we re-
turned to our chamber, and so to
sleep. This was the 6th of May.
The next morning betimes, our land-
lord, with four or five of his friends,
came to see his new guests, and was
somewhat surprised to see so many of
us, for he knew of no more but my-
self. Yet he seemed to be very well
pleased, and entertained us with a
large calabash of toddy, which he
brought with him. Before he went
away again (for wheresoever we came,
they left their houses to us, but
whether out of fear or superstition I
know not), we bought a canoe of him
for an axe, and did presently put out
chests and clothes in it, designing to
go to the south end of the island,
and lie there till the monsoon shifted,
which we expected every day. When
our things were stowed away, we with
the Achinese entered with joy into
our new frigate, and launched off
from the shore. We were no sooner
off, but our canoe overset, bottom
1688.J
A CANOE UPSET.
263
upwards. We preserved our lives
well enough by swimming, and dragged
also our chests and clothes ashore ;
but all our things were wet. I had
.nothing of value but my journal, and
some draughts of land of my own tak-
ing, which I much prized, and which
I had hitherto carefully preserved.
Mr Hall had also such another cargo
of books and draughts, which were
now like to perish. But we presently
opened our chests, and took out our
books, which, with much ado, we did
afterwards dry ; but some of our
draughts that lay loose in our chests
were spoiled. "We lay here afterwards
three days, making great fires to dry
our books. The Achinese in the
meantime fixed our canoe with out-
lagers on each side ; and they also
cut a good mast for her, and made a
substantial sail with mats.
The canoe being now very well
fixed, and our books and clothes dry,
we launched out the second time,
and rowed towards the east side of
the island, leaving many islands to
the north of us. The Indians of the
island accompanied us with eight or
ten canoes, against our desire ; for
we thought that these men would
make provision dearer at that side of
the island we were going to, by giving
an account what rates we gave for it
at the place whence we came, which
was owing to the ship's being there ;
for the ship's crew were not so thirsty
in bargaining (as they seldom are) as
single persons or a few men might be
apt to be, who would keep to one
bargain. Therefore to hinder them
from going with us, Mr Hall scared
one canoe's crew by firing a shot over
them. They all leaped overboard, and
cried out ; but seeing us row away,
they got into their canoes again, and
came after us. The firing of that
gun made all the inhabitants of the
island our enemies. For presently
after this we put ashore, at a bay
where were four houses and a great
many canoes : but they all went
away, and came near ns no more, for
several days. We had then a great
loaf of melory, which was our con-
stant food ; and if we had a mind to
cocoa-nuts, or toddy, our Malays of
Achin would climb the trees, and
fetch as many nuts as we would have,
and a good pot of toddy every morn-
ing. Thus we lived till our melory
was almost spent ; being still in hopes
that the natives would come to us,
and sell it as they had formerly done.
But they came not to us : nay, they
opposed us wherever we came, and
often shaking their lances at us,
made all the show of hatred that
they could invent. At last, when
we saw that they stood in opposition
to us, we resolved to use force to get
some of their food, if we could not get
it other ways. With this resolution,
we went in our canoe to a small bay
on the north part of the island,
because it was smooth water there,
and good landing ; but on the othei
side, the wind being yet on that
quarter, we could not land without
jeopardy of oversetting out 1*11100
and wetting our arms, and then we
must have lain at the mercy of our
enemies, who stood 200 or 300 men
in every bay rriiere they saw us com-
ing, to keep us off.
When we set out, we rowed directly
tt> the north end, and presently were
followed by seven or eight of their
canoes. They keeping at a distance,
rowed away faster than we did, and
got to the bay before us : and there,
with about twenty more canoes full
of men, they all landed and stood to
hinder us from landing. But we
rowed in within a hundred yards of
them ; then we lay still, and I took
my gun, and presented at them : at
which they all fell down flat on the
ground. But I turned myself about,
and, to show that we did not intend
to harm them, I fired my gun off to
sea, so that they might see the shot
graze on the water. As soon as my
gun was loaded again, we rowed
gently in ; at which some of them
withdrew. The rest, standing up,
did still cut and hew the air, making
signs of their hatred ; till I once
more frighted them with my gun,
and discharged it as before. Then
more of them sneaked away, leaving
only five or six men on the bay. Then
DAMPIER'3 VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVIII.
we rowed; in again, and Mr Hall,
taking his sword in his hand, leaped
ashore ; and I stood ready with my
gun to fire at the Indians, if they had
injured him. But they did not stir,
till he came to them, and saluted
them. He shook them by the hand,
and by such signs of friendship as he
made, the peace was concluded, rati-
fied and confirmed by all that were
present ; and others that were gone
were again called back, and they all
very joyfully accepted of a peace.
This became universal over all the
island, to the great joy of the inhabit-
ants. There was no ringing of bells,
nor bonfires made, for that is not the
custom here ; but gladness appeared
in their countenances, for now they
could go out and fish again without
fear of being taken. This peace was
not more welcome to them than to
us ; for now the inhabitants brought
their melory again to us ; which we
bought for old rags, and small stripes
of cloth, about as broad as the palm
of one's hand. I did not see above
five or six hens, for they have but
few on the island. At some places
we saw some small hogs, which we
could have bought of them reason-
ably ; but we would not offend our
Achinese friends, who were Mahome-
tans.
We stayed here two or three days,
and then rowed toward the south end
of the island, keeping on the east
side, and we were kindly received by
the natives wherever we came. When
we arrived at the south end of the
island, we fitted ourselves with melory
and water. We bought three or four
loaves of melory, and about twelve
large cocoa-nut shells, that had all
the kernel taken out, yet were pre-
served whole, except only a small hole
at one end ; and all these held for us
about three gallons and a half of
water. We bought also two or three
bamboos, that held about four or five
gallons more : this was our sea-store.
We now designed to go to Achin, a
town on the NW. end of the Island
Sumatra, distant from hence about
forty leagues, bearing SSE. We only
waited for the western monsoon,
which we had expected a great while,
and now it seemed to be at hand ;
for the clouds began to hang their
heads to the eastward, and at last
moved gently that way ; and though
the wind was still at east, yet this
was an infallible sign that the western
monsoon was ni^h.
CHAPTER XVIII.
IT was the 15th of May 1688, about
4 o'clock in the afternoon, when wo
left Nicobar Island, directing our
course toward Achin, being eight
men of us in company viz., three
English, four Malays who were born
at Achin, and the mongrel Portu-
guese. Our vessel, the Nicobar canoe,
was not one of the biggest nor of the
least size. She was much about the
burthen of one of our London wher-
ries below bridge, and built sharp at
both ends, like the forepart of a
wheriy. She was deeper than a wherry,
but not so broad, and was so thin
and light that when empty, four men
could launch her, or haul her ashore
on a sandy bay. We had a good sub-
stantial mast and a mat sail, and good
outlagers lashed very fast and firm on
each side the vessel, being made of
strong poles. So that while thcso
continued firm the vessel could not
overset, which she would easily have
done without them, and with them
too, had they not been made very
strong ; and we were therefore much
beholden to our Achinese companions
for this contrivance. These men were
none of them so sensible of the danger
as Mr Hall and myself, for they all
confided so much in us that they did
not so much as scruple anything that
Ave did approve of. Neither was Mr
Hall so well provided as I was, for
before we left the ship I had purposely
consulted our draught of the East
Indies (for we had but one in the
ship), and out of that I had written
in my pocket-book an account of the
bearing and distance of all the Ma-
lacca coast, and that of Sumatra, Pegu,
and Siam ; and also brought away
1688.]
with me a pocket compass for my
direction in any enterprize that I
should undertake.
The weather at our setting out was
very fair, clear, and hot. The wind
was still at SE., a very small breeze
just fanning the air ; and the clouds
were moving gently from west to east,
which gave us hopes that the winds
were either at west already, abroad at
sea, or would be so in a very short
time. We took this opportunity of
fair weather, being in hopes to accom-
plish our voyage to Achin before the
western monsoon was set in strong,
knowing that we should have veiy
blustering weather after this fair
weather, especially at the first coming
of the western monsoon. We rowed,
therefore, away to the southward,
supposing that when we were clear
from the island we should have a true
wind, as we call it, for the land hauls
the wind ; and we often find the wind
at sea different from what it is near
the shore. We rowed with four
oars, taking our turns j Mr Hall and
I steered also by turns, for none of
the rest were capable of it. We rowed
the first afternoon, and the night en-
suing, about twelve leagues, by my
judgment. Our course was SSE., but
the 16th, in the morning, when the
sun was an hour high, we saw the
island whence we came, bearing
NW. by N. Therefore I found we
had gone a point more to the east
than I intended, for which reason we
steered S. by E. In the afternoon,
at 4 o'clock, we had a gentle breeze at
WSW., which continued so till 9, all
which time we laid down our oars
and steered away SSE. I was then
at the helm, and I found by the rip-
pling of the sea that there was a
strong current against us. It made a
great noise that might be heard near
half-a-mile. At 9 o'clock it fell calm,
and so continued till 10. Then the
wind sprung up again, and blew a
fresh breeze all night.
The 17th, in the morning, we
looked out for the Island Sumatra,
supposing that we were now within
twenty leagues of it, for we had rowed
and sailed, by our reckoning, twenty-
AT SEA IN A CANOE.
265
four leagues from Nieobar Island ; and
the distance from Nieobar to Achin
is about forty leagues. But we looked
in vain for the Island Sumatra, for,
turning ourselves about, we saw, to
our grief, Nieobar Island lying WN W. ,
and not above eight leagues distant.
By this it was visible that we had
met a very strong current against us
in the night. But the wind freshened
on us, and we made the best of it
while the weather continued fair.
The 18th, the wind freshened on us
again, and the sky began to be
clouded. It was indifferent clear tift
noon, and we thought to have had an
observation ; but we were hindered
by the clouds that covered the face of
the sun when it came on the meridian.
We had then also a very ill presage
by a great circle about the sun (fivo
or six times the diameter of it), which
seldom appears but storms of wind
or much rain ensue. Such circles
about the moon are more frequent,
but of less import. We commonly
take great* notice of those that are
about the sun, observing if there be
any breach in the circle, and in what
quarter the breach is, for thence we
commonly find the greatest stress of
the wind will come. I must confess
that I was a little anxious at the sight
of this circle, and wished heartily
that we were near some land. Yet I
showed no signs of it to discourage
my consorts, but made a virtue of
necessity and put a good countenance
on the matter. I told Mr Hall that
if the wind became too strong and
violent, as I feared it would, it being
even then very strong, we must of
necessity steer away before the wind
and sea till better weather presented ;
and that, as the winds were now, we
should, instead of about twenty leagues
to Achin, be driven sixty or seventy
leagues to the coast of Cudda or Qucda, l
a kingdom and town and harbour of
trade on the coast of Malacca.
The winds therefore bearing very
1 Quedah, on the western coast of
the Malayan Peninsula, a little to the
north of the British settlement of
Pulo Penan g.
266 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVIII.
hard, we rolled up the foot of our sail
on a pole fastened to it, and settled
our yard within three feet of the
canoe sides, so that we had now but
a small sail ; yet it was still too big,
considering the wind, for the wind
being on our broadside, pressed her
down very much, though supported
by her outlagers, insomuch that the
poles of the outlagers going from the
sides of their vessel bent as if they
would break; and should they have
broken, our overturning and perish-
ing had been inevitable. Besides, the
sea increasing would soon have filled
the vessel this way. Yet thus we
made a shift to bear up with the side
of the vessel against the wind for a
while ; but the wind still increasing,
about 1 o'clock in the afternoon we
put away right before wind and sea,
continuing to run thus all the afternoon
and part of the night ensuing. The
wind continued increasing all the
afternoon, and the sea still swelled
higher and often broke, but did us no
damage; for the ends of the vessel
being veiy narrow, he that steered
received and broke the sea on his
back, and so kept it from coming in
so much as to endanger the vessel ;
though much water would come in,
which we were forced to keep heaving
out continually. And by this time
we saw it was well that we had altered
our course, every wave would else
have filled and sunk us, taking the
side of the vessel ; and though our
outlagers were well lashed down to
the canoe's bottom with rattans, yet
they must probably have yielded to
such a sea as this, when even before
they were plunged under water and
bent like twigs.
The evening of this 18th was very
dismal. The sky looked very black,
being covered with dark clouds ; the
wind blew hard and the seas ran high.
The sea was already roaring in a white
foam about us, a dark night coming
on, no land in sight to shelter us, and
cur little ark in danger to be swallow-
ed by every wave ; and what was
worst of all, none of us thought our-
selves prepared for another world.
The reader may better guess than T
can express the confusion that we
were all in. I had been in many im-
minent dangers before now, some of
which I have already related ; but
the worst of them all was but a play-
game in comparison with this. I
must confess that I was in great con-
flicts of mind at this time. Other
dangers came not upon me with such
a leisurely and dreadful solemnity :
a sudden skirmish or engagement or
so was nothing when one's blood was
up and pushed forward with eager
expectations. But here I had a lin-
gering view of approaching death, and
little or no hopes of escaping it ; and
I must confess that my courage, which
I had hitherto kept up, failed me
here ; and I made very sad reflections
on my former life, and looked back
with horror and detestation on actions
w^hich before I disliked, but now I
trembled at the remembrance of. I
had long before this repented me of
that roving course of life, but never
witli such concern as now. I did
also call to mind the many miraculous
acts of God's providence towards me
in the whole course of my life, of
which kind I believe few men have
met with the like. For all these I
returned thanks in a peculiar man-
ner, and this once more desired God's
assistance, and composed my mind as
well as I could in the hopes of it ;
and, as the event showed, I was not
disappointed of my hopes.
Submitting ourselves therefore to
God's good providence, and taking
all the care we could to preserve our
lives, Mr Hall and I took turns to
steer, and the rest took turns to
heave out the water, and thus we pro-
vided to spend the most doleful night
I ever was in. About 10 o'clock it
began to thunder, lighten, and rain ;
but the rain was very welcome to
us, having drunk up all the water
we brought from the island. The
wind at first blew harder than be-
fore ; but within half-an-hour it
abated, and became more moderate,
and tho sea also assuaged of its fury ;
and then by a lighted match, of which
we kept a piece burning on purpose,
we looked on our compass to sec how
1688.]
we steered, and found our course to
be still east. We had no occasion to
look on the compass before, for we
steered right before the wind, which
if it had shifted, we had been obliged
to have altered our course accordingly.
But now it being abated, we found
our vessel lively enough, with that
small sail which was then aboard, to
haul to our former course, SSE.,
which accordingly we did, being now
in hopes again to get to the Island
Sumatra. But about 2 o'clock in
the morning of the 19th, we had an-
other gust of wind, with much thun-
der, lightning, and rain, which lasted
till day, and obliged us to put before
the wind again, steering thus for
several hours. It was very dark, and
the hard rain soaked us so thoroughly,
that we had not one dry thread about
us. The rain chilled us extremely ;
for any fresh water is much colder
than that of the sea. For even in
the coldest climates the sea is warm,
and in the hottest climates the rain
is cold and unwholesome for man's
body. In this wet starveling plight
we spent the tedious night. Never
did poor mariners on a lee-shore more
earnestly long for the dawning light,
than we did now. At length the day
appeared ; but with such dark black
clouds near the horizon, that the first
glimpse of the dawn appeared thirty
or forty degrees high, which was
dreadful enough. For it is a com-
mon saying among seamen, and true,
as I have experienced, that a high
dawn will have high winds, and a
low dawn, small winds.
We continued our course still east,
before wind and sea, till about 8
o'clock in the morning of this 19th,
and then one of our Malay friends
cried out, "Pulo Way." Mr Hall,
and Ambrose, and I, thought the
fellow had said " Pull away," an ex-
pression usual among English seamen
when they are rowing ; and we won-
dered what he meant by it, till we
saw him point to his consorts, and
then we looking that way, saw land
appearing like an island, and all our
Malays said it was an island at the
NW. end of Sumatra, called Way,
HARDSHIPS OF THE VOYAGE.
267
for Pulo Way is the Island Way.
We, who were dripping with wet,
cold and hungry, were all overjoyed
at the sight of the land, and presently
marked its bearing. It bore south,
and the wind was still at west, a
strong gale ; but the sea did not run
so high as in the night. Therefore
we trimmed our small sail no bigger
than an apron, and steered with it.
Now our outlagers did us a great
kindness again ; for although we had
but a small sail, yet the wind was
strong, and pressed down our vessel's
side very much ; but being supported
by the outlagers, we could brook it
well enough, which otherwise we
could not have done. About noon we
saw more land, beneath the supposed
Pulo Way ; and steering towards it,
before night we saw all the coast of
Sumatra, and found the errors of our
Achinese ; for the high land that we
first saw, which then appeared like
an island, was not Pulo Way, but a
treat high mountain on the Island
umatra, called by the English the
Golden Mountain. Our wind con-
tinned till about 7 o'clock at night,
then it abated, and at 10 o'clock it
died 'away. And then we stuck to
our oars again, though all of us quite
tired with our former fatigues and
hardships.
The next morning, being the 20th,
we saw all the low land plain, and
judged ourselves not above eight
leagues off. About 8 o'clock in the
morning we had the wind again at
west, a fresh gale ; and steering in
still for the shore, at 5 o'clock in the
afternoon we ran to the mouth of a
river on the Island Sumatra, called
Passange Jonca. It is thirty-four
leagues to the eastward of Achin, and
six leagues to the west of Diamond
Point. Our Malays were very well
acquainted here, and carried us to a
small fishing village, within a mile
of the river's mouth, called also by
the name of the Eiver Passango
Jonca. The hardships of this voyage,
with the scorching heat of the sun at
our first setting out, and the cold
rain, and our continuing wet for the
last two days, cast its all into fevers,
268 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVIII.
so that now wo were not able to help
each other, nor so much as to get our
canoe up to the village ; but our
Malays got some of the townsmen to
bring her up.
The news of our arrival being
noised abroad, one of the Oramkais,
or noblemen of the island, came in
the night to see us. We were then
lying in a small hut at the end of the
town, and it being late, this lord only
viewed us, and having spoken with
our Malays, went away again ; but he
returned to us the next day, and
provided a large house for us to live
in, till we should be recovered of our
sickness ; ordering the town's-people
to let us want for nothing. The
Achinese Malays that came with us,
told them all the circumstances of
our voyage ; how they were taken by
our ship, and where, and how we
that came with them were prisoners
aboard the ship, and had been set
ashore 'together at Nicobar, as they
were. It was for this reason, pro-
bably, that the gentlemen of Sumatra
were thus extraordinary kind to us,
to provide everything that we had
need of ; nay, they would force us to
accept of presents from them, that we
knew not what to do with, as young
buffaloes, goats, &c. , for these we would
turn loose at night, after the gentle-
men that gave them to us were gone,
for we were prompted by our Achinese
consorts to accept of them for fear of
disobliging by our refusal. But the
cocoa-nuts, plantains, fowls, eggs,
fish, and rice, we kept for our use.
The Malays that accompanied us
from Nicobar separated themselves
from us now, living at one end of
the house by themselves, for they
were Mahometans, as all those of the
kingdom of Achin are ; and though
during our passage by sea together
we made them be contented to drink
their water out of the same cocoa-
shell with us, yet, being now no
longer under that necessity, they
again took up their accustomed
nicety and reservedness. They all lay
sick, and as their sickness increased,
one of them threatened us, that if
any of them died, the rest should
kill us, for having brought them this
voyage ; yet I question whether they
would attempted, or the country
Deople have suffered it. We made a
shift to dress our own food ; for none
of these people, though they were
very kind in giving us anything that
we wanted, would yet come near us
to assist us in dressing our victuals ;
nay, they would not touch anything
that we used. We had all fevers,
and therefore took turns to dress
victuals, according as we had strength
to do it, or stomachs to eat it. I
found my fever to increase, and my
head so distempered, that I could
scarce stand, therefore I whetted and
sharpened my penknife, in order to
let myself blood ; but I could not,
for my knife was too blunt. We
stayed here ten or twelve days, in
hopes to recover our health ; but
finding no amendment, we desired to
go to Achin. But we were delayed
by the natives, who had a desire to
have kept Mr Hall and myself, to
sail in their vessels to Malacca, Cudda,
or other places whither they trade.
But finding us more desirous to be
with our countrymen in our factory
at Achin, they provided a large proa
to carry 'us thither, we not being
able to manage our own canoe. Be-
sides, before this, three of our Malay
comrades were gone very sick into
the country, and only one of them and
the Portuguese remained with us,
accompanying us to Achin, and they
both as sick as we.
It was the beginning of June 1688,
when we left Passange Jonca. We
had four men to row, one to steer,
and a gentleman of the country that
went purposely to give information
to the Government of our arrival.
We were but three days and nights
in our passage, having sea-breezes by
day and land winds by night, and
very fair weather. When we arrived
at Achin, I was carried before the
Shabander, the chief magistrate iu
the city. One Mr Dennis Driscall,
an Irishman, and a resident in the
factory which our East India Com-
rny had there then, was interpreter,
being weak, was suffered to stand
1688.]
DAMPIER'S ILLNESS AT ACHEEN.
269
in the Shabander's presence ; for it is
their custom to make men sit on the
floor, as they do, cross-legged like
tailors ; but I had not strength then
to pluck up my heels in that manner.
The Shabander asked of rne several
questions, especially^ how we durst
adventure to come in a canoe from
Nicobar Island to Sumatra. I told
him that I had been accustomed to
hardships and hazards, therefore I
did with much freedom undertake it.
He inquired also concerning our ship,
whence she came, &c. I told him,
from the South Seas; that she had
ranged about the Philippine Islands,
&c., and was now gone towards
Arabia and the Eed Sea. The Malays
also and Portuguese were afterwards
examined, and confirmed what I de-
clared ; and in less than half-an-hour
I was dismissed with Mr Driscall,
who then lived in the English East
India Company's factory. He pro-
vided a room for us to lie in, and
some victuals.
Three days after our arrival here,
our Portuguese died of a fever. What
became of our Malays I know not.
Ambrose lived not long after. Mr
Hall also was so weak, that I did not
think he would recover. I was the
best, yet still very sick of a fever,
and little likely to live. Therefore
Mr Driscall and some other English-
men persuaded me to take some
purging physic of a Malay doctor. I
took their advice, being willing to
get ease ; but after three dozes, each
a large calabash of nasty stuff, finding
no amendment, I thought to desist
from more physic, but was persuaded
to take one doze more ; which I did,
and it wrought so violently, that I
thought it would have ended my
days. I thought my Malay doctor,
whom they so much commended,
would have killed me outright. I
continued extraordinary weak for
some days after his drenching me
thus ; but my fever left me for above
a week, after which it returned upon
me again for a twelvemonth, and a
flux \rith it. However, when I was
a little recovered from the effects of
my drench, I made a shift to go
abroad ; and having been kindly in-
vited to Captain Dowry's house there,
my first visit was to him, who had a
ship in the road, but lived ashore.
This gentleman was extraordinary
kind to us all, particularly to me,
and importuned me to go as his
boatswain to Persia, whither he was
bound, with a design to sell his ship
there, as I was told, though not by
himself. Thence he intended to pass
with the caravan to Aleppo, and so
home for England. His business re-
quired him to stay some time longer
at Achin, I judge, to sell some com-
modities that he had not yet disposed
of. Yet he chose rather to leave the
disposal of them to some merchant
there, and make a short trip to the
Nicobar Islands in the meantime,
and on his return to take in his ef-
fects, and so proceed towards Persia.
This was a sudden resolution of Cap-
tain Bowry's presently after the arri-
val of a small frigate from Siam, with
an Ambassador from the King of Siam
to the Queen of Achiu. The Ambas-
sador was a Frenchman by nation.
The vessel that he came in was but
small, yet very well manned, and
fitted for a fight. Therefore it was
generally supposed here that Captain
Bowry was afraid to lie in Achin
Road, because the Siamese were now
at war with the English, and he was
not able to defend his ship if he
should be attacked by them. But
whatever made him think of going
to the Nicobar Islands, he provided
to sail, and took me, Mr Hall, and
Ambrose with him, though all of us
so sick and weak that we could do
him no service. It was some time
about the beginning of June when
we sailed out of Achin Road ; but we
met with the winds at NW., with
turbulent weather, which forced us
back again in two days' time. Yet
he gave us each twelve "mess*' a-
piece a gold coin, each of which is
about the value of fifteenpence Eng-
lish. So he gave over that design,
and some English ships coming into
Achin Road, he was not afraid of the
Siamese who lay there. After this
he ogain invited me to his house at
270 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVIII.
Acliin, and treated me always with
wine and good cheer, and still impor-
tuned me to go with him to Persia.
But I being very weak, and fearing
the westerly winds would create a
great deal of trouble, did not give
him a positive answer, especially be-
cause I thought I might get a better
voyage in the English ships newly
arrived, or some others now expected
here. 1
A short time after this, Captain
Welden arrived here from Fort St
George, in a ship called the Cartana,
bound to Tonquin. This being a
more agreeable voyage than to Persia,
at this time of the year, besides that
the ship was better accommodated,
especially with a surgeon, and I
being still sick, I therefore chose
rather to serve Captain "Welden than
Captain Bowry. But to go on with
a particular account of that expedi-
tion were to carry my reader back
again ; whom having brought thus
far towards England in my circum-
navigation of the Globe, I shall not
now weary him with new rambles, nor
so much swell this volume, as I must,
to describe the tour I made in those
remote parts of the East Indies from
and to Sumatra. So that my voyage
to Tonquin at this time, as also
another to Malacca afterwards, with
my observations in them, and the
descriptions of those and the neigh-
bouring countries ; as well as the
description of the Island Sumatra
itself, and therein the kingdom and
city of Achin, Bencouli, 2 &c., I shall
refer to another place, where I may
give a particular relation of them. 3
1 Captain Bowry was the writer of
the letter from Borneo to the " Eng-
lish factory at Mindanao," referred to
in Chapter XIII.
2 Bencoolen, where the English had
settled in 1685, and where a year or
two later the East India Company
built a fort, which was called Fort
York.
3 This Dampier does in Appendix
No. I to his greater work. See In-
troductory Note to "The Author's
Account of Himself.
In short, it may suffice that I set out
to Tonquin with Captain Welden
about July 1688, and returned to
Achin in the April following. I stayed
there till the latter end of September
1689, and making a short voyage to
Malacca, came thither again about
Christmas. Soon after that I went
to Fort St George, and staying there
about five months, I returned once
more to Sumatra ; not to Achin, but
to Bencouli, an English factory on
the west coast, of which I was gunner
about five months more. So that,
having brought my reader to Sumatra,
without carrying him back, I shall
bring him on next way from thence
to England. And of all that occurred
between my first setting out from this
island in 1688, and my final departure
from it at the beginning of the year
1691, I shall only take notice at pre-
sent of two passages which I think I
ought not to omit.
The first is, that at my return from
Malacca, a little before Christmas
1689, I found at Achin one Mr Mor-
gan, who was one of our ship's crew
that left me ashore at Nicobar, now
mate of a Danish ship of Trangambar, 4
which is a town on the Coast of Coro-
mandel, near Cape Comorin, belong-
ing to the Danes : and receiving an
account of our crew from him and
others, I thought it might not be
amiss to gratify the reader's curiosity
therewith, who would probably be
desirous to know the success of those
ramblers in their new intended ex-
pedition towards the Red Sea. And
withal I thought it might not be un-
likely that these papers might fall
into the hands of some of our London
merchants, who were concerned in
fitting out that ship ; which, I said
formerly, was called the Cygnet of
London, sent on a trading voyage
into the South Seas, under the com-
mand of Captain Swan. To proceed
therefore with Morgan's relation. Ho
told me, that when they in the Cyg-
net went away from Nicobar, in pur-
suit of their in tended voyage to Persin,
4 Tranquebar, then capital of th<
Danish possessions in India.
1689.] FRESH DESERTIONS
they directed their course towards
Ceylon. But not being able to weather
it, the westerly monsoon bearing hard
against them, they were obliged to
seek refreshment on the Coast of Coro-
mandel. Here this mad, fickle crew
were upon new projects again ; their
designs meeting with such delays and
obstructions, that many of them grew
weary of it, and about half of them
went ashore. Of this number, Mr
Morgan, who told me this, and Mr
Herman Coppinger the surgeon, went
to the Danes at Trangambar, who
kindly received them. There they
lived very well ; and Mr Morgan was
employed as a mate in a ship of theirs
at this time to Achin ; and Captain
Knox tells me, that he since com-
manded the Curtana, the ship that I
went in to Tonquin, which Captain
Welden having sold to the Mogul's
subjects, they employed Mr Morgan
as captain to trade in her for them ;
and it is an usual thing for the trad-
ing Indians to hire Europeans to go
officers on board their ships, especially
captains and gunners. About two or
three more of these that were set
ashore went to Fort St George ; but
the main body of them were for going
into the Mogul's service. Our seamen
are apt to have great notions of I know
not what profit and advantages to be
had in serving the Mogul ; nor do
they want for fine stories to encourage
one another to it. It was what these
men had long been thinking and talk-
ing of as a fine thing ; but now they
went upon it in good earnest. The
place where they went ashore was at
a town of the Moors ; which name
our seamen give to all the subjects of
the Great Mogul, but especially his
Mahometan subjects ; calling the
idolaters Gentoos or Rashbouts. At
this Moors' town they got a peon to
be their guide to the Mogul's nearest
camp : for he has always several
armies in his vast empire.
These peons are some of the Gen-
toos or Rashbouts, who in all places
along the coast, especially in seaport
towns, make it their business to hire
themselves to wait upon strangers,
be they merchants, seamen, or what
FROM THE CYGNET.
271
they will. To qualify them for such
attendance, they learn the European
languages, Englisli, Dutch, French,
Portuguese, &c., according as they
have any of the factories of these
nations in their neighbourhood, or
are visited by their ships. No sooner
does any such ship come to an anchor
and the men come ashore, but a great
many of these peons are ready to
proffer their service. It is usual for
the strangers to hire their attendance
during their stay there, giving them
about a crown a month of our money,
more or less. The richest sort of
men will ordinarily hire two or three
peons to wait upon them ; and even
the common seamen, if able, will
hire one a-piece to attend them, either
for convenience or ostentation ; or
sometimes one peon between two of
them. These peons serve them in
many capacities, as interpreters,
brokers, servants to attend at meals,
and go to market and on errands,
&c. Nor do they give any trouble,
eating at their own homes, and lodg-
ing there, when they have done their
masters' business for them ; expecting
nothing but their wages, except that
they have a certain allowance of about
a "fanam," or threepence in a dollar,
which is an eighteenth part profit, by
way of brokerage for every bargain
they drive : they being generally
employed in buying and selling.
When the strangers go away, their
peons desire them to give them their
names in writing, with a certificate
of their honest and diligent serving
them : and these they show to the
next comers, to get into business;
some being able to produce a large
scroll of such certificates.
But to proceed. The Moors' town
where these men landed was not far
from Cunnimere, a small English fac-
tory on the Coroinandel Coast. The
Governor whereof having intelligence
by the Moors of the landing of these
men, and their intended march to the
Mogul's camp, sent out a captain with
his company to oppose it. He came
up with them and gave them hard
words, but they being thirty or forty
resolute fellows not easily daunted,
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE HOUND THE WORLD. [CnAr. XV I II.
he durst not attack them, "but re-
turned to the Governor ; and the news
of it was soon carried to Fort St
George. During their march, John
Oliver, who was one of them, pri-
vately told the peon who guided
them, that himself was their captain.
So when they came to the camp the
peon told this to the General ; and
when their stations and pay were as-
signed them, John Oliver had a
greater respect paid him than the
rest ; and whereas their pay was ten
pagodas a month each man (a pagoda
is two dollars, or 9s. English), his pay
was twenty pagodas. Which strata-
gem and usurpation of his, occasioned
him no small envy and indignation
from his comrades. Soon after this,
two or three of them went to Agra to
be of the Mogul's guard. Awhile after,
the Governor of Fort St George sent
a message to the main body of them,
and a pardon, to withdraw them from
thence, which most of them accepted,
and came away. John Oliver and
the small remainder continued in the
country, but leaving the camp, went
up and down plundering the villages,
and fleeing when they were pursued ;
and this was the last news I heard of
them. This account I had partly by
Mr Morgan from some of those de-
serters he met with at Trangambar,
and partly from others of them whom
I met with myself afterwards at Fort
St George. And these were the ad-
ventures of those who went up into
the country.
Captain Reed having thus lost the
best half of his men sailed away with
the rest of them, after having rilled
his water and got rice, still intending
for the Red Sea. When they were
near Ceylon they met with a Portu-
guese ship richly laden, out of which
they took what they pleased, and
then turned her away again. From
thence they pursued their voyage, but
the westerly winds bearing hard
against them, and making it hardly
feasible for them to reach the Red Sea,
they stood away for Madagascar.
There they entered into the service of
one of the petty princes of that island,
Vu assist him against his neighbours,
with whom lie was at war. During
this interval, a small vessel from New
York came hither to purchase slaves,
which trade is driven here, as it is
upon the Coast of Guinea, one nation
or clan selling others that are their
enemies. Captain Reed, with about
five or six more, stole away from their
crew and went aboard this New York
ship, and Captain Tait was made
commander of the residue. Soon
after which, a brigantine from the
West Indies, Captain Knight com-
mander, coming thither with design
to go to the Red Sea also, these of
the Cygnet consorted with them, and
they went together to the Island
Johanna. l Thence going together to-
wards the Red Sea, the Cygnet proving
leaky, and sailing heavily, as being
much out of repair, Captain Knight
grew weary of her company ; and
giving her the slip in the night, went
away for Achin ; for, having heard
that there was plenty of gold there,
lie went thither with a design to
cruise ; and it was from one Mr
Humes belonging to the Ann of Lon-
don, Captain Freke commander, who
had gone aboard Captain Knight, and
whom I saw afterwards at Achin, that
I had this relation. Some of Captain
Freke's men, their own ship being
lost, had gone aboard the Cygnet at
Johanna; and after Captain Knight
had left her, she still pursued her
voyage towards the Red Sea. But the
winds being against them, and the
ship in so ill a condition, they were
forced to bear away for Coromandel,
where Captain Tait and his own men
went ashore to serve the Mogul. But
the strangers of Captain Freke's ship,
who kept still aboard the Cygnet, un-
dertook to carry her for England ;
and the last news I heard of the
Cygnet was from Captain Knox, who
tells me that she now lies sunk in
St Augustine's Bay in Madagascar. 3
This digress.x>n I have made to give
an account of our ship.
The other passage I shall speak of
1 One of the Comoro group, between
Madagascar and Mozambique.
2 On foe south-west of the island.
1690.]
that occurred during this interval of
the tour I made from Achin is with
relation to the Painted Prince whom
I brought with me into England, and
who died at Oxford. For while I was
at Fort St George, about April 1690,
there arrived a ship called the Min-
danao Merchant, laden with clove-
bark from Mindanao. Three of Cap-
tain Swan's men that remained there
when we went from thence came in
her, from whom I had the account of
Captain Swan's death, as is before
related. There was also one Mr
Moody, who was supercargo of the
ship. This gentleman bought at
Mindanao the Painted Prince Jeoly, 1
and his mother, and brought them to
Fort St George, where they were much
admired by all that saw them. Some
time after this, Mr Moody, who spoke
the Malay language very well, and
was a person very capable to manage
the Company's affairs, was ordered by
the Governor of Fort St George to
prepare to go to Indrapore, an English
factory on the west coast of Sumatra,
in order to succeed Mr Gibbons, who
was chief of that place. By this time
I was very intimately acquainted with
Mr Moody, and was importuned by
him to go with him, and to be gunner
of the fort there. I always told him
I had a great desire to go to the Bay
of Bengal, and that 1 had now an
offer to go thither with Captain Met-
calf, who wanted a mate, and had
already spoken to me. Mr Moody, to
encourage me to go with him, told
me that if I would go with him to
Indrapore he would buy a small ves-
sel there, and send me to the Island
Meangis as commander of her ; and
that I should carry Prince Jeoly and
his mother with me (that being their
country), by which means I might
gain a commerce with his people for
cloves. This was a design that I
liked very well, therefore 1 consented
to go thither. It was some time in
July 1690 when we went from Fort
St George in a small ship called the
ARRIVAL AT BENCOOLEN.
273
1 Who was a slave at Mindanao
during Dampicr's stay there. See
Chapter XIII.
Diamond, Captain Howel commander.
"We were about fifty or sixty passen-
gers in all ; some ordered to be left at
Indrapore, and some at Bencouli ;
ave or six of us were officers, the rest
soldiers to the Company. We met
nothing in our voyage that deserves
notice till we came abieast of Indra-
pore ; then the wind came at NW.,
and blew so hard that we could not
get in, but were forced to bear away
to Bencouli, another English factory 011
the same coast, lying fifty or sixty
leagues to the southward of Indra-
pore.
Upon our arrival at Bencouli we
saluted the fort, and were welcomed
by them. The same day we came to
an anchor, and Captain Howel and
Mr Moody, with the other merchants,
went ashore, and were all kindly
received by the Governor of the fort.
It was two days after before I went
ashore, and then I was importuned by
the Governor to stay there to be gunner
of this fort, because the gunner was
lately dead ; and this being a place of
greater import than Indrapore, I
should do the Company more service
here than there. I told the Governor,
if he would augment my salary, which
by agreement with the Governor of
Fort St George I was to have had at
Indrapore, I was willing to serve him,
provided Mr Moody would consent to
it. As to my salary, he told me I
should have twenty-four dollars per
month, which was as much as he gave
to the old gunner. Mr Moody gave
no answer till a week after, and then,
being ready to be gone to Indrapore,
he told me I might use my own
liberty, either to stay here or go with
him to Indrapore. He added, that if
I went with him, he was not certain
as yet to perform his promise in get-
ting a vessel for me to go to Meangis
with Jeoly and his mother ; but he
would be so fair to me, that because
I left Madras on his account, he would
give me the half share of the two
painted people, and leave them in my
possession and at my disposal. I ac-
cepted of the offer, and writings were
immediately drawn between us.
Thus it was that I came to have
274 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XVIII.
this Painted Prince, whose name was
Jeoly, and his mother. They were
born on a small island called Meangis.
I saw the island twice, and two more
close by it. Each of the three seemed
to be about four or five leagues round,
and of a good height. Jeoly himself
told me that they all three abounded
with gold, cloves, and nutmegs; for
I showed him some of each sort
several times, and he told me in the
Malay language, which he spake indif-
ferent well, "Meangis hadda madoc-
hala se bullawan ;" that is, "There
is abundance of gold at Meangis."
" Bullawan " I have observed to
be the common word for gold at
Mindanao ; but whether the proper
Malay word I know not ; for I found
much difference between the Malay
language as it was spoken at Min-
danao, and the language on the coast
of Malacca and Achin. When I
showed him spice, he would not only
tell me that there was madochala,
that is, abundance ; but, to make it
appear more plain, he would also
show me the hair of his head, a thing
frequent among all the Indians that I
have met with, to show their hair
when they would express more than
they can number. He told me -also
that his father was Raja of the island
where they lived ; that there were
not above thirty men on the island,
and about one hundred women ; that
he himself had five wives and eight
children, and that one of his wives
painted him. He was painted all
down his breast; between his should-
ers behind ; on his thighs mostly
before ; and in the form of several
broad rings, or bracelets, round his
arms and legs. I cannot liken the
drawings to any figures of animals,
or the like ; but they were very
curious, full of great variety of lines,
flourishes, chequered work, &c., keep-
ing a very graceful proportion, and
appearing very artificial, 1 even to
wonder, especially that upon and
between his shoulder blades. By the
account he gave me of the manner of
doing it, I understood that the paint-
1 Skilful, ingenious.
ing was done in the same manner as
the Jerusalem Cross is made in men's
arms, by pricking the skin and rub-
bing in a pigment. 2 But whereas
powder is used in making the Jerusa-
lem Cross, they at Meangis use the
gum of a tree beaten to powder,
called by the English drammer, which
is used instead of pitch in many parts
of India. He told me that most of
the men and women on the island
were thus painted ; and also that they
had all earrings made of gold, and
gold shackles about their legs and
arms ; that their common food, of
the produce of the land, was potatoes
and yams ; that they had plenty of
cocks and hens, but no other tame
fowl. He said that fish (of which he
was a great lover, as wild Indians
generally are) was very plentiful about
the island ; and that they had canoes,
and went a-fishing frequently in
them ; and that they often visited
the other two small islands, whose
inhabitants speak the same language
as they did ; which was so unlike the
Malay, which he had learnt while he
was a slave at Mindanao, that when
his mother and he were talking to-
gether in their Meangian tongue I
could not understand one word they
said. And indeed all the Indians
who speak Malay, who are the trad-
ing and politer sort, looked on these
Meangians as a kind of barbarians;
and, upon any occasion of dislike,
would call them "bobby," that is,
"hogs," the greatest expression of
contempt that can be, especially from
the mouth of Malays, who are gene-
rally Mahometans. And yet the
Malays everywhere call a woman
babby, by a name not much differ-
ent ; and mamma signifies a man :
though these two last words properly
denote male and female ; and as
"ejam" signifies a fowl, so "ejam
mamma" is a cock, and "ejam
babby" is a hen. But this by the
way.
He said also, that the customs of
those other isles, and their manner of
living, was like theirs, and that they
2 That is, by tattooing.
1690.] HISTORY OF THE "
were the only people with, whom they
had any converse ; and that one time,
as he, with his father, mother, and
brother, with two or three men more,
were going to one of these other
islands, they were driven by a strong
wind on the coast of Mindanao,
where they were taken by the fisher-
men of that island, and carried ashore
and sold as slaves, they being first
stripped of their gold ornaments. I
did not see any of the gold that they
wore ; but there were great holes in
their ears, by which it was manifest
that they had worn some ornaments
in them. Jeoly was sold to one
Michael, a Mindanayan, that spoke
good Spanish, and commonly waited
on Raja Laut, serving him as our
interpreter where the Raja was at a
loss in any word, for Michael under-
stood it better. He did often beat
and abuse his painted servant, to
make him work, but all in vain ; for
neither fair means, threats, nor blows
would make him work as he would
have him. Yet he was very timorous,
and could not endure to see any sort
of weapons ; and he often told me
that they had no arms at Meangis,
they having no enemies to fight with.
I knew this Michael very well while
we were at Mindanao. I suppose that
name was given him by the Spaniards,
who baptized many of them at the
time when they had footing at that
island ; but, at the departure of the
Spaniards, they were Mahometans
again as before. Some of our people
lay at this Michael's house, whose
wife and daughter were pagallies to
some of them. I often saw Jeoly at
his master Michael's house ; and when
I came to have him so long after, he
remembered me again. I did never
see his father nor brother, nor any of
the others that were taken with them ;
but Jeoly came several times aboard
our ship when we lay at Mindanao,
and gladly accepted of such victuals
as we gave him ; for his master kept
him at very short commons.
Prince Jeoly lived thus a slave at
Mindanao four or five years, till at
last Mr Moody bought him and his
mother for sixty dollars, and, as is
PAINTED PRINCE."
275
before related, carried him to Fort St
George, and thence along with me to
Bencouli. Mr Mjpody stayed at Ben-
couli about three weeks, and then
went back with Captain Howel to
Indrapore, leaving Jeoly and his
mother with me. They lived in a
house by themselves without the fort.
I had no employment for them, but
they both employed themselves. She
used to make and mend their own
clothes, at which she was not very
expert, for they wear no clothes at
Meangis, but only a cloth about their
waists ; and he busied himself in
making a chest with four boards and
a few nails that he begged of me. It
was but an ill-shaped, odd thing, yet
he was as proud of it as if it had been
the rarest piece in the world. After
some time they were both taken sick,
and though I took as much care of
them as if they had been my brother
and sister, yet she died. I did what
I could to comfort Jeoly ; but he
took on extremely, insomuch that I
feared him also. 1 Therefore I caused
a grave to be made presently, to hide
her out of his sight. I had her
shrouded decently in a piece of new
calico ; but Jeoly was not so satisfied,
for Ke wrapped all her clothes about
her, and two new pieces of chintz
that Mr Moody gave her, saying that
they were his mother's, and she must
have them. I would not disoblige
him, for fear of endangering his life ;
and I used all possible means to re-
cover his health ; but I found little
amendment while we stayed here. In
the little printed relation that was
made of him when he was shown for
a sight in England, there was a ro-
mantic story of a beautiful sister of
his, a slave with them at Mindanao,
and of the Sultan's falling in love
with her ; but these were stories in-
deed. They reported also that his
paint was of such virtue, that ser-
pents and venomous creatures would
flee from him ; for which reason, I
suppose, they represented so many
serpents scampering about in the
1 That is, I feared for his life also,
so profound was his grief.
276 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CiiAP. XIX.
printed picture that was made of
him. But I never knew any paint
of such virtue ; and as for Jeoly, I
have seen him as much afraid of
snakes, scorpions, or centipedes as
myself.
Having given this account of the
ship that left me at Nicobar, and of
my Painted Prince whom I brought
with me to Bencouli, I shall now
proceed with the relation of my voyage
thence to England, after I have given
this short account of the occasion of
it, and the manner of my getting
away. To say nothing, therefore,
now of that place, and my employ-
ment there as gunner of the fort, the
year 1690 drew towards an end; and
not finding the Governor keep to his
agreement with me, nor seeing by his
carriage towards others any great
reason I had to suspect he would, I
began to wish myself away again. I
saw so much ignorance in him with
respect to his charge, being much
fitter to be a book-keeper than gover-
nor of a fort ; and yet so much in-
solence and cruelty with respect to
those under him, and rashness in his
management of the Malay neighbour-
hood, that I soon grew weary of him,
not thinking myself very safe, indeed,
under a man whose humours were so
brutish and barbarous. I had other
motives also for my going away. I
began to long after my native countiy,
after so tedious a ramble from it ; and
I proposed no small advantage to my-
self from my Painted Prince, whom
Mr Moody had left entirely to my
disposal, only reserving to himself his
right to one half share in him. For
besides what might be gained by
showing him in England, I was in
hopes that when I had got some
money, I might there obtain what I
had in vain sought for in the Indies
a ship from the merchants, where-
with to carry him back to Meangis,
and reinstate him there in his own
country, and by his favour and ne-
gotiation to establish a traffic for the
spice and other products of those
islands.
Upon these projects, I went to the
Governor and Council, and desired
that I might have my discharge to
go for England with the next ship
that came. The Council thought it
reasonable, and they consented to it ;
he also gave me his word that I should
go. Upon the 2d of January 1691,
there came to an anchor in Bencouli
Road the Defence, Captain Heath
commander, bound for England, in
the service of the Company. They
had been at Indrapore, where Mr
Moody then was; and he had made
over his share in Prince Jeoly to Mr
Goddard, chief mate of the ship.
Upon his coming on shore, he showed
me Mr Moody 's writings, and looked
upon Jeoly, who had been sick for
three months; in all which time I
tended him as carefully as if he had
been my brother. I agreed matters
with Mr Goddard, and sent Jeoly on
board, intending to follow him^ as I
could, and desiring Mr Goddard's as-
sistance to fetch me off and conceal
me aboard the ship if there should bo
occasion; which he promised to do,
and the captain promised to entertain
me. For it proved, as I had foreseen,
that upon Captain Heath's arrival,
the Governor repented him of his
promise, and would not suffer me to
depart. I importuned him all I
could, but in vain; so did Captain
Heath also, but to no purpose. In
short, after several essays, I shipped
away at midnight (understanding the
ship was to sail the next morning,
and that they had taken leave of tho
fort); and, creeping through one of
the portholes of the fort, I got to^tho
shore, where the ship's boat waited
for me, and carried me on board,
brought with me my journal, and
most of my written papers ; but some
papers and books of value I left in
haste and all my furniture, being glad
I was myself at liberty, and had hopes
of seeing England again.
CHAPTER XIX.
BEING thus got on board the Defence,
I was concealed there till a boat which
came from the fort laden with pepper
1691.] A SEA FIGHT BEFORE FORT ST GEORGE.
was gone off again. An:l then we
set sail for the Cape of Good Hop
January 25th, 1691, and made the
best of our way, as wind and weather
would permit, expecting there to meet
three English ships more, bound home
from the Indies : for the war with the
French having been proclaimed at
Fort St George a little before Captain
Heath came from thence, he was
willing to have company home if he
could.
A little before this war was pro-
claimed, there was an engagement in
the road of Fort St George between
some French men-of-war and some
Dutch and English ships at anchor
in the road ; which, because there is
such a plausible story made of it in
Monsieur Duquesne's late Voyage to
the East Indies, I shall give a short
account of, as I had it particularly
related to me by the gunner's mate
of Captain Heath's ship, a very sen-
sible man, and several others of his
men who were in the action. The
Dutch have a fort on the Coast of
Coromandel, called Pullicat, about
twenty leagues to the northward of
Fort St George. Upon some occasion
or other the Dutch sent some ships
thither to fetch away their effects,
and transport them to Batavia. Acts
of hostility were already begun be-
tween the French and Dutch; and
the French had at this time a squad-
ron newly arrived in India, and lying
at Pondicherry, a French fort on the
same coast southward of Fort St
George. The Dutch, in returning to
Batavia, were obliged to coast it along
by Fort St George and Pondicherry
for the sake of the wind ; but when
they came near this last, they saw
the French men-of-war lying at anchor
there, and should they have proceeded
along the shore, or stood out to sea,
expected to be pursued by them.
They therefore turned back again ;
for though their ships were of a pretty
good
fight
force, yet were they unfit for
-ight, as having great loads of goods,
and many passengers, women, and
children on board : so they put in at
Fort St George, and, desiring the
Governor's protection, had leave to
277
anchor in the road, and to send their
goods and useless people ashore.
There were then in the road a few
small English ships, and Captain
Heath, whose ship was a very stout
merchantman, and which the French
relater calls the English Admiral, was
just come from China, but very deep
laden with goods, and the deck full
of canisters of sugar, which he was
r paring to send ashore ; but before
could do it, the French appeared,
coming into the road with their lower
sails and topsails, and had with them
a fireship. With this they 'thought
to have burnt the Dutch Commodore,
and might probably enough have done
it as she lay at anchor, if they had
had the courage to come boldly on ;
but they fired their ship at a distance,
and the Dutch sent and towed her
away, where she spent herself without
any execution. Had the French men-
of-war also come boldly up and
grappled with their enemies, they
might have done something consider-
able; for the ^fort could not have
played on them without damaging
our ships as well as theirs. But in-
stead of this, the French dropped
anchor out of reach of the shot of
the fort, and there lay exchanging
shot with their enemies' ships, with
so little advantage to themselves,
that after about four hours' fighting
they cut their cables and went away
in haste and disorder, with all their
sails loose, even their topgallant sails,
which is not usual but when ships
are just next to running away. Cap-
tain Heath, notwithstanding his ship
was so heavy and encumbered, be-
haved himself very bravely in the
fight ; and upon the going off of the
French, went on board the Dutch
Commodore, and told him that if he
would pursue them he would stand
out with them to sea, though he had
veryj little water aboard. But the
Dutch commander excused himself,
saying he had orders to defend him-
self from the French, but none to
chase them, or go out of his way to
seek them. And this was the exploit
which the French have thought fit to
brag of. I hear that the Dutch have
278 DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [Ciur. XIX.
taken from them since their fort of
Pondicherry.
But to proceed with our voyage.
We had not been at sea long before
our men began to droop in a sort of
a distemper that stole insensibly on
them, and proved fatal to above thirty,
who died before we arrived at the
Cape. We had sometimes two and
once three men thrown overboard in
a morning. This distemper might
probably arise from the badness of the
water which we took in at Bencouli,
for I did observe while I was there
that the river water, wherewith our
ships were watered, was very unwhole-
some, it being mixed with the water
of many small creeks that proceeded
from low land, and whose streams
were always very black, they being
nourished by the water that drained
out of the low swampy unwholesome
ground. I have observed, not only
there but in other hot countries also,
both in the East and West Indies,
that the land-floods which pour into
the channels of the rivers about the
season of the rains are very unwhole-
some. This happens chiefly, as I take
it, where the water drains through
thick woods and savannahs of long
grass and swampy grounds, with
which some hot countries abound ;
and I believe it receives a strong tinc-
ture from the roots of several kind of
trees, herbs, &c. ; and especially where
there is any stagnancy of the water,
it soon corrupts ; and possibly the
serpents and other poisonous vermin
Ji<I insects may not a little contri-
bute to its bad qualities; at such
times it will look very deep coloured,
yellow, red, or black, &c. The season
of the rains was over, and the land-
floods were abating upon the taking
up this water in the River of Bencouli ;
but would the seamen have given
themselves the trouble, they might
have filled their vessels with excellent
good water at a spring on the back
side of the fort, not above 200 or 300
paces from the landing-place, and
with which the fort is served. Beside
the badness of our water, it was
stowed among the pepper in the hold,
which made it very hot. Every morn-
ing when V, T S came to take our allow-
ance, it was so hot that a man could
hardly suffer his hands in it, or
hold a bottleful of it in his hand. I
never anywhere felt the like, nor
could I have thought it possible that
water should heat to that degree in a
ship's hold. It was exceeding black,
too, and looked more like ink than
water. Whether it grew so black with
standing, or was tinged with the pep-
per, I know not ; for this water was
not so black when it was first taken
up. Our food also was very bad, for
the ship had been out of England
upon this voyage above three years ;
and the salt provision brought from
thence, which we fed on, having been
so long in salt, was but ordinary food
for sickly men to feed on. Captain
Heath, when he saw the misery of his
company, ordered his own tamarinds
of which he had some jars aboard
to be given some to each mess to eat
with their rice. This was a great
refreshment to the men, and I do be-
lieve it contributed much to keep us
on our legs. This distemper was so
universal that I do believe there was
scarce a man in the ship but lan-
guished under it ; yet it stole so in-
sensibly on us, that we could not say
we were sick, feeling little or no pain,
only a weakness, and but little sto-
mach. Nay, most of those that died
in this voyage would hardly be per-
suaded to keep their cabins or ham-
mocks till they could not stir about ;
and when they were forced to lie
down, they made their wills, and
piked off 1 in two or three days.
The loss of these men, and the weak
languishing condition that the rest of
us were in, rendered us incapable to
govern our ship when the wind blew
more than ordinary. This often hap-
pened when we drew near the Cape,
and as oft put us to our trumps 2 to
1 " Peaked off; " gradually dwindled
and died. The word is used in the
witches' curse in Macbeth, Act 1, s. 3 :
" Weary seven nights, nine times nine,
Shall he dwindle, peak, and pine."
2 Forced us to our utmost efforts ;
drove us to our wits' end.
1691.] THE VOYAGE TO THE CAPE.
manage the ship. Captain Heath,
to encourage his men to their labour,
kept his watch as constantly as any
man, though sickly himself, and lent
a helping hand on all occasions. But
at last, almost despairing of gaining
279
his passage to the Cape by reason of
the winds coming southerly, and we
having now been sailing eight or nine
weeks, he called all our men to con-
sult about our safety, and desired
every man, from the highest to the
lowest, freely to give his real opinion
and advice what to do in this danger-
ous juncture ; for we were not in a
condition to keep out long, and could
we not get to land quickly, must have
perished at sea. He consulted, there-
fore, whether it were best to beat still
for the Cape or bear away for Johanna,
where we might expect relief, that
being a place where our outward-
bound East India ships usually touch,
and whose natives are very familiar ;
but other places, especially St Law-
rence or Madagascar, 1 which was
nearer, were unknown to us. We
were now so nigh the Cape that, with
a fair wind, we might expect to be
there in four or five days ; but as the
wind was now, we could not hope to
get thither. On the other side, this
wind was fair to carry us to Johanna ;
but then Johanna was a great way
off; and if the wind should con-
tinue as it was, to bring us into a
true trade-wind, yet we could not get
thither under a fortnight ; and if we
should meet calms, a:-> we might pro-
bably expect, it might be much longer.
Besides, we should lose our passage
about the Cape till October or Novem-
ber, this being about the latter end of
March ; for after the 10th of May it
is not usual to beat about the Cape to
come home. All circumstances there-
fore being weighed and considered,
we at last unanimously agreed to pro-
secute our voyage towards the Cape,
and with patience wait for a shift of
wind. But Captain Heath, having
1 "Which received the name of St
Lawrence from its Portuguese dis-
coverer, Emanuel de Meneses, in
1506.
thus far sounded the inclination of his
weak men, told them that it was not
enough that they all consented to
beat for the Cape, for our desires were
not sufficient to bring us thither, but
that there would need a more than
ordinary labour and management from
those that were able ; and withal, for
their encouragement, he promised a
month's pay gratis to every man that
would engage to assist on all occa-
sions, and be ready upon call, whether
it were his turn to watch or not ; and
this money he promised to pay at the
Cape. This offer was first embraced
by some of the officers, and then as
many of the men as found themselves
in a capacity listed themselves in a
roll to serve their commander. This
was wisely contrived of the captain,
for he could not have compelled them
in their weak condition, neither would
fair words alone, without some hopes
of a reward, have engaged them to so
much extraordinary work; for the
ship, sail, and rigging were much out
of repair. For my part, I was too
weak to enter myself in that list ; for
else our common safety, which I
plainly saw lay at stake, would have
prompted me to do more than any
such reward would do. In a short
time after this it pleased God to
favour us with a fine wind, which,
being improved to the best advantage
by the incessant labour of these new-
listed men, brought us in a short time
to the Cape.
The night before we entered the har-
bour, which was about the beginning
of April, being near the land, we
fired a gun every hour to give notice
that we were in distress. The next
day, a Dutch captain came aboard in
his boat ; who, seeing us so weak as
not to be able to trim our sails to
turn into the harbour, though we
did tolerably well at sea before the
wind, and being requested by our
captain to assist him, sent ashore for
a hundred lusty men, who immedi-
ately came aboard, and brought our
ship in to an anchor. They also unbent
our sails, and did everything for us
that they were required to do, for
which Captain Heath gratified them
280
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
to the full. These men had better
stomachs than we, and ate freely of
such food as the ship afforded ; and
they having the freedom of our ship,
to go to and fro between decks, made
prize of what they could lay their
hands on, especially salt beef, which
our men, for want of stomachs in the
voyage, had hung up, six, eight, or
ten pieces in a place. This was con-
veyed away before we knew it or
thought of it ; besides, in the night,
there was a bale of muslins broken
open, and a great deal conveyed
away ; but whether the muslins were
stolen by our own men or the Dutch
I cannot say, for we had some very
dexterous thieves in our ship. Being
thus got safe to an anchor, the sick
were presently sent ashore, to quar-
ters provided for them, and those
that were able remained aboard and
had good fat mutton or fresh beef sent
aboard every day. I went ashore,
also, with my Painted Prince, where
I remained with him till the time of
sailing again, which was about six
weeks, in which time I took the
opportunity to inform myself of what
I could concerning this country,
which I shall in this next place give
a brief account of, and so make what
haste I can home.
The Cape of Good Hope is the
utmost bounds of the continent of
Africa towards the south, lying in
Lat. 34 30' S., in a very temperate
climate. I look upon this Latitude
to be one of the mildest and sweetest,
for its temperature, of any whatso-
ever. 1 . . .
This large promontory consists of
high and very remarkable land ; and
off at sea it affords a very pleas-
ant and agreeable prospect. And
without doubt the prospect of it was
very agreeable to those Portuguese
who first found out this way by sea to
1 A digression is here omitted, in
which Dampier combats and explains
a " common prejudice " among Euro-
pean seamen, who look upon the
Cape as much colder than other
places in the same Latitude to the
north of the Line.
[CHAP. XIX.
the East Indies, when after coasting
along the vast continent of Africa,
towards the South Pole, they had
the comfort of seeing the land and
their course end in this promontory,
which therefore they called the Cape
de Bon Esperance, or of Good Hope,
finding that they might now proceed
eastward. 2 The most remarkable
land at sea is a high mountain, steep
to the sea, with a flat even top, which
is called the Table Land. On the
west side of the Cape, a little to the
northward of it, there is a spacious
harbour, 3 with a low flat island lying
off it, which you may leave on either
hand, and pass in or out securely at
either end. Ships that anchor here
ride near the mainland, leaving the
island at a farther distance without
them. The land by the sea against
the harbour is low, but backed with
high mountains a little way in, to
the southward of it.
The soil of this country is of a
brown colour ; not deep, yet indiffer-
ently productive of grass, herbs, and
trees. The grass is short, like that
which grows on our Wiltshire or
Dorsetshire Downs. The trees here-
abouts are but small and few ; the
country also farther from the sea does
not much abound in trees, as I have
been informed. The mould or soil
also is much like this near the har-
bour, which though it cannot be said
to be very fat or rich land, yet it is
very fit for cultivation, and yields
good crops to the industrious hus-
bandman ; and the country is pretty
well settled with farms, Dutch
families and French refugees, for
twenty or thirty leagues up in the
country ; but there are but few farms
near the harbour. Here grows plenty
of wheat, barley, pease, &c. Here
are also fruits of many kinds, as
apples, pears, quinces, and the
largest pomegranates that I did ever
see. The chief fruits are grapes.
These thrive very well, and the
2 A passage relating to soundings
and signs of nearing the Cape in
omitted,
a Table Bay.
1691.]
country
SOIL, FRUITS, AND ANIMALS AT THE CAPE.
is of late years so well
stocked with vineyards, that they
make abundance of wine, of which
they have enough and to spare, and
do sell great quantities to ships that
touch here. This wine is like a
French high country white- wine, but
of a pale yellowish colour ; it is sweet,
very pleasant, and strong.
The tame animals of this country
are sheep, goats, hogs, cows, horses,
&c. The sheep are very large and
fat, for they thrive very well here.
There is a very beautiful sort of wild
ass in this country, whose body is
curiously striped with equal lists 1
of white and black ; the stripes
coming from the ridge of his back,
and ending under the belly, which is
white. Here are a great many ducks,
dunghill fowls, &c. ; and ostriches
are plentifully found in the dry
mountains and plains. The sea
hereabouts affords plenty of fish of
clivers sorts ; especially a small sort
of fish, not so big as a herring, where-
of they have such great plenty, that
they pickle great quantities yearly,
and send them to Europe. Seals are
also in great numbers about the
Cape, which, as I have still observed,
is a good sign of the plentifulness of
fish, which is their food.
The Dutch have a strong fort by
the seaside, against the harbour, where
the Governor lives. At about 200
or 300 paces distance from thence,
on the west side of the fort, there is
a small Dutch town, in which I told
about fifty or sixty houses, low, but
well built, with stone walls, there
being plenty of stone drawn out of a
quarry close by. On the back side of
the town, as you go towards the
mountains, the Dutch East India
Company have a large house, and a
stately garden walled in with a high
stone wall. This garden is full of
divers sorts of herbs, flowers, roots,
and fruits, with curious spacious
gravel walks and arbours ; and is
vratered with a brook that descends
out of the mountains, which being
cut into many channels is conveyed
281
into all parts of the garden. The
hedges which make the walks are
very thick, and nine or ten feet high.
They are kept exceeding neat and
even by continual pruning. There
are lower hedges within these again,
which serve to separate the fruit
trees from each other, but with-
out shading them ; and they keep
each sort of fruit by themselves, as
apples, pears, abundance of quinces,
pomegranates, &c. These all prosper
very well, and bear good fruit, espe-
cially the pomegranate. The roots
and garden herbs have also their dis-
tinct places, hedged in apart by them-
selves ; and all in such order, that it
is exceeding pleasant and beautiful.
There are a great number of Negro
slaves brought from other parts of
the world ; some of which are con-
tinually weeding, pruning, trimming
and looking after it. All stranger!
strangers
Kings, streaks.
are allowed the liberty to walk there ;
and, by the servant's leave, you may
be admitted to taste of the fruit ; but if
you think to do it clandestinely you
may be mistaken, as I knew one was
when I was in the garden, who took
five or six pomegranates, and was
espied by one of the slaves, and
threatened to be carried before the
Governor. I believe it cost him some
money to make his peace, for I heard
no more of it. Farther up from the
sea, beyond the garden, towards the
mountains, there are several other
small gardens and vineyards, belong-
ing to private men ; but the moun-
tains are so nigh, that the number of
them is but small.
The Dutch that live in the town
get considerably by the ships that
frequently touch here, chiefly by en-
tertaining strangers that come ashore
to refresh themselves : for you must
give three shillings or a dollar a day
for your entertainment ; the bread
and flesh is as cheap here as in Eng-
land. Besides, they buy good penny-
worths of the seamen, both outward
and homeward bound, which the far-
mers up the country buy of them
again at a dear rate ; for they have
not an opportunity of buying things
I at the best hand, but must buy of
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XX.
282
those that live at the harbour ; the
nearest settlements, as I was informed,
being twenty miles off. Notwith-
standing the great plenty of corn and
wine, yet the extraordinary high taxes
which the Company lays on liquor
make it very dear, and you can buy
none but at the tavern, except it be
by stealth. There are but three
houses in the town that sell strong
liquor, one of which is this wine-
house or tavern ; there they sell only
Avine ; another sells beer and mum l ;
and the third sells brandy and to-
bacco, all extraordinary dear. A flask
of wine which holds three quarts will
cost eighteen stivers, 2 for so much I
paid for it ; yet I bought as much for
eight stivers in another place, but it
was privately, at an unlicensed house ;
and the person that sold it would
have been ruined had it been known.
And thus much for the country and
the European inhabitants.
CHAPTER XX.
THE natural 3 inhabitants of the Cape
are the Hodmadods, as they are com-
monly called, which is a corruption
of the word Hottentot ; for this is the
name by which they call to one an-
other, either in their dances, or on
any occasion, as if every one of them
had this for his name. The word
probably has some signification or
other in their language, whatever it
is. The Hottentots are people of a
middle stature, with small limbs and
thin bodies, full of activity. Their
faces are of a flat, oval figure, of the
Negro make, with great eyebrows,
black eyes ; but neither are their
noses so flat, nor their lips so thick,
as the Negroes of Guinea. Their
1 A kind of strong beer, introduced
into England from Brunswick in Ger-
many.
2 According to Bailey's Dictionary,
a stiver was, about the beginning of
the eighteenth century, equivalent to
a penny and one-fifth English.
8 Native, aboriginal.
complexion is darker than the com-
mon Indians, though not so black
as the Negroes or New Hollanders ;
neither is their hair so much frizzled.
They besmear, themselves all over
with grease, as well to keep their
joints supple, as to fence their half-
naked bodies from the air by stopping
up their pores. To do this the more
effectually, they rub soot over the
greased parts, especially their faces,
which adds to their natural beauty
as painting does in Europe ; but
withal sends from them a strong
smell, which, though sufficiently
pleasing to themselves, is very un-
pleasant to others. They are glad of
the worst of kitchen stuff for this
purpose, and use it as often as they
can get it. This custom of anointing
the body is very common in other
parts of Africa, especially on the coast
of Guinea, where they generally use
palm oil, anointing themselves from
head to foot ; but when they want oil
they make use of kitchen stuff, which
they buy of the Europeans that trade
with them. In the East Indies also,
especially on the coast of Cudda and
Malacca, and in general on almost all
the easterty islands, as well on Suma-
tra, Java, &c,, as on the Philippine
and Spice Islands, the Indian inhabi-
tants anoint themselves with cocoa-
nut oil two or three times a day,
especially mornings and evenings.
They spend sometimes half-an-hour
in chafing the oil, and nibbing it into
their hair and skin, leaving no place
unsmeared with oil but their face,
which they daub not like these Hot-
tentots. The Americans also in
some places do use this custom, but
not so frequently, perhaps for want
of oil and grease to do it. Yet some
American Indians in the North Seas
frequently daub themselves with a
pigment made with leaves, roots, or
herbs, or with a sort of red earth,
giving their skins a yellow, red, or
green colour, according as the pig-
ment is. And these smell unsavourly
enough to people not accustomed to
them ; though not so rank as those
who use oil or grease.
The Hottentots wear no covering
1691.] DRESS AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF THE HOTTENTOTS. 283
on their heads, but deck their hair
with small shells. Their garments
are sheepskins wrapped about their
shoulders like a mantle, with the
woolly sides next their bodies. The
men have, besides this mantle, a
piece of skin like a small apron hang-
ing before them. The women have
another skin tucked about their waists
which comes down to their knees
like a petticoat : and their legs are
wrapped round with sheepguts, two or
three inches thick, some up as high
as to their calves, others even from
their feet to their knees ; which at a
small distance seems to be a sort of
boots. These dre put on when they
are green ; and so they grow hard
and stiff on their legs, for they never
pull them off again, till they have
occasion to eat them ; which is when
they journey from home, and have
no other food : then these guts,
which have been worn, it may be, six,
eight, ten, or twelve months, make
them a good banquet. This I was
informed of by the Dutch. They
never pull off their sheepskin gar-
ments but to louse themselves ; for
by continual wearing them they are
full of vermin, which obliges them
often to strip and sit in the sun two
or three hours together in the heat of
the day, to destroy them. Indeed,
most Indians that live remote from
the Equator are molested with lice,
though their garments afford less
shelter for lice than these Hottentots'
sheepskins do. For all those Indians
who live in cold countries, as in the
north and south parts of America,
have some eort of skin or other to
cover their bodies, as deer, otter,
beaver, or seal skins, all which they
as constantly wear, without shifting
themselves, as these Hottentots do
their sheepskins. And, hence they
are lousy too, and strong scented,
though they do not daub themselves
at all, or but very little ; for even
by reason of their skins they smell
strong.
The i Hottentots' houses are the
meanest that I did ever see. They
are about nine or ten feet high, and
ten .or twelve from side to side. They
are in a manner round, made with
small poles stuck into the ground,
and brought together at the top,
where they are fastened. The sides
and top of the house are filled up
with boughs coarsely wattled between
the poles, and all is covered over with
long grass, rushes, and pieces of hides ;
and the house at a distance appears
just like a haycock. They leave only
a small hole on one side, about three
or four feet high, for a door to creep
in and out at ; but when the wind
comes in at this door they stop it up,
and make another hole in the opposite
side. They make the fire in the
middle of the house, and the smoke
ascends out of the crannies, from all
parts of the house. They have no
beds to lie on, but tumble down at
night round the fire. Their house-
hold furniture is commonly an earthen
pot or two to boil victuals, and they
live very miserably and hard; it is
reported that they will fast two or
three days together when they travel
about the country. Their common
food is either herbs, flesh, or shell-
fish, which they get among the rocks,
or other places at low water : for they
have no boats, bark-logs, nor canoes
to go a-fishing in ; so that their chief
subsistence is on land animals, or on
such herbs as the land naturally pro-
duces. I was told by my Dutch land-
lord that they kept sheep and bullocks
here before the Dutch settled among
them : and that the inland Hottentots
have still great stocks of cattle, and
sell them to the Dutch for rolls of
tobacco ; and that the price for which
they sell a cow or sheep, was as
much twisted tobacco as will reach
from the horns or head to the tail ;
for they are great lovers of tobacco,
and will do anything for it. This
their way of trucking 1 was confirmed
to me by many others, who yet said
that they could not buy their beef
this cheap way, for they had not the
liberty to deal with the Hottentots,
that being a privilege which the
Dutch East India Company reserve to
themselves. My landlord, having a
Bartering, exchanging.
284
great many lodgers, fed us most with
mutton, some of which he bought of
the butcher, and there is but one in
the town ; but most of it he killed in
the night, the sheep being brought
privately by the Hottentots, who
assisted in skinning and dressing,
and had the skin and guts for their
pains. I judge these sheep were
fetched out of the country a good
Avay off; for he himself would be ab-
sent a day or two to procure them,
and two or three Hottentots with him.
These of the Hottentots that live by
the Dutch town have their greatest
subsistence from the Dutch : for there
is one or more of them belonging to
every house. These do all sorts of
servile work, and there take their
food and grease. Three or four more
of their nearest relations sit at the
doors or near the Dutch house, wait-
ing for the scraps and fragments that
come from the table ; and if between
meals the Dutch people have any
occasion for them to go on errands or
the like, they are ready at command,
expecting little for their pains ; but
for a stranger they will not budge
under a stiver.
Their religion, if they have any, is
wholly unknown to me ; for they have
no temple nor idol, nor any place of
worship that I did see or hear of. Yet
their mirth and nocturnal pastimes
at the new and full of the moon look-
ed as if they had some superstition
about it. For at the full especially
they sing and dance all night, making
a great noise. I walked out to their
huts twice at these times, in the even-
ing, when the moon arose above the
horizon, and viewed them for an hour
or more. They seem all very busy,
both men, women, and children,
dancing very oddly on the green grass
by their houses. They traced to and
fro promiscuously, often clapping
their hands and singing aloud. Their
faces were sometimes to the east, some-
times to the west ; neither did I see
any motion or gesture that they used
when their faces were towards the
moon, more than when their backs
vere towards it. After I had thus
observed them for a while, I returned
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XX.
to my lodging, which was not above
200 or 300 paces from their huts ; and
I heard them singing in the same
manner all night. In the grey of the
morning I walked out again, and
found many of the men and women
still singing and dancing, who con-
tinued their mirth till the moon went
down, and then they left off; some
of them going into their huts to sleep,
and others to their attendance in their
Dutch houses. Other Negroes are
less circumspect, in theirnight-dances,
as to the precise time of the full moon,
they being more general in these
nocturnal pastimes, and use them
oftener ; as do many people also in the
East and West Indies. Yet there is
a difference between colder and warmer
countries as to their divertisements. l
The warmer climates being generally
very productive of delicate fruits, &c.,
and these uncivilised people caring
for little else than what is barely
necessary, they spend the greatest
part of their time in diverting them-
selves after their several fashions ;
but the Indians of colder climates are
not so much at leisure, the fruits of
the earth being scarce with them,
and they necessitated to be continu-
ally fishing, hunting, or fowling for
their subsistence ; not as with us,
for recreation. As for these Hotten-
tots, they are a very lazy sort of peo-
ple ; and though they live in a delicate
country, very fit to be manured, and
where there is land enough for them,
yet they choose rather to live as their
forefathers, poor and miserable, than
be at pains for plenty. And so much
for the Hottentots : I shall now return
to our own affairs.
Upon our arrival at the Cape, Cap-
tain Heath took a house to live in,
in order to recover his health. Such
of his men as were able did so too :
for the rest he provided lodgings and
paid their expenses. Three or four of
our men, who came ashore very sick,
died ; but the rest, by the assistance
of the doctors of the fort, a fine air,
and good kitchen and cellar physic,
soon recovered their health. Those
Sports, diversions.
1691.]
DEPARTURE FROM THE CAPE.
285
that subscribed to be at all calls, and
assisted to bring in the ship, received
Captain Heath's bounty, by which
they furnished themselves with liquor
for their homeward voyage. But we
Avere now so few, that we could not
sail the ship ; therefore Captain Heath
desired the Governor to spare him
some men ; and, as I was informed,
had a promise to be supplied out of
the homeward-bound Dutch East In-
dia ships, that were now expected
every day ; and we waited for them.
In the meantime, in came the James
and Mary, and the Josiah of London,
bound home. Out of these we thought
to have been furnished with men, but
they had only enough for themselves ;
therefore we waited yet longer for the
Dutch Fleet, which at last arrived :
but we could get no men from them.
Captain Heath was therefore forced
to get men by stealth, such as he
could pick up, whether soldiers or
seamen. The Dutch knew our want
of men ; therefore near forty of them,
those that had a design to return to
Europe, came privately and offered
themselves, and waited in the night
at places appointed, where our boats
went and fetched three or four aboard
at a time, and hid them, especially
when any Dutch boat came aboard
our ship. Here at the Cape I met my
friend Daniel "Wallis, the same who
leaped into the sea and swam at Pulo
Condore. 1 After several traverses
to Madagascar, Don Mascarin, 2 Pon-
dicherry, Pegu, Cunnimere, Madras,
and the River Hooghly, he was now
' got hither in a homeward-bound Dutch
ship. I soon persuaded him to come
over to us, and fou.id means to get
him aboard our ship.
About the 23d of May we sailed
from the Cape in the company of the
James and Mary and the Josiah,
directing our course towards the Island
Santa Helena. We met nothing of
remark in this voyage except a great
swelling sea out of the SW. , which,
1 Escaping from a murderous Ma-
layan crew. See end of Chapter XIV. ,
page 231.
2 The Isle of Franco.
taking us on the broadside, made us
roll sufficiently. Such of our water-
casks as were between decks, running
from side to side, were in a short time
all staved, and the deck well washed
with the fresh water. The shot
tumbled out of the lockers and gar-
lands, and rung a loud peal, rumbling
from side to side every roll that the
ship made ; neither was it an easy
matter to reduce them again within
bounds. The guns being carefully
looked after and lashed fast, never
budged, but the tackles or pulleys
and lashings made great music too.
The sudden and violent motion of the
ship made us fearful lest some of the
guns should have broken loose, which
must have been very detrimental to
the ship's sides. The masts were also
in great danger to be rolled by the
board ; but no harm happened to any
of us besides the loss of three or four
butts of water, and a barrel or two of
good Cape wine, which was staved in
the great cabin. This great tumbling
sea took us shortly after we came
from the Cape. The violence of it
lasted but one night; yet we had a
continual swelling out of the SW.
almost during all the passage to Santa
Helena, which was an eminent token
that the SW. winds were now violent
in the higher latitudes towards the
South Pole ; for this was the time
of year for those winds. Notwith-
standing this boisterous sea coming
thus obliquely upon us, we had fine
clear weather, and a moderate gale at
SE., or between that and the east,
till we came to the Island Santa
Helena, where we arrived the 20th of
June. There we found the Princess
Ann at anchor waiting for us.
The Island Santa Helena lies in
about 16 S. Lat. The air is com-
monly serene and clear, except in the
months that yield rain; yet we had
one or two very rainy days even while
we were here. Here are moist seasons
to plant and sow ; and the weather is
| temperate enough as to heat, though
' so near the Equator, and very healthy.
The island is but small, not above
nine or ten leagues in length, and
stands 300 or 400 leagues from the
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CHAP. XX,
286
main land. J.t is "bounded against
the sea with steep rocks, so that
there is no landing but at two or
three places. The land is high snd
mountainous, and seems to be very
dry and poor, yet there are fine val-
leys proper for cultivation. The
mountains appear bare, only in some
places you may see a few low shrubs ;
but the valleys afford some trees fit
for building, as I was informed.
This island is said to have been
first discovered and settled by the
Portuguese, 1 who stocked it with
goats and hogs; but it being after-
wards deserted by them, it lay waste
till the Dutch, finding it convenient
to relieve their East India ships,
settled it again ; but they afterwards
relinquished it for a more convenient
place, I mean the Cape of Good Hope.
Then the English East India Com-
pany settled their servants there, and
began to fortify it; but they being
yet weak, the Dutch about the year
1672 came thither and retook it, and
kept it in their possession. This
news being reported in England,
Captain Monday was sent to retake
it, who, by the advice and conduct of
one that had formerly lived there,
landed a party of armed men in the
night in a small cove, unknown to
the Dutch then in garrison, and
climbing the rocks, got up into the
island, and so came in the morning
to the hills hanging over the fort
which stands by the sea in a small
valley. Thence firing into the fort,
they soon made them surrender.
There were at this time two or three
Dutch East India ships either at
anchor, or coming thither, when our
ships were there. These, when they
saw that the English were masters of
the island again, made sail to be
gone ; but being chased by the Eng-
lish frigates, two of them became rich
prizes to Captain Monday and his
men. The island has continued ever
1 By Juan de Nova, in 1501, who
gave such a favourable account of the
island, that the Portuguese Admirals
were instructed in future to touch
there for refreshments.
since in the hands of the English
East India Company, and has been
greatly strengthened both with men
and guns ; so that at this day it is
secure enough from the invasion of
any enemy. For the common land-
ing-place is a small bay, like a half-
moon, scarce 500 paces wide, between
the two points. Close by the seaside
are good guns planted at equal dis-
tances, lying along from one end of
the bay to the other ; besides a small
fort, a little farther in from the sea,
near the midst of the bay : all which
makes this bay so strong, that it is
impossible to force it. The small
cove where Captain Monday landed
his men when he took the island from
the Dutch, is scarce fit for a boat to
land at, and yet that is now also
fortified.
There is a small English town
within the great bay, standing in a
little valley between two high steep
mountains. There may be about
twenty or thirty small houses, whose
walls are built with rough stones ;
the inside furniture is very mean.
The Governor has a pretty tolerably
handsome low house by the fort,
where he commonly lives, having a
few soldiers to attend him, and to
guard the fort. But the houses in
the town before mentioned stand
empty, save only when ships arrive
here ; for their owners have all plan-
tations farther in the island, where
they constantly employ themselves.
But when ships arrive, they all flock
to the town, where they live all the
time that the ships lie here ; for then
is their fair or market, to buy such
necessaries as they want, and to sell
off the produce of their plantations.
Their plantations afford potatoes,
yams, and some plantains and ban-
anas. Their stock consists chiefly of
hogs, bullocks, cocks and hens, ducks,
geese, and turkeys, of which they
have great plenty, and sell them at
a low rate to the sailors; taking in
exchange shirts, drawers, or any light
clothes, pieces of calico, silks, or
muslins. Arrack, sugar, and lime-
juice are also much esteemed and
coveted by them. But now they are
ST HELENA.
287
iii hopes to produce wine and brandy
in a short time ; for they already
begin to plant vines for that end,
there being a few Frenchmen there
to manage that affair. This I was
told, but I saw nothing of it, for it
rained so hard when I was ashore,
that I had not the opportunity of
seeing their plantations. I was also
informed that they get manatee or
sea-cows here, which seemed very
strange to me. Therefore inquiring
more strictly into the matter, I found
the Santa Helena manatee to be, by
their shapes and manner of lying
ashore on the rocks, those creatures
called sea-lions ; for the manatee
never come ashore, neither are they
found near any rocky shores as this
island is, there being no feeding for
them in such places. Besides, in this
island there is no river for them to
drink at, though there is a small
brook runs into the sea out of the
valley by the fort.
We stayed here five or six days, all
which time the islanders lived at the
town, to entertain the seamen, who
constantly flocked ashore to enjoy
themselves among their country
people. Our touching at the Cape
had greatly drained the seamen of
their loose coins, at which these
islanders as greatly repined ; and some
of the poorer sort openly complained
against such doings, saying it was fit
that the East India Company should
be acquainted with it, that they
might hinder their ships from to aching
at the Cape. Yet they were extremely
kind, in hopes to get what was re-
maining. They are most of them
very poor; but such as could get a
little liquor to sell to the seamen at
this time got what the seamen could
spare, for the punch-houses were never
empty. But had we all come directly
hither, and not touched at the Cape,
even the poorest people among them
would have gotten something by en-
tertaining sick men. For commonly
the seamen coming home are troubled
more or less with scorbutic distempers,
and their only hopes are to get re-
freshment and health at this island ;
and these hopes seldom or never fail
them if once they get footing here :
for the island affords abundance of
delicate herbs, wherewith the sick
are first bathed to supple their joints,
and then the fruits and herbs and
fresh food soon after cure them of
their scorbutic humours; so that in
a week's time men that have been
carried ashore in hammocks, and they
who were wholly unable to go, have
been able to leap and dance. Doubt-
less the serenity and wholesomeness
of the air contributes much to the
carrying off of these distempers, for
there is constantly a fresh breeze.
While we stayed here, many of the
seamen got sweethearts. One young
man belonging to the James and
Mary was married, and brought his
wife to England with him. Another
brought his sweetheart to England,
they being each engaged by bonds to
marry at their arrival in England;
and several others of our men were
over head and ears in love with the
Santa Helena maids, who, though
they were born there, yet very ear-
nestly desired to be released from
that prison, which they have no other
way to compass but by marrying sea-
men or passengers that touch here.
The young women born here are but
one remove from English, being the
daughters of such. They are well
shaped, proper, and comely, were
they in a dress to set them off.
My stay ashore here was but two
days, to get refreshments for myself
and Jeoly, whom I carried ashore
with me; and he was very diligent
to pick up such things as the island
afforded, carrying ashore with him a
bag, which the people of the isle
filled with roots for him. They
flocked about him, and seemed to
admire him much. This was the
last place where I had him at my
own disposal; for the mate of the
ship, who had Mr Moody 's share in
him, left him entirely to my manage-
ment, I being to bring him to Eng-
land. But I was no sooner arrived
in the Thames, but he was sent ashore
to be seen by some eminent persons ;
and I, being in want of money, was
prevailed upon to sell first part of
DAMPIER'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [CiiAP. XX.
288
my share in him, and by degrees all
of it. After this I heard that he was
carried about to be shown as a sight,
and that he died of the small-pox at
Oxford.
But to proceed. Our water being
filled, and the ships all stocked with
fresh provision, we sailed hence in
company of the Princess Ann, the
James and Mary, and the Josiah,
July the 2d, 1691, directing our
course towards England, and design-
ing to touch nowhere by the way.
. . . In our passage before we got
to the Line, we saw three ships, and
making towards them, we found two
of them to be Portuguese, bound to
Brazil. The third kept on a wind,
so that we could not speak with her ;
but we found by the Portuguese it
was an English ship, called the
Dorothy, Captain Thwayt command-
er, bound to the East Indies. After
this we kept company still with our
three consorts till we came near Eng-
land, and then were separated by bad
weather ; but before we came within
sight of land, we got together again,
all but the James and Mary. She
got into the Channel before us, and
went to Plymouth, and there gave an
account of the rest of us ; whereupon
our men-of-war who lay there came
out to join us, and meeting us, brought
us off Plymouth. There our consort
the James and Mary came to us again ;
and thence we all sailed in company
of several men-of-war towards Ports-
mouth. There our first convoy left
us, and went in thither. But we did
not want convoys, for our fleets were
then repairing to their winter har-
bours to be laid up ; so that we had
the company of several English ships
to the Downs, and a squadron also of
Dutch sailed up the Channel, but
kept off farther from our English
coast, they being bound home to
Holland. When we came as high as
the South Foreland, we left them
standing on their course, keeping on
the back of the Goodwin Sands ; and
we luffed in for the Downs, where we
anchored September the 16th, 1691.
END Oif DAMPIEll S VOYAGE.
AN OLD SALT'S YARN. ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
{Frontispiece.}
A
VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD
IN THE YEAKS 174044
GEOEGE ANSON
EDITEP>, FROM THE ORIGINAL NARRATIVE, WITH NOTES, BY
D. LAING PUKVES
Special lEtottfon.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED BY THE LI-QUOB, TEA COMPANY,
5 GEOKGE STREET, TOWER HILL.
1879.
^
CONTENTS.
PAOH
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH, ........ 5
DEDICATION, . . . . . . . . .7
INTRODUCTION, ......... 8
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
Of the equipment of the squadron ; the incidents relating thereto from its first
appointment to its setting sail from St Helens, . . . .10
CHAPTER II.
The passage from St Helens to the Island of Madeira, with a short account of
that island, and of our stay there, . . . . . .17
CHAPTER III.
The history of the squadron commanded by Don Joseph Pizarro, . 21
CHAPTER IV.
From Madeira to St Catherine's, . . . . . . .26
CHAPTER V.
Proceedings at St Catherine's, and a description of the place, with a short
account of Brazil, . . . . . . .29
CHAPTER VI.
The run from St Catherine's to Port St Julian, with some account of that
port, and of the country to the southward of the River of Plate, . 31
CHAPTER VII.
Departure from the Bay of St Julian, and the passage from thence to Straits
LeMaire, 35
CHAPTER VIII.
From Straits Le Maire to Cape Noir, . . . . .38
CHAPTER IX.
Observations and directions for facilitating the passage of our future cruisers
round Cape Horn, ........ 42
CHAPTER X.
From Cape Noir to the Island of Juan Fernandez, . , , .42
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
The arrival of the Centurion at the Island of Juan Fernandez, with a descrip-
tion of that island, . . . . _ . . . .48
CHAPTER II.
The arrival of the Gloucester and the Anna pink at the Island of Juan Fer-
nandez, . . . . . . . . .53
CHAPTER III.
A short narrative of what befell the Anna pink before she joined us, with an
account of the loss of the Wager, . . . . .57
4 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV. TAGS
Conclusion of our proceedings at Juan Fernandez, from the arrival of the
Anna pink to our final departure from thence, . . . .66
CHAPTER V.
Our cruise from the time of our leaving Juan Fernandez to the taking the
town of Paita, . . . . . . . .72
CHAPTER VI.
The taking of Paita, and our proceedings till we left the coast of Peru, . 80
CHAPTER VII.
From our departure from Paita to our arrival at Quibo, . . .90
CHAPTER VIII.
Our proceedings at Quibo, . , . . . . .94
CHAPTER IX.
From Quibo to the coast of Mexico, . . . . . .95
CHAPTER X.
An account of the commerce carried on between the city of Manilla on the
Island of Luconia and the port of Acapulco oil the coast of Mexico, . 99
CHAPTER XL
Our cruise oft' the port of Acapulco for the Manilla ship, . . . 105
CHAPTER XII.
Description of the harbour of Chequetan and of the adjacent coast and country, 107
CHAPTER XIII.
Our proceedings at Chequetan and on the adjacent coast till our setting sail
for Asia, ......... 108
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
The run from the coast of Mexico to the Ladrones or Marian Islands, . . 114
CHAPTER II.
Our arrival at Tinian, and an account of the island and of our proceedings
there till the Centurion drove out to sea, . . . . .119
CHAPTER III.
Transactions at Tinian after the departure of the Centurion, . . .124
CHAPTER IV.
Proceedings on board the Centurion when driven out to sea, . . . 127
CHAPTER V.
Employment at Tinian till the final departure of the Centurion from thence,
with a description of the Ladrones, ...... 129
CHAPTER VI.
From Tinian to Macao, ........ 131
CHAPTER VII.
Proceedings at Macao, ........ 134
CHAPTER VIII.
From Macao to Cape Espiritu Santo ; the taking of the Manilla galleon, and
returning back again, . . . . ... .141
CHAPTER IX.
Transactions in the River of Canton, . . . . . .149
CHAPTER X.
Proceedings at the city of Canton, and the return of the Centurion to England, 155
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
GEORGE ANSON, Lord Anson, Baron Soberton, was the second son
of William Alison, Esq., of Shugborough, in Staffordshire. His
great-grandfather, who was an eminent barrister in the reign of
James I., had purchased and founded the family mansion where
he was born, 23d April 1697. Little is positively known about
his early history and nautical training, save that his name was first
found entered as a volunteer in the books of the Ruby, under date
January 1712. His services being transferred from the Ruby to the
Hampshire ship of war, he then received his acting orders as
second lieutenant, on the 9th May 1716. From this date, up till
1724, his progress was as follows : Promoted to the command of
the Weasel sloop in 1718, raised to the rank of post-captain in
1724, with the command of the Scarborough man-of-war. The
Scarborough was at this time ordered to defend the coast of South
Carolina against pirates, and to prevent illicit commerce with the
Bahamas. His popularity among the settlers of South Carolina
must have been considerable, as we find that his name was
attached to several towns and districts, such as Alison's County,
Alison's Yille, Anson's Mines, etc. He returned to England in
1730, was cruising again on the American coast in 1733, but
returned again in 1735.
On the 9th December 1737, Captain Anson was appointed to
the command of the Centurion, a ship of 60 guns, and despatched
to the African coast, ostensibly with a view to the protection of
our merchants engaged in the gum trade, from the annoyance of
French ships of war. A resolution having been come to by the
ministry to strike a blow against the Spanish power in the West
Indies, South Seas, and at Manilla, two officers were selected
for this purpose Captain Alison and Captain James Cornwall.
On Anson's arrival at Spithead, 10th November 1739, he found a
letter awaiting him from Admiral Sir Charles Wager, ordering
him to proceed at once to the Admiralty. The first programme
submitted to him, to say the least of it, was both difficult and
dangerous, and may be taken as a proof of the confidence enter-
tained in his ability as a seaman. He was to attack and carrj
6 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
Manilla with part of his squadron, while another part, under
Cornwall, was to go round Cape Horn into the Southern Ocean,
attacking and destroying the Spanish settlements on the South
American coasts, then crossing the Pacific to join the previous
squadron at Manilla, and there await further orders. This
scheme was never fully carried out, the proposed expedition to
Manilla being dropped ; but the part of the plan which was to
have been entrusted to Cornwall was eventually carried out by
Anson.
On the 10th January 1740, Anson was appointed commodore
of the squadron which was designed to share in the riches which
they imagined Spain derived from her possessions in the South
Seas. Before sailing, he made himself acquainted with the best
printed arid manuscript accounts of the Spanish settlements on the
coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico. The victualling and manning
of this squadron was a notorious example of avaricious and heart-
less jobbery. In addition to the fact that several of the vessels
were scarcely seaworthy and badly manned, the troops sent on
board were worn-out pensioners from Chelsea, not one of whom
returned alive. It is a record of this voyage round the world
which is here presented.
On the 3d May 1747, Anson achieved a brilliant victory over a
French fleet bound for the Indies, off Cape Finisterre. In recog-
nition of this service, he was created a peer under the title of Lord
Anson, Baron of Soberton, in the county of Southampton, and
shortly afterwards made Vice- Admiral of England. In 1751 he
was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, a position he held,
except for a short interval, until his death. On 30th July 1761,
he sailed from Harwich in the Charlotte yacht, to convey the
future queen of George III. to England. In the month of Febru-
ary 1762, in assisting at the ceremony of accompanying the
queen's brother, Prince George of Mecklenberg, to Portsmouth,
he caught a cold which proved fatal on 6th June 1762. In April
1748, Lord Anson had married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Lord
Hardwicke, who died without issue, 1st June 1760.
In business Anson was slow to decide, but quick to execute.
In matters of ceremony and correspondence he was awkward, and
in writing showed marks of a defective education. This was
more than compensated by other sterling qualities of mind and
character. In society he was modest and reserved,, it being said
of him, "he had been round the world, but never in it." The
Duke of Newcastle observed of him : " There never was a more
able, a more upright, or a more useful servant of his king and
country, or a more sincere and valuable friend."
ANSON'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WOKLD,
DEDICATION.
To His Grace, John, Duke of Bed-
ford, Marquis of Tavistock, Earl of
Bedford, Baron Kussel, Baron Rus-
sel of Thornhaugh, and Baron How-
land of Streatham: one of His
Majesty's Principal Secretaries of
State, and Lord- Lieutenant and
Oustos Rotulorum of the County of
Bedford.
MY LORD, The following narrative
of a very singular naval achievement
is addressed to Your Grace, both on
account of the infinite obligations
which the Commander-in- Chief at all
times professes to have received from
your friendship ; and also, as the sub-
ject itself naturally claims the patron-
age of one under whose direction the
British Navy has resumed its ancient
spirit and lustre, and has in one sum-
mer ennobled itself by two victories,
the most decisive and (if the strength
and number of the captures be consider-
ed) the most important that are to be
met with in our annals. 1 Indeed, an
1 In 1747, when Anson, then Rear-
Admiral of the White, defeated the
French Admiral, lonquierre, near
Gape Finisterre, capturing six ships of
the line and a valuable convoy, and
gaining, as his reward, a peerage,
with the title of Lord Anson, Baron
Soberton ; and Hawke totally defeated
the French fleet off Belleisle, also
uninterrupted series of success, and a
manifest superiority gained universally
over the enemy, both in commerce
and glory, seem to be the necessary
effects of a revival of stric/t discipline,
and of an unbiassed regard to merit
and service. These are marks that
must distinguish the happy period of
time in which Your Grace presided,
and afford a fitter subject for history
than for an address of this nature.
Very signal advantages of rank and
distinction, obtained and secured to
the naval profession by Your Grace's
auspicious influence, will remain a
lasting monument of your unwearied
zeal and attachment to it, and be for
ever remembered with the highest
gratitude by all who shall be employed
in it. As these were the generous
rewards of past exploits, they will be
likewise the noblest incentives and
surest pledges of the future. That
Your Grace's eminent talents, magna-
taking six ships, and winning promo-
tion to the rank of Vice -Admiral of
the Blue. Of the first-named victory,
it is narrated that when M. St George,
captain of one of the French vessels,
gave up his sword to Anson, he ad-
dressed him thus, with allusion to
the names of two of the ships that
had surrendered : " Vous avez vaincu
L'Invincible, et La Gloire vous suit"
" You have vanquished the Invin-
cible, and Glory follows you. " The
Dedication was written in 1748.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
nimity, and disinterested zeal, whence
the public has already reaped such
signal benefits, may in all times prove
equally successful in advancing the
prosperity of Great Britain, is the
ardent wish of, My Lord, Your Grace's
most obedient, most devoted, and
most humble servant,
RICHARD WALTER.
INTRODUCTION.
NOTWITHSTANDING the great improve-
ment of navigation within the last
two centuries, a Voyage Round the
World is still considered as an enter-
prise of a very singular nature ; and
the public have never failed to be ex-
tremely inquisitive about the various
accidents and turns of fortune with
which this uncommon attempt is
generally attended. And though the
amusement expected in a narration of
this kind is doubtless one great source
of this curiosity, and a strong incite-
ment with the bulk of readers, yet the
more intelligent part of mankind have
always agreed that from these rela-
tions, if faithfully executed, the more
important purposes of navigation,
commerce, and national interest may
be greatly promoted. For every au-
thentic account of foreign coasts and
countries will contribute to one or
more of these great ends in proportion
to the wealth, wants, or commodities
of those countries, and our ignorance
of those coasts ; and therefore a Voy-
age Round the World promises a spe-
cies of information of all others the
most desirable and interesting, since
great part of it is performed in seas
and on coasts with which we are as
yet but very imperfectly acquainted,
and in the neighbourhood of a coun-
try renowned for the abundance of its
wealth, though it is at the same time
stigmatised for its poverty in the
necessaries and conveniencies of a
civilised life.
These considerations have occa-
sioned the publication of the ensuing
work, which, in gratifying the inquisi-
tive turn of mankind, and contribut-
ing to the safety and success of future
navigators and to the extension of our
commerce and power, may doubtless
vie with any narration of this kind
hitherto made public. Since the cir-
cumstances of this undertaking already
known to the world may be supposed
to have strongly excited the general
curiosity. For whether we consider
the force of the squadron sent on this
service, or the diversified distresses that
each single ship was separately in-
volved in, or the uncommon instances
of various fortune which attended
the whole enterprise, each part, I
conceive, must, 'from its rude well-
known outlines, appear worthy of a
completer and more finished delinea-
tion. 1
As there are hereafter occasionally
interspersed some accounts of Spanish
transactions, and many observations
on the disposition of the American
Spaniards, and on the condition of
the countries bordering on the South
Seas, and as herein I may appear to
differ greatly from the opinions gene-
rally established, I think it incumbent
on me particularly to recite the author-
ities I have been guided by on this
occasion, that I may not be censured
as having given way either to a
thoughtless credulity on one hand, or,
what would be a much more criminal
imputation, to a wilful and deliberate
misrepresentation on the other. Mr
Anson, before he set sail upon this
1 In the Introduction, and through-
out the whole Narrative, all the de-
scriptions and references which relate
to the elaborate charts, plans, and
drawings of the original edition, and
which are cumbrous and unintelligible
without them, have been omitted ; as
also many digressions of the Narrator
on nautical, topographical, or histori-
cal points, which now serve little pur-
pose but to delay the progress and
enfeeble the interest of the main
story. Those omissions, however,
save where trivial in matter or in
amount, have been mentioned in the
notes.
INTRODUCTION.
expedition, besides tlie printed jour-
nals to those parts, took care to fur-
nish himself with the best manuscript
accounts he could procure of all the
Spanish settlements upon the coasts
of Chili, Peru, and Mexico. These
he carefully compared with the exami-
nations of his prisoners, and the infor-
mations of several intelligent persons
who fell into his hands in the South
Seas. He had likewise the good for-
tune, in some of his captures, to pos-
sess himself of a great number of
letters and papers of a public nature,
many of them written by the Viceroy
of Peru to the Viceroy of Santa Fe,
to the Presidents of Panama and
Chili, to Don Bias de Lezo, Admiral
of the Galleons, and to divers other
persons in public employments ; and
in these letters there was usually
inserted a recital of those they were
intended to answer ; so that they
contained a considerable part of the
correspondence between these officers
for some time previous to our arrival
on that coast. "We took besides many
letters, sent from persons employed
by the Government to their friends
and correspondents, which were fre-
quently filled with narrations of pub-
lic business, and sometimes contained
undisguised animadversions on the
views and conduct of their superiors.
From these materials those accounts
of the Spanish affairs are taken which
may at first sight appear the most
exceptionable. In particular, the
history of the various casualties which
befell Pizarro's squadron is for the
most part composed from intercepted
letters : though indeed the relation of
the insurrecti9n of Orellana and his
followers is founded on rather a less
disputable authority, for it was taken
from the mouth of an English gentle-
man then on board Pizarro, who often
conversed with Orellana ; and it was,
on inquiry, confirmed in its principal
circumstances by others who were in
the ship at the same time : so that
the fact, however extraordinary, is, I
conceive, not to be contested.
And on this occasion I cannot but
mention, that though I have endea-
voured, with m^ utmost care, to adhere
strictly to truth in every article of the
ensuing narration, yet I am apprehen-
sive that in so complicated a work some
oversights must have been committed,
by the inattention to which at times
all mankind are liable. However, I
know of none biit literal mistakes :
and if there are other errors which
have escaped me, I flatter myself
they are not of moment enough to
affect any material transaction, and
therefore I hope they may justly claim
the reader's indulgence. 1
If what has been said merits the
attention of travellers of all sorts, it
is, I think, more particularly applic-
able to the gentlemen of the Navy ;
since without drawing and planning
neither chart nor views of lands can
be taken ; and without these it is
sufficiently evident that navigation is
at a full stand. It is doubtless from
a persuasion of the utility of these
qualifications, that his Majesty has
established a drawing -master at Ports-
mouth, for the instruction of those
who are presumed to be hereafter in-
trusted with the command of his
royal navy. And though some have
been so far misled as to suppose that
the perfection .of sea-officers consisted
in a turn of mind and temper resem-
bling the boisterous element they had
to deal with, and have condemned all
literature and science as effeminate,
and derogatory to that ferocity which,
they would falsely persuade us, was
the most unerring characteristic of
courage : yet it is to be hoped that
such absurdities as these have at no
time been authorised by the public
opinion, and that the belief of them
daily diminishes. . . . Indeed,
1 A long passage is here omitted,
in which the Author animates his
countrymen to "the encouragement
and pursuit of all kinds of nautical
and geographical observations, and
every species of mechanical and com-
mercial information," and especially
insists on the advantage and neces-
sity of a traveller's being able to
draw, and possessing an acquaint-
ance with the general principles of
surveying.
ANSON'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [B.I.CH.L
10
when tlie many branches of science
are considered of which even the com-
mon practice of navigation is composed,
and the many improvements which
men of skill have added to this practice
within these few years, it would induce
one to believe that the advantages of
reflection and speculative knowledge
were in no profession more eminent
than in that of a sea-officer. For,
not to mention some expertness in
geography, geometry, and astronomy,
which it would be dishonourable for
him to be without (as his journal and
his estimate of the daily position of
the ship are no more than the practice
of particular branches of these arts),
it may be well supposed^that the man-
agement and working of a ship, the
discovery of her most eligible position
in the water (usually styled her trim),
and the disposition of her sails in the
most advantageous manner, are articles
wherein the knowledge of mechanics
cannot but be greatly assistant : and
perhaps the application of this kind
of knowledge to naval subjects may
produce as great improvements in
sailing and working a ship, as it has
already done in many other matters
conducive to the ease and convenience
of human life. For when the fabric
of a ship and the variety of her sails
are considered, together with the arti-
ficial contrivances of adapting them
to her different motions, as it cannot
be doubted but these things have
been brought about by more than
ordinary sagacity and invention, so
neither can it be doubted but that a
speculative and scientific turn of mind
may find out the means of directing
and disposing this complicated me-
chanism much more advantageously
than can be done by mere habit, or
by a servile copying of what others
may perhaps have erroneously prac-
tised in the like emergency. But it
is time to finish this digression, and
to leave the reader to the perusal of
the ensuing work ; which, with how
little art soever it may be executed,
will yet, from the importance of the
subject, and the utility and excellence
of the materials, merit some share of
the public attention.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
THE squadron under the command of
Mr Anson, of which I here propose to
recite the most material proceedings,
having undergone many changes in its
destination, its force, and its equip-
ment, in the ten months between its
first appointment and its final sailing
from St Helens, I conceive the his-
tory of these alterations is a detail
necessary to be made public, both
for the honour of those who first
planned and promoted this enter-
prise, and for the justification of
those who have been entrusted with
its execution. Since it will from
hence appear, that the accidents the
expedition was afterwards exposed
to, and which prevented it from pro-
ducing all the national advantages,
the strength of the squadron and the
expectation of the public seemed to
presage, were principally owing to a
series of interruptions which delayed
the commander in the course of his
preparations, and which it exceeded
his utmost industry either to avoid or
to get removed.
When, in the latter end of the
summer of the year 1739, it was fore-
seen that a war with Spain was in-
evitable, 1 it was the opinion of several
1 A convention regulating the sum
to be paid by Spain to England on
account of damage sustained to Eng-
lish commerce through the arbitrary
means taken by the Spaniards to protect
their American trade, had been signed
1739.]
WAR WITH SPAIN INEVITABLE.
11
considerable persons, then trusted with
the administration of affairs, that the
most prudent step the nation could
take, on the breaking out of the war,
was attacking that Crown in her dis-
tant settlements : for by this means
(as at that time there was the greatest
probability of success) it was sup-
posed that we should cut off the prin-
cipal resources of the enemy, and re-
duce them to the necessity of sin-
cerely desiring a peace, as they would
hereby be deprived of the returns of
that treasure by which alone they
could be enabled to carry on a war. 1
In pursuance of these sentiments,
several projects were examined, and
several resolutions taken in Council.
And in these deliberations it was
from the first determined thai, George
Anson, Esq., then captain of the
Centurion, 2 should be employed as
at Madrid in January 1739. But the
question of the Right of Search exer-
cised by the Spanish Crown over
English vessels trading to its western
colonies, and other delicate subjects
of dispute, were reserved for future
negotiation ; a fierce clamour of dis-
satisfaction with the Convention, and
eagerness for war, arose among the
British people and in Parliament ;
and Walpole, unable to stem the tide
of popular desire, resolved on enter-
ing upon a conflict which he con-
demned and deplored. The War is
sometimes known as that of "the
Merchants," arising, as it did, purely
out of trade disputes; it was de-
clared in London, amid wild public
rejoicing, on the 19th of October
1739.
1 Compare the reasons assigned for
Drake's fatal Puerto Rico expedition;
ante, page 99.
2 Earl Stanhope, in his "History
of England," Chapter XXII., says of
Anson: "George Anson deserves to
be held forth as a model to British
seamen of what may be accomplished
by industry, by courage, by love of
their profession. He was born of a
family at that period new and obscure,
nor had he the advantage of distin-
guished talents. After his expedition,
commander-in-chief of an expedition
of this kind ; and he then being ab-
sent on a cruise, a vessel was dis-
patched to his station so early as the
beginning of September, to order him
to return with his ship to Portsmouth.
And soon after he came there that
is, on the 10th of November follow-
ing he received a letter from Sir
Charles Wager, ordering him to re-
pair to London, and to attend the
Board of Admiralty ; where, when
he arrived, he was informed by Sir
Charles that two squadrons would be
immediately fitted out for two secret
expeditions, which, however, would
have some connection with each
other ; that he, Mr Anson, was in-
tended to command one of them, and
Mr Cornwall (who has since lost his
life gloriously in the defence of his
country's honour) the other ; that
the squadron under Mr Anson was
to take on board three independ-
ent companies of a hundred men
each, and Eland's regiment of foot ;
that Colonel Bland was likewise to
embark with his regiment, and to
command the land forces ; and that,
as soon as this squadron could be
fitted for the sea, they were to set
sail, with express orders to touch
at no place till they came to Java
Head, in the East Indies ; that there
they were only to stop to take in
water, and thence to proceed directly
to the city of Manilla, situated on
Luconia, 3 one of the Philippine Is-
lands; that the other squadron was
to be of equal force with this corn-
it used to be said of him that he had
been round the world but never in
it : he was dull and unready on land,
slow in business, and sparing of
speech. But he had undaunted
bravery, steady application, and cool
judgment ; he punctually followed his
instructions, and zealously discharged
his duty ; and by these qualities
qualities within the attainment
of all did he rise to well-earned
honours, and bequeath an unsullied
renown. "
3 Or Luzon, the northernmost and
largest of the group.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cir.I.
12
manded by Mr Anson, and was in-
tended to pass round Cape Horn into
the South Seas, and there to range
along that coast ; and after cruising
upon the enemy in those parts, and
attempting their settlements, this
squadron in its return was to rendez-
vous at Manilla, and there to join
the squadron under Mr Anson, where
they were to refresh their men, and
refit their ships, and perhaps receive
further orders. 1
This scheme was doubtless ex-
tremely well projected, and could not
but greatly advance the public ser-
vice, and at the same time the reputa-
tion and fortune of those concerned
in its execution ; for had Mr Anson
proceeded for Manilla at the time and
in the manner proposed by Sir Charles
Wager, he would in all probability
have arrived there before they had re-
ceived any advice of the war between
us and Spain, and consequently before
they had been in the least prepared
for the reception of an enemy, or had
any apprehensions of their danger.
The city of Manilla might be well
supposed to have been at that time
in the same defenceless condition with
all the other Spanish settlements just
at the breaking out of the war ; that
is to say, their fortifications neglected,
and in many places decayed ; their
cannon dismounted, or useless by
the mouldering of their carriages ;
their magazines, whether of military
stores or provision, all empty ; their
garrisons unpaid, and consequently
thin, ill-affected, and dispirited ; and
the royal chests in Peru, whence
alone all these disorders could receive
their redress, drained to the very
bottom. This, from the intercepted
letters of their Viceroys and Gover-
nors, is well known to have been the
defenceless state of Panama and the
other Spanish places on the coast of
the South Seas, for near a twelve-
month after our declaration of war.
And it cannot be supposed that the
city of Manilla, removed still farther
1 Ed. 1776: "And perhaps receive
orders for other considerable enter-
prises."
by almost half the circumference of
the globe, should have experienced
from the Spanish Government a
greater share of attention and con-
cern for its security than Panama,
and the other important ports in
Peru and Chili, on which their pos-
session of that immense empire de-
pends. Indeed, it is well known
that Manilla was at that time in-
capable of making any consider-
able defence, and, in all probability,
would have surrendered only on tho
appearance of our squadron before it.
The consequence of this city, and
the island it stands on, may be in
some measure estimated from the
healthiness of its air, the excellency
of its port and bay, the number and
wealth of its inhabitants, and the
very extensive and beneficial 2 com-
merce which it carries on to the
principal ports in the East Indies
and China, and its exclusive trade
to Acapulco, the returns for which, 3
being made in silver, are upon the
lowest valuation not less than three
millions of dollars per annum.
And on this scheme Sir Charles
Wager was so intent, that in a few
days after this first conference, that
is, on November 18, Mr Anson re-
ceived an order to take under his
command the Argyle, Severn, Pearl,
Wager, and Trial sloop; and other
orders were issued to him in the same
month, and in the December follow-
ing, relating to the victualling of this
squadron. But Mr Anson attending
the Admiralty the beginning of Janu-
ary, he was informed by Sir Charles
Wager that for reasons with which
he, Sir Charles, was not acquainted,
the expedition to Manilla was laid
aside. It may be conceived that Mr
Anson was extremely chagrined at
losing the command of so infallible,
so honourable, and in every respect
so desirable an enterprise, especially,
too, as he had already, at a very
great expense, made the necessary
provision for his own accommodation
2 Profitable.
3 That is, for the Acapulco trade
alone.
1740.] EQUIPMENT OF
ill tliis voyage, which he had reason
to expect would prove a very long
one. However, Sir Charles, to render
this disappointment in some degree
more tolerable, informed him that
the expedition to the South Seas was
still intended ; and that he, Mr
Anson, and his squadron, as their
first destination was now counter-
manded, should be employed in that
service. And on the 10th of January
[1740] he received his commission,
appointing him commander-in-chief
of the forementioned squadron, which
(the Argyle being in the course of
their preparation changed for the
Gloucester) was the same he sailed
with above eight months after from
St Helens. On this change of desti-
nation, the equipment of the squad-
ron was still prosecuted with as much
vigour as ever ; and the victualling,
and whatever depended on the Com-
modore, was [soon] so far advanced,
that he conceived the ships might be
capable of putting to sea the instant
he should receive his final orders, of
which he was in daily expectation.
And at last, on the 28th of June
1740, the Duke of Newcastle, Princi-
Eal Secretary of State, delivered to
im his Majesty's instructions, dated
January 31, 1739, with an additional
instruction from the Lords Justices,
dated June 19, 1740. On the receipt
of these, Mr Anson immediately re-
paired to Spithead, with a resolution
to sail with the first fair wind, flat-
tering himself that all his delays 1
were now at an end. For though he
knew by the musters that his _squad-
ron wanted 300 seamen of their com-
plement (a deficiency which, with all
his assiduity, he had not been able to
get supplied), yet as Sir Charles Wager
informed him that an order from the
Board of Admiralty was despatched
to Sir John N orris to spare him the
numbers which he wanted, he doubted
not of his complying therewith. But
on his arrival at Portsmouth he found
himself greatly mistaken and disap-
pointed in this persuasion ; for, on
his application, Sir John N orris told
1 Ed. 1776: "His difficulties."
THE SQUADRON. 13
him he could spare him none, for ho
wanted men for his own fleet. This
occasioned an inevitable and a very
considerable delay ; for it was the
end of July before this deficiency was
by any means supplied, and all that
was then done was extremely short of
his necessities and expectation. For
Admiral Balchen, who succeeded to
the command at Spithead after Sir
John Norris had sailed to the west-
ward, instead of 300 able sailors,
which Mr Anson wanted of his com-
plement, ordered on board the squad-
ron 170 men only, of which thirty-
two were from the hospital and sick
quarters, thirty-seven from the Salis-
bury, with three officers of Colonel
Lowther's regiment, and ninety-eight
marines ; and these were all that were
ever granted to make up the foremen-
tioned deficiency.
But the Commodore's mortification
did not end here. It has been already
observed, that it was at first intended
that Colonel Eland's regiment, and
three independent companies of 100
men each, should embark as land
forces on board the squadron. But
this disposition was now changed,
and all the land forces that were to
be allowed were 500 invalids, to be
collected from the out-pensioners of
Chelsea College. As these out-pen-
sioners consist of soldiers, who, from
their age, wounds, or other infirmities,
are incapable of service in marching
regiments, Mr Anson was greatly
chagrined at having such a decrepit
detachment allotted to him ; for he
was fully persuaded that the greatest
part 'of them would perish long be-
fore they arrived at the scene of action,
since the delays he had already en-
countered necessarily confined his
passage round Cape Horn to the
most rigorous season of the year. Sir
Charles Wager, too, joined in opinion
with the Commodore that invalids
were no ways proper for this service,
and solicited strenuously to have them
exchanged ; but he was told, that
persons who were supposed to be
better judges of soldiers than he or
Mr Anson thought them the properest
men that could be employed on this
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. I. CH. I,
II
occasion. 1 And upon this determina-
tion they were ordered on board the
squadron on the 5th of August ; but
instead of 500 there came on board
no more than 259 ; for all those who
had limbs and strength to walk out
of Portsmouth deserted, leaving be-
hind them only such as were literally
invalids, most of them being sixty
years of age, and some of them up-
wards of seventy. Indeed, it is diffi-
cult to conceive a more moving scene
than the embarkation of these un-
happy veterans ; they were themselves
extremely averse to the service they
were engaged in, and fully apprised
of all the disasters they were after-
wards exposed to ; the apprehensions
of which were strongly marked by the
concern that appeared in their coun-
tenances, which was mixed with no
small degree of indignation to be
thus hurried from their repose into a
fatiguing employ to which neither
the strength of their bodies, nor the
vigour of their minds, were any ways
proportioned, and where, without
seeing the face of an enemy, or in the
least promoting the success of the
enterprise they were engaged in, they
would in all probability uselessly
perish by lingering and painful dis-
eases ; and this, too, after they had
spent the activity and strength of
their youth in their country's ser-
vice.
And I cannot but observe, on this
melancholy incident, how extremely
unfortunate it was, both to this aged
and diseased detachment, and to the
expedition they were employed in,
that amongst all the out-pensioners
of Chelsea Hospital, which were sup-
posed to amount to 2000 men, the
most crazy and infirm only should be
culled out for so fatiguing and peril-
1 Sir John Barrow, in his Life of
Anson, says " The feelings of these
excellent judges are not to be envied,
when they were afterwards made ac-
quainted with the fact, that not one
of these unfortunate individuals, who
went on the voyage, survived to reach
their native land every man had
perished. "
ous an undertaking. For it was well
known that, however unfit invalids
in general might be for this service,
yet by a prudent choice there might
have been found amongst them 500
men Avho had some remains of vigour
left. And Mr Anson fully expected
that the best of them would have
been allotted him ; whereas the whole
detachment that was sent to him
seemed to be made up of the most
decrepit and miserable objects that
could be collected out of the whole
body; and by the desertion above-
mentioned, [even] these were a second
time cleared of that little health and
strength which were to be found
amongst them, and he was to take up
with such as were much fitter for an
infirmary than for any military duty.
And here it is necessary to mention
another material particular in the
equipment of this squadron. It was
proposed to Mr Anson, after it was
resolved that he should be sent to the
South Seas, to take with him two
persons under the denomination of
agent-victuallers. Those who were
mentioned for this employment had
formerly been in the Spanish "West
Indies, 2 in the South Sea Company's
service ; and it was supposed that by
their knowledge and intelligence on
that coast, they might often procure
provision for him by compact with
the inhabitants, when it was not to
be got by force of arms. These agent-
victuallers were, for this purpose, to
be allowed to carry to the value of
15,000 in merchandise on board the
squadron ; for they had represented
that it would be much easier for them
to procure provisions with goods,
than with the value of the same
goods in money. Whatever colours
were given to this scheme, it was
difficult to persuade the generality of
mankind that it was not principally
intended for the enrichment of the
agents, by the beneficial commerce
they proposed to carry on upon that
coast. Mr Anson, from the begin-
ning, objected both to the appoint-
2 Ed. 1776 : "In the Spanish
American colonies."
1740.] MANNING AND VICTUALLING OF THE SQUADKON. 15
ment of agent- victuallers, and the
allowing them to carry a cargo on
board the squadron. For he con-
ceived that in those few amicable
ports where the squadron might
touch he needed not their assistance
to contract for any provisions the
place afforded ; and on the enemy's
coast he did not imagine that they
could ever procure him the necessaries
he should want, unless (which he was
resolved not to comply with) the
military operations of his squadron
were to be regulated by the ridicul-
ous views of their trading projects.
All that he thought the Government
ought to have done on this occasion
was to put on board to the value of
2000 or 3000 only of such goods
as the Indians, or the Spanish plan-
ters in the less cultivated part of the
coast, might be tempted with ; since
it was in such places only that he
imagined it would be worth while to
truck with the enemy for provisions.
And in these places, it was suffi-
ciently evident, a very small cargo
would suffice.
But though the Commodore ob-
jected both to the appointment of
these officers, and to their project ; x
yet, as they had insinuated that their
scheme, besides victualling the squad-
ron might contribute to settling a
trade upon that coast, which might
be afterwards carried on without dif-
ficulty, and might thereby prove a
very considerable national advantage,
they were much listened to by some
considerable persons. And of the
15,000, which was to be the amount
of their cargo, the Government agreed
to advance them 10,000 upon im-
prest, 8 and the remaining 5000 they
raised on bottomry bonds ; and the
goods purchased with this [latter]
sum were all that were taken to sea
by the squadron, how much soever
1 Ed. 1776 adds : "Of the ill-suc-
cess of which he had no question."
2 " Prest money " is money ad-
vanced on condition that it shall be
"ready" when the lender demands it
back. French, "pr6t j" that is, it is
lent "on call."
the amount of them might be after-
wards magnified by common report.
This cargo was at first shipped on.
board the "Wager store-ship, and one
of the victuallers ; no part of it being
admitted on board the men-of-war.
But when the Commodore was at St
Catherine's, he considered, that in
case the squadron should be separated,
it might be pretended that some of
the ships were disappointed of pro-
visions for want of a cargo to truck
with ; and therefore he distributed
some of the least bulky commodities
on board the men-of-war, leaving the
remainder principally on board the
Wager, where it was lost. And more
of the goods perishing, by various
accidents to be recited hereafter, and
no part of them being disposed of
upon the coast, the few that came
home to England did not produce,
when sold, above a fourth part of the
original price. So true was the Com-
modore's prediction about the event
of this project, which had been by
many considered as infallibly produc-
tive of immense gains. But to return
to the transactions at Portsmouth.
To supply the place of the 240 in-
valids which had deserted, as is men-
tioned above, there were ordered on
board 210 marines detached from
different regiments. These were raw
and undisciplined men, for they were
just raised, and had scarcely anything
more of the soldier than their regi-
mentals, none of them having been
so far trained as to be permitted to
fire. The last detachment of these
marines came on board the 8th of
August, and on the 10th the squad-
ron sailed from Spithead to St Helens,
there to wait for a wind to proceed on
the expedition. But the delays we
had already suffered had not yet spent
all their influence, for we were now
advanced into a season of the year
when the westerly winds are usually
very constant and very violent ; and
it was thought proper that we should
put to sea in company with the fleet
commanded by Admiral Balchen, and
the expedition under Lord Cathcart. 3
3 This expedition was designed to
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. I. CH. I,
And as we made up in all twenty-one
men-of-war, and a 124 sail of mer-
chantmen and transports, we had no
hopes of getting out of the Channel
with so large a number of ships, with-
out the continuance of a fair wind for
some considerable time. This was
what we had every day less and less
reason to expect, as the time of the
equinox drew near ; so that our
golden dreams, and our ideal posses-
sion of the Peruvian treasures, grew
each day more faint, and the diffi-
culties and dangers of the passage
round Cape Horn in the winter season
filled our imaginations in their room.
For it was forty days from our arrival
at St Helens to our final departure
from thence. And even then (having
orders to proceed without Lord Cath-
cart) we tided it down the Channel
with a contrary wind. But this in-
terval of forty days was not free from
the displeasing fatigue of often setting
sail, and being as often obliged to
return ; nor exempt from dangers
greater than have been sometimes ex-
perienced in surrounding the globe.
For the wind coming fair for the first
time on the 23d of August, we got
under sail, and [Admiral] Balchen
showed himself truly solicitous to
have proceeded to sea ; but the wind,
soon returning to its old quarter,
obliged us to put back to St Helens,
not without considerable hazard, and
some damage received by two of the
transports, which, in tacking, ran
foul of each other. Besides this, w r e
made two or three more attempts to
sail, but without any better success ;
and on the 6th of September, being
returned to an anchor at St Helens,
after one of these fruitless efforts, the
reinforce Admiral Vernon, who had
captured Porto Bello in the preceding
November ; but through various de-
lays it did not sail till the end of
October, and after joining Vernon,
the united force attacked Carthagena,
only to be repulsed. Lord Cathcart,
before that miscarriage, had died from
the effects of the climate, General
"VVentworth succeeding him in com-
mand of the troopa.
wind blew so fresh that the Avhole
fleet struck their yards and topmasts
to prevent their driving. And, not-
withstanding this precaution, the
Centurion drove the next evening,
and brought both cables ahead, and
we were in no small danger of driving
foul of the Prince Frederick, a seventy-
gun ship, moored at a small distance
under our stern, which we happily
escaped, by her driving at the same
time, and so preserving our distance ;
nor did we think ourselves secure till
we at last let go the sheet anchor,
which fortunately brought us up.
However, on the 9th of September
wo were in some degree relieved from
this lingering vexatious situation by
an order which Mr Anson received
from the Lords Justices, to put to sea
the first opportunity with his own
squadron only if Lord Cathcart should
not be ready. Being thus freed from
the troublesome company of so large
a fleet, our Commodore resolved to
weigh and tide it down Channel as
soon as the weather should become
sufficiently moderate ; and this might
easily have been done with our own
squadron alone full two months
sooner had the orders of the Admir-
alty for supplying us with seamen
been punctually complied with, and
had we met with none of those other
delays mentioned in this narration.
It is true, our hopes of a speedy depar-
ture were even now somewhat damped
by a subsequent order which Mr An-
son received on the 12th of Septem-
ber, for by that he was required to
take under his convoy the St A 1 bans,
with the Turkey fleet, and to join
the Dragon and the Winchester, with
the Straits and the American trade, 1
at Torbay or Plymouth, and to pro-
ceed with them to sea as far as their
1 That is, the merchant vessels pro-
ceeding to the Mediterranean through
the Straits of Gibraltar and to the
American colonies ; the collective word
" trade " being aptly enough used to
denote the gathering of all the ships
bound for the one or the other desti-
nation, under the care of their armed
convovs.
1740.]
DEPARTURE FROM ST HELENS.
way and ours lay together. This
encumbrance of a convoy gave us some
uneasiness, as we feared it might prove
the means of lengthening our passage
to Madeira. However, Mr Anson,
now having the command himself,
resolved to adhere to his former de-
termination, and to tide it down the
Channel with the first moderate
weather ; and that the junction of his
convoy might occasion as little loss of
time as possible, he immediately sent
directions to Torbay that the fleets
he was there to take under his care
might be in readiness to join him in-
stantly on his approach. And at
last, on the 18th of September, he
weighed from St Helens ; and though
the wind was at first contrary, had
the good fortune to get clear of the
Channel in four days, as will be more
particularly related in the ensuing
Chapter.
Having thus gone through the re-
spective steps taken in the equipment
of this squadron, it is sufficiently
obvious how different an aspect this
expedition bore at its first appoint-
ment in the beginning of January
from what it had in the latter end of
September when it left the Channel j
and how much its numbers, its
strength, and the probability of its
success, were diminished by the vari-
ous incidents which took place in that
interval. For instead of having all
our old and ordinary seamen exchanged
for such as were young and able (which
the Commodore was at first promised),
and having our numbers completed
to their full complement, we were
obliged to retain our first crews, which
were very indifferent ; and a deficiency
of 300 men in our numbers was no
otherwise made up to us than by send-
ing us on board 170 men, the greatest
part composed of such as were dis-
charged from hospitals, or new-raised
marines who had never been at sea
before. And in the land forces allot-
ted us the change was still more dis-
advantageous, for there, instead of
three independent companies of 100
men each, and Bland's regiment of
foot, which was an old one, we had
only 470 invalids and marines one
part of them incapable for action by
age and infirmities, and the other
part useless by their ignorance of
their duty. But the diminishing the
strength of the squadron was not the
greatest inconvenience which attended
these alterations, for the contests, re-
presentations, and difficulties which
they continually produced (as we have
above seen, that in these cases the
authority of the Admiralty was not
always submitted to), occasioned a
delay and waste of time which in its
consequences was the source of all the
disasters to which this enterprise was
afterwards exposed. For by this means
we were obliged to make our passage
round Cape Horn in the most tempes-
tuous season of the year, whence pro-
ceeded the separation of our squadron,
the loss of numbers of our men, and
the imminent hazard of our total de-
struction. And by this delay, too,
the enemy had been so well informed
of our designs that a person who had
been employed in the South Sea Com-
pany's service, and arrived from Pan-
ama three or four days before we left
Portsmouth, was al6le to relate to Mr
Anson most of the particulars of the
destination and strength of our squad-
ron from what he had learned amongst
the Spaniards before he left them.
And this was afterwards confirmed by
a more extraordinary circumstance;
for we shall find that when the Span-
iards (fully satisfied that our expedi-
tion was intended for the South Seas)
had fitted out a squadron to oppose
us, which had so far got the start of
us as to arrive before us off the Island
of Madeira, the commander of this
squadron was so well instructed in the
form and make of Mr Anson's broad
pennant, and had imitated it so ex-
actly that he thereby decoyed the
Pearl, one of our squadron, within
gun-shot of him before the captain of
the Pearl was able to discover his
mistake.
CHAPTER II.
ON the 18th of September 1740, the
squadron, as we have observed in the
B
18
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.CH.II.
preceding Chapter, weighed from St
Helens with a contrary wind, the
Commodore proposing to tide it down
the Channel, as he dreaded less the
inconveniences he should thereby have
to struggle with than the risk he
should run of mining the enterprise
by an uncertain and in all probability
a tedious attendance for a fair wind.
The squadron allotted to this ser-
vice consisted of five men-of-war,
a sloop-of-war, and two victualling
ships. They were the Centurion, of
60 guns, 400 men, George Anson,
Esq., commander ; the Gloucester, of
50 guns, 300 men, Richard Norris,
commander ; the Severn, of 50 guns,
300 men, the Honourable Edward
Legg, commander ; the Pearl, of 40
guns, 250 men, Matthew Mitchel,
commander ; the Wager, of 28 guns,
160 men, Dandy Kidd, commander ;
and the Trial sloop, of 8 guns, 100
men, the Honourable John Murray,
commander. The two victuallers were
pinks, 1 the largest about 400 and the
other about 200 tons burthen ; these
were to attend us till the provisions
we had taken on board were so far
consumed as to make room for the
additional quantity they carried with
them, which when w r e had taken
into our ships they were to be dis-
charged. Besides the complement of
men borne by the above-mentioned
ships as their crews, there were em-
barked on board the squadron about
470 invalids and marines, under the
denomination of land forces, as has
been particularly mentioned in the
preceding Chapter, which were com-
manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Crach-
erode. With this squadron, together
with the St Albans and the Lark, and
the [Turkey] trade under their con-
voy, Mr Anson, after weighing from
St Helens, tided it down the Channel
for the first forty- eight hours ; and on
the 20th, in the morning, we dis-
covered off the Ram Head the Dragon,
Winchester, South Sea Castle, and
1 French, "Pinqice;" originally ap-
plied to sailing ships of small size
available for reconnoitring, spying,
or sounding purposes.
Rye, with a number of merchantmen 2
under their convoy. These we joined
about noon the same day, our Com-
modore having orders to see them (to-
gether with the [convoy of the] St
Albans and Lark) as far into the sea
as their course and ours lay together.
When we came in sight of this last-
mentioned fleet, Mr Anson first hoisted
his broad pennant, and was saluted
by all the men-of-war in company.
When we had joined this last con-
voy, we made up eleven men-of-war,
about 150 sail of merchantmen, con-
sisting of the Turkey, the Straits, and
the American trade. Mr Anson, the
same day, made a signal for all the
captains of the men-of-war to come 011
board him, where he delivered them
their fighting and sailing instructions ;
and then, with a fair wind, we all
stood towards the south-west ; and
the next day at noon, being the 21st,
we had run forty leagues from the
Ram Head ; and being now clear of
the land, our Commodore, to render
our view more extensive, ordered Cap-
tain Mitchel, in the Pearl, to make
sail two leagues ahead of the fleet
every morning, and to repair to his
station every evening. Thus we pro-
ceeded till the 25th, when the Win-
chester and the American convoy
made the concerted signal for leave to
separate, which being answered by
the Commodore, they left us, as the
St Albans and the Dragon, with the
Turkey and Straits convoy, did on the
29th. After which separation, there
remained in company only our own
squadron and our two victuallers, with
which we kept on our course for the
Island of Madeira. But the winds
were so contrary, that we had the mor-
tification to be forty days in our pass-
age thither from St Helens, though
it is known to be often done in ten
or twelve. This delay was a most
unpleasing circumstance, productive
2 Nearly 200, according to Mr
Parcoe Thomas, the mathematical
master on board the Centurion, who
wrote an account of the voyage, from
which many notes in this edition are
derived.
1740.] THE ISLAND
of much discontent and ill-humour
amongst our people, of which those
only can have a tolerable idea who
have had the experience of a like
situation. And besides the peevish-
ness and despondency which foul and
contrary winds, and a lingering voy-
age, never fail to create on all occa-
sions, we in particular had very sub-
stantial reasons to be greatly alarmed
at this unexpected impediment. For
as we had departed from England
much later than we ought to have
done, we had placed almost all our
hopes of success in the chance of re-
trieving in some measure at sea the
time we had so unhappily wasted at
Spithead and St Helens. 1 However,
at last, on Monday, October the 25th,
at five in the morning, we, to our
great joy, made the land, and in the
afternoon came to an anchor in Ma-
deira Road in forty fathoms water
the Brazen-Head bearing from us E.
by S. f the Loo NNW., and the Great
Church NNE. We had hardly let go
our anchor when an English privateer
sloop ran under our stern and saluted
the Commodore with nine guns, which
we returned with five ; and the next
day, the [English] Consul of the
island coming to visit the Commo-
dore, we saluted him with nine guns
on his coming on board.
This Island of Madeira, where we
are now arrived, is famous through all
our American settlements for its ex-
cellent wines, which seem to be de-
signed by Providence for the refresh-
ment of the inhabitants of the torrid
zone. It is situated in a fine climate,
in the Latitude of 32 27' 1ST. ; and in
1 Thomas mentions, that on the 13th
of October the first man lost on the
voyage died a common sailor, named
Philip Meritt; and that next day,
by an order from the Commodore, the
ship's company went on short allow-
ance that is, one-third of the allow-
ance granted by Government was kept
back, to make the provisions hold
out the longer. Anson was evidently
disquieted and stimulated to foresight
by the unpromising commencement of
his voyage.
OF MADEIRA. 19
the Longitude from London of, by our
different reckonings, from 18 30' to 19
30' W., though laid down in the charts
in 17. 2 It is composed of one con-
tinued hill, of a considerable height,
extending itself from east to west, the
declivity of which, on the south side,
is cultivated and interspersed with
vineyards ; and in the midst of this
slope the merchants have fixed their
country seats, which help to form an
agreeable prospect. There is but one
considerable town in the whole island,
it is named Fonchiale [Funchal], and
is seated on the south part of the
island, at the bottom of a large bay.
This is the only place of trade, and
indeed the only one where it is pos-
sible for a boat to land. Fonchiale,
towards the sea, is defended by a high
wall, with a battery of cannon, besides
a castle on the Loo, which is a rock
standing in the water at a small dis-
tance from the shore. Even here the
beach is covered with large stones,
and a violent surf continually beats
upon it : so that the Commodore did
not care to venture the ships' long-
boats to fetch the water off, as there
was so much danger of their being
lost ; and therefore ordered the cap-
tains of the squadron to employ Por-
tuguese boats on that service.
We continued about a week at this
island, watering our ships, and pro-
viding the squadron with wine and
other refreshments. And, on the 3d
of November, Captain Richard Norris
having signified by a letter to the
Commodore his desire to quit his
command on board the Gloucester,
in order to return to England for the
recovery of his health, the Commodore
complied with his request ; and there-
upon was pleased to appoint Captain
Matthew Mitchel to command the
Gloucester in his room, and to remove
Captain Kidd from the Wager to the
Pearl, and Captain Murray from the
Trial sloop to the Wager, giving the
command of the Trial to Lieutenant
Cheap. These promotions being
2 The charts, however, are right;
the best most modern maps placing
Madeira in 17.
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cii.II.
20
settled, with other changes in the
lieutenancies, the Commodore, on the
following day, gave to the captains
their orders, appointing St Jago, one
of the Cape Verd Islands, to be the
first place of rendezvous in case of
separation ; and directing them, if
they did not meet the Centurion
there, to make the best of their way
to the Island of St Catherine's on the
coast of Brazil. The water for the
squadron being the same day com-
pleted, and each ship supplied with
as much wine and other refreshments
as they could take in, we weighed
anchor in the afternoon, and took
our leave of the Island of Madeira.
But, before I go on with the narra-
tion of our own transactions, I think
it necessary to give some account of
the proceedings of the enemy, and of
the measures they had taken to ren-
der all our designs abortive.
When Mr Anson visited the Gover-
nor of Madeira, he received informa-
tion from him, that for three or four
days in the latter end of October
there had appeared, to the westward
of that island, seven or eight ships
of the line, and a patache, which last
was sent every day close in to make
the land. The Governor assured the
Commodore, upon his honour, that
none upon the island had either
given them intelligence, or had in
any sort communicated with them ;
but that he believed them to be either
French or Spanish, but was rather
inclined to think them Spanish. On
this intelligence, Mr Anson sent an
officer in a clean sloop 2 eight leagues
to the westward, to reconnoitre them,
and, if possible, to discover what
they were. But the officer returned
without being able to get a sight of
them, so that we still remained in
uncertainty. However, we could not
2 Thomas, who put the suspicious
squadron at sixteen or eighteen sail,
and supposes that they were a junc-
tion of French and Spanish ships of
war, says that Anson sent out " an
English privateer which lay in the
road. "
but conjecture that this fleet was in-
tended to put a stop to our expedition ;
which, had they cruised to the east-
ward of the island instead of the west-
ward, they could not but have executed
with great facility. For as, in that
case, they must have certainly fallen
in with us, we should have been
obliged to throw overboard vast quan-
tities of provision to clear our ships
for an engagement ; and this alone,
without any regard to the event of
the action, would have effectually
prevented our progress. This was so
obvious a measure, that we could not
help imagining reasons which might
have prevented them from pursuing
it. And we therefore supposed, that
this French or Spanish squadron was
sent out upon advice of our sailing
in company with Admiral Balchen
and Lord Cathcart's expedition : and
thence, from an apprehension of
being overmatched, they might not
think it advisable to meet with us
till we had parted company, which
they might judge would not happen
before our arrival at this island.
These were our speculations at that
time ; and from hence we had reason
to suppose, that we might still fall
in with them in our way to the Cape
Verd Islands. And afterwards, in
the course of our expedition, we were
many of us persuaded that this was
the Spanish squadron commanded by
Don Joseph Pizarro, which was sent
out purposely to traverse the views
and enterprises of our squadron, to
which in strength they were greatly
superior. As this Spanish armament
then, was so nearly connected with
our expedition, and as the catastrophe
it underwent, though not effected by
our force, was yet a considerable ad-
vantage to this nation produced in
consequence of our equipment, I have,
in the following Chapter, given a
summary account of their proceed-
ings, from their first setting out from
Spain in the year 1740, till the Asia,
the only ship which returned to
Europe of the whole squadron, ar-
rived at the Groyne [Corunna] in the
beginning of the year 1746.
1740.]
CHAPTER III.
THE SPANISH SQUADRON-. 21
nado, at the mouth of that river,
their Admiral, Pizarro, sent immedi-
THE squadron fitted out "by the Court
of Spain to attend our motions, and
traverse our projects, we supposed to
have been the ships seen off Madeira,
as mentioned in the preceding Chap-
ter. And as this force was sent out
particularly against our expedition,
I cannot but imagine that the follow-
ing history of the casualties it met
with, as far as by intercepted letters
and other information the same has
come to my knowledge, is a very
essential part of the present work.
For by this it will appear we were
the occasion that a considerable part
of the naval power of Spain was
diverted from the prosecution of the
ambitious views of that Court in
Europe ; and the men and ships lost
by the enemy in this undertaking
were lost in consequence of the pre-
cautions they took to secure them-
selves against our enterprises. This
squadron (besides two ships intended
for the West Indies, which did not
part company till after they had left
Madeira) was composed of the follow-
ing men-of-war, commanded by Don
Joseph Pizarro :
The Asia, of 66 guns, and 700 men :
this was the Admiral's ship.
The Guipuscoa, of 74 guns, and 700
men.
The Hermiona, of 54 guns, and 500
men.
The Esperanza, of 50 guns, and 450
men.
The St Estevan, of 40 guns, and
350 men.
And a patache of 20 guns.
These ships, over and above their
complement of sailors and marines,
had on board an old Spanish regiment
of foot, intended to reinforce the gar-
risons on the coast of the South Seas.
When this fleet had cruised for some
days to the leeward of Madeira, as is
mentioned in the preceding Chapter,
they left that station in the beginning
of November, and steered for the
River of Plate, where they arrived
the 5th of January, O.S. ; and com-
ing to an anchor in the Bay of Maldo-
ately to Buenos Ayres for a supply
of provisions ; for they had departed
from Spain with only fcmr months'
provisions on board. While they lay
here expecting this supply, they re-
ceived intelligence, by the treachery
of the Portuguese Governor of St
Catherine's, of Mr Anson's having
arrived at that island on the 21st of
December preceding, and of his pre-
paring to put to sea again witli the
utmost expedition. Pizarro, notwith-
standing his superior force, had his
reasons (and as some say his orders
likewise) for avoiding our squadron
anywhere short of the South Seas.
He was, besides, extremely desirous
of getting round Cape Horn before
us, as he imagined that step alone
would effectually baffle all our de-
signs ; and therefore, on hearing that
we were in his neighbourhood, and
that we should soon be ready to pro-
ceed for Cape Horn, he weighed
anchor with the five large ships (the
patache being disabled and condemn-
ed, and the men taken out of her),
after a stay of seventeen days only,
and got under sail without his pro-
visions, which arrived at Maldonado
within a day or two after his depar-
ture. But notwithstanding the pre-
cipitation with which he departed, we
put to sea from St Catherine's four
days before him; and in some part
of our passage to Cape Horn the two
squadrons were so near together, that
the Pearl, one of our ships, being
separated from the rest, fell in with
the Spanish Fleet, and mistaking the
Asia for the Centurion, had got with-
in gun-shot of Pizarro before she
discovered her error, and narrowly
escaped being taken.
It being the 22d of January when
the Spaniards weighed from Maldo-
nado, they could not expect to get
into the latitude of Cape Horn be-
fore the equinox ; and as they had
reason to apprehend very tempestuous
weather in doubling it at that season,
and as the Spanish sailors, being for
the most part accustomed to a fair-
weather country, might be expected
22
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I. OH. III.
to be very averse to so dangerous and
fatiguing a navigation, the better to
encourage them, some part of their
pay was advanced to them in Euro-
pean goods, which they were to be
permitted to dispose of in the South
Seas ; that so the hopes of the great
profit each man was to make on his
small venture might animate him in
his duty, and render him less disposed
to repine at the labour, the hardships,
and the perils he would in all pro-
bability meet with before his arrival
on the coast of Peru.
Pizarro with his squadron having,
towards the latter end of February,
run the length of Cape Horn, he then
stood to the westward in order to
double it ; but in the night of the
last day of February, O.S., while with
this view they were turned to wind-
ward, the Guipuscoa, the Hermiona,
and the Esperanza were separated
from the Admiral. On the 6th of
March following, the Guipuscoa was
separated from the other two ; and on
the 7th (being the day after we had
passed Straits le Maire) there came
on a most furious storm at NW.,
which, in despite of all their efforts,
drove the whole squadron to the
eastward, and obliged them, after
several fruitless attempts, to bear
away for the River of Plate, where
Pizarro in the Asia arrived about the
middle of May, and a few days after
him the Esperanza and the St Este-
van. The Hermiona was supposed to
founder at sea, for she was never
heard of more ; and the Guipuscoa
was run ashore and sunk on the coast
of Brazil. The calamities of all kinds
which this squadron underwent in
this unsuccessful navigation can only
be paralleled by what we ourselves
experienced in the same climate when
buifeted by the same storms. There
was indeed some diversity in our dis-
tresses, which rendered it difficult to
decide whose situation was most
worthy of commiseration. For to
all the misfortunes we had in common
with each other, as shattered rigging,
leaky ships, and the fatigues and de-
spondency which necessarily attend
these disasters, there was superadded
on board our squadron the ravage of
a most destructive and incurable dis-
ease, and on board the Spanish squad-
ron the devastation of famine.
For this squadron, either from the
hurry of their outset, 1 their presump-
tion of a supply at Buenos Ayres, or
from other less obvious motives, de-
parted from Spain, as has been al-
ready observed, with no more than
four months' provision, and even
that, as it is said, at short allowance
only ; so that, when by the storms
they met with off Cape Horn their
continuance at sea was prolonged a
month or more beyond their expecta-
tion, they were thereby reduced to
such infinite distress, that rats, when
they could be caught, were sold for
four dollars a-piece ; and a sailor, who
died on board, had his death concealed
for some days by his brother, who
during that time lay in the same
hammock with the corpse, only to
receive the dead man's allowance of
provisions. In this dreadful situation
they were alarmed (if their horrors
were capable of augmentation) by the
discovery of a conspiracy among tha
marines on board the Asia, the Ad-
miral's ship. This had taken its rise
chiefly from the miseries they en-
dured. For though no less was
proposed by the conspirators than
the massacring the officers and the
whole crew, yet their motive for
this bloody resolution seemed to be
no more than their desire of relieving
their hunger, by appropriating the
whole ship's provisions to themselves.
But their designs were prevented,
when just upoii the point of execu-
tion, by means of one of their con-
fessors, and three of their ringleaders
were immediately put to death. How-
ever, though the conspiracy was sup-
pressed, their other calamities ad-
mitted of no alleviation, but grew
each day more and more destructive ;
so that by the complicated distress of
fatigue, sickness, and hunger, the
three ships which escaped lost the
greatest part of their men. The
Asia, their Admiral's ship, arrived
1 Ei. 1776: "Outfit."
1741-45].
THE FATE OF PIZARRO'S SQUADRON.
it Monte Video in the River of Plate,
with half her crew only; the St Es-
tevan had lost in like manner half
her hands when she anchored in the
Bay of Barragan. The Esperanza, a
fifty-gun ship, was still more unfor-
tunate, for of 450 hands which she
brought from Spain, only fifty-eight
remained alive ; and the whole regi-
ment of foot perished except sixty
men. 1 . . .
The Asia having considerably suf-
fered in this second unfortunate ex-
pedition (see Note 1), the Esperanza,
which had been left behind at Monte
Video, was ordered to be refitted, the
command of her being given to Min-
dinuetta, who was captain of the
Guipuscoa when she was lost. He,
in the November of the succeeding
year, that is, in November 1742,
sailed from the River of Plate for the
South Seas, and arrived safe on the
coast of Chili, where his Commodore,
Pizarro, passing overland from Buenos
Ayres, met him. There were great
animosities and contests between these
two gentlemen at their meeting, oc-
casioned principally by the claim of
Pizarro to command the Esperanza,
which Mindinuetta had brought
1 The fate of the Guipuscoa was
little better. On being separated
from the Hermiona and Esperanza in
a fog on March 6th, they met with a
severe storm while SE. from Staten
Island. They were driven out of
their course, and did not reach the
shore on the coast of Brazil till 24th
April, when those on board were re-
duced to one ounce and a half of
biscuit a man per day. Many died
through the hardships of the voyage ;
the remainder of the crew, to the
number of 400, got safely to land,
when the vessel sank shortly after-
wards. The three remaining ships of
the squadron which got into the River
Plate sent an advice boat to Rio Jan-
eiro for provisions and help, and an
express across the Continent to Sant-
iago. An attempt was made to round
Cape Horn, in the Asia, in October
following, but they were driven back
to the River Plate in great distress.
rouaid ; for Mindinuetta refused to
deliver her up to him, insisting that
as he came into the South Seas alone,
and under no superior, it was not now
in the power of Pizarro to resume that
authority which he had once parted
with. However, the President of Chili
interposing, and declaring for Pizarro,
Mindinuetta, after a long and obstinate
struggle, was obliged to submit.
But Pizarro had not yet completed
the series of his adventures ; for when
he and Mindinuetta came back by
land from Chili to Buenos Ayres, in
the year 1745, they found at Monte
Video the Asia, which near three
years before they had left there.
This ship they resolved, if possible,
to carry to Europe, and with this
view they refitted her in the best
manner they could ; but their great
difficulty was to procure a sufficient
number of hands to navigate her, for
all the remaining sailors of the squad-
ron to be met with in the neighbour-
hood of Buenos Ayres did not amount
to 100 men. They endeavoured
to supply this defect by pressing
many of the inhabitants of Buenos
Ayres, and putting on board besides
all the English prisoners then in their
custody, together with a number of
Portuguese smugglers whom they had
taken at different times, and some of
the Indians of the country. Among
these last there was a chief and ten
of his followers, who had been sur-
prised by a party of Spanish soldiers
about three months before. The name
of this chief was Orellana : he belonged
to a very powerful tribe, which had
committed great ravages in the neigh-
bourhood of Buenos Ayres. With
this motley .crew (all of them, except
the European Spaniards, extremely
averse to the voyage) Pizarro set sail
from Monte Video in the River of
Plate, about the beginning of No-
vember 1745; and the native Span-
iards, being no strangers to the dis-
satisfaction of their forced men, treated
both those, the English prisoners and
the Indians, with great insolence and
barbarity, but more particularly the
Indians; for it was common for the
meanest officers in the shin to beat
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cii.IIT.
24
them most cruelly on the slightest
pretences, and oftentimes only to
exert their superiority. Orellana and
his followers, though in appearance
sufficiently patient and submissive,
meditated a severe revenge for all
these inhumanities. As he conversed
very well in Spanish (these Indians
having in time of peace a great inter-
course with Buenos Ayres), he affected 1
to talk with such of the English as
understood that language, and seemed
very desirous of being informed how
many Englishmen there were on board,
and which they were. As he knew
that the English were as much ene-
mies to the Spaniards as himself, he
had doubtless an intention of disclos-
ing his purposes to them, and making
them partners in the scheme he had
projected for revenging his wrongs
and recovering his liberty ; but having
sounded them at a distance, and not
finding them so precipitate and vin-
dictive as he expected, he proceeded
no further with them, but resolved to
trust alone to the resolution of his
ten faithful followers. These, it should
seem, readily engaged to observe his
directions, and to execute whatever
commands he gave them ; and having
agreed on the measures necessary to
be taken, they first furnished them-
selves with Dutch knives sharp at the
point, which, being the common knives
used in the ship, they found no diffi-
culty in procuring. Besides this,
they employed their leisure in secretly
cutting out thongs from raw hides, of
which there were great numbers on
board, and in fixing to each end of
these thongs the double-headed shot
of the small quarter-deck guns : this,
when swung round their heads ac-
cording to the practice of their country,
was a most mischievous weapon, in the
use of which the Indians about Buenos
Ayres are trained from their infancy,
and consequently are extremely ex-
pert. These particulars being in good
forwardness, the execution of their
1 " Affect" is here used, not in the
sense of making an ostentatious pre-
tence or show, but in that of preferring
or making a practice of something.
scheme was perhaps precipitated by
a particular outrage committed on
Orellana himself. For one of the
officers, who was a very brutal fellow,
ordered Orellana aloft ; which being
what he was incapable of performing,
the officer, under pretence of his dis-
obedience, beat him with such violence
that he left him bleeding on the deck,
and stupefied for some time with his
bruises and wounds. This usage un-
doubtedly heightened his thirst for
revenge, and made him eager and
impatient till the means of executing
it were in his power ; so that within
a day or two after this incident he
and his followers opened 2 their des-
perate resolves in the ensuing manner.
It was about nine in the evening,
when many of the principal officers
were on the quarter-deck indulging
in the freshness of the night air; the
waist of the ship was filled with live
cattle, and the forecastle was manned
with its customary watch. Orellana
and his companions, under cover of
the night, having prepared their
weapons, and thrown off their trousers
and the more cumbrous part of their
dress, came all together on the quarter-
deck, and drew towards the door of
the great cabin. The boatswain im-
mediately reprimanded them, and
ordered them to be gone. On this
Orellana spoke to his followers in his
native language, when four of them
drew off, two towards each gangway,
and the chief and the six remaining
Indians seemed to be slowly quitting
the quarter-deck. When the de-
tached Indians had taken possession
of the gangways, Orellana placed his
hands hollow to his mouth, and bel-
lowed out the war-cry used by those
savages, which is said to be the harshest
and most terrifying sound known in
nature. This hideous yell was the
signal for beginning the massacre :
for on this the [Indians] all drew
their knives, and brandished their
prepared double-headed shot, and the
six, with their chief, who remained
on the quarter-deck, immediately fell
on the Spaniards who were inter-
2 Ed. 1776 : " Began to execute."
17-15.1
mingled with them, and laid near
forty of them at their feet, of whom
above twenty were killed on the spot,
and the rest disabled. Many of the
officers, in the beginning of the tu-
mult, pushed into the great cabin,
where they put out the lights, and
barricaded the door. And of the
others, who had avoided the first fury
of the Indians, some endeavoured to
escape along the gangways into the
forecastle ; but the Indians placed
there on purpose stabbed the greatest
part of them as they attempted to
pass by, or forced them off the gang-
ways into the waist. Others threw
themselves voluntarily over the barri-
cades into the waist, and thought
themselves happy to lie concealed
amongst the cattle ; but the greatest
part escaped up the main-shrouds,
and sheltered themselves either in
the tops or rigging. And though the
Indians attacked only the quarter-
deck, yet the watch in the forecastle
finding their communication cut off,
and being terrified by the wounds of
the few who, not being killed on the
spot, had strength sufficient to force
their passage along the gangways,
and not knowing either who their
enemies were or what were their num-
bers, they likewise gave all over for
lost, and in great confusion ran up
into the rigging of the foremast and
bowsprit.
Thus these eleven Indians, with a
resolution perhaps without example,
possessed themselves almost in an
instant of the quarter-deck of a ship
mounting sixty-six guns, with a crew
of nearly 500 men, and continued in
peaceable possession of this post a
considerable time : for the officers in
the great cabin (amongst whom were
Pizarro and Mindinuetta), the crew
between decks, and those who had
escaped into the tops and rigging,
were only anxious for their own safety,
and were for a long time incapable of
forming any project for suppressing
the insurrection and recovering the
possession of the ship. It is true,
the yells of the Indians, the groans
of the wounded, and the confused
clamours of the crew, all heightened
THE MUTINY OF ORELLANA.
by the obscurity of the night, had at
first greatly magnified their danger,
and had filled them with the imagi-
nary terrors which darkness, disorder,
and an ignorance of the real strength
of an enemy never fail to produce.
For as the Spaniards were sensible
of the disaffection of their pressed
hands, and were also conscious of
their barbarity to their prisoners,
they imagined the conspiracy was
general, and considered their own
destruction as infallible ; so that, it is
said, some of them had once taken the
resolution of leaping into the sea, but
were prevented by their companions.
However, when the Indians had
entirely cleared the quarter-deck, the
tumult in a great measure subsided ;
for those who had escaped were kept
silent by their fears, and the Indians
were incapable of pursuing them to
renew the disorder. Orellana, when
he saw himself master of the quarter-
deck, broke open the arm chest,
which, on a slight suspicion of mu-
tiny, had been ordered there a few
days before, as to a place of the
greatest security. Here, he took it
for granted, he should find cutlasses
sufficient for himself and his com-
panions, in the use of which weapon
they were all extremely skilful, and
with these, it was imagined, they
proposed to have forced the great
cabin; but on opening the chest
there appeared nothing but fire-arms,
which to them w r ere of no use. There
were indeed cutlasses in the chest,
but they were hid by the fire-arms
being laid over them. This was a
sensible disappointment to them, and
by this time Pizarro and his com-
panions in the great cabin were cap-
able of conversing aloud, through the
cabin windows and port-holes, with
those in the gun-room and between
decks ; and from hence they learned
that the English (whom they princi-
pally suspected) were all safe below, and
had not intermeddled in this mutiny ;
and by other particulars they at last
discovered that none were concerned
in it but Orellana and his people. On
this Pizarro and the officers resolved
to attack them on the quarter-deck,
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cn.IV.
26
before any of the discontented on
board should so far recover their first
surprise as to reflect on the facility
and certainty of seizing the ship by a
junction with the Indians in the pre-
sent emergency. "With this view
Pizarro got together what arms were
in the cabin, and distributed them to
those who were with him ; but there
were no other fire-arms to be met with
but pistols, and for these they had
neither powder nor ball. However,
having now settled a correspondence
with the gun-room, they lowered
down a bucket out of the cabin win-
dow, into which the gunner, out of
one of the gun-room ports, put a
quantity of pistol cartridges. When
they had thus procured ammunition,
and had loaded their pistols, they set
the cabin-door partly open, and fired
some shot amongst the Indians on
the quarter-deck, at first without
effect. But at last Mindinuetta,
whom we have often mentioned, had
the good fortune to shoot Orellana
dead on the spot ; on which his
faithful companions, abandoning all
thoughts of further resistance, in-
stantly leaped into the sea, where
they every man perished. Thus was
this insurrection quelled, and the
possession of the quarter-deck re-
gained, after it had been full two
hours in the power of this great and
daring chief and his gallant and un-
happy countrymen.
Pizarro, having escaped this immi-
nent peril, steered for Europe, and
arrived safe on the coast of Gallicia
in the beginning of the year 1746,
after having been absent between four
and five years, and having, by his
attendance on our expedition, dimin-
ished the naval power of Spain by
above 3000 hands (the flower of their
sailors) and by four considerable ships
of war and a patache. For we have
seen that the Hermiona foundered
at sea ; the Guipuscoa was stranded
and sunk on the coast of Brazil ; the
StEstevan was condemned and broken
up in the River of Plate ; and the
Esperanza, being left in the South
Seas, is doubtless by this time incap-
able of returning to Spain. So that
the Asia only, with less than 100
hands, may be considered as all the
remains of that squadron with which
Pizarro first put to sea. And who-
ever attends to the very large propor-
tion which this squadron bore to the
whole navy of Spain, will, I believe,
confess that had our undertaking
been attended with no other advan-
tages than that of ruining so great a
part of the sea force of so dangerous
an enemy, this alone would be a suf-
ficient equivalent for our equipment,
and an incontestable proof of the ser-
vice which the nation has thence re-
ceived. Having thus concluded this
summary of Pizarro's adventures, I
shall now return again to the narra-
tion of our own transactions.
CHAPTER IV.
I HAVE already mentioned, that on
the 3d of November we weighed from
Madeira, after orders had been given
to the captains to rendezvous at Sant-
iago, one of the Cape Verd Islands,
in case the squadron was separated.
But the next day, when we were got
to sea, the Commodore, considering
that the season was far advanced,
and that touching at Santiago would
create a new delay, he for this reason
thought proper to alter his rendez-
vous, and to appoint the Island of St
Catherine's, on the coast of Brazil, to
be the first place to which the ships
of the squadron were to repair in case
of separation. In our passage to the
Island of St Catherine's, we found the
direction of the trade-winds to differ
considerably from what we had reason
to expect, both from the general his-
tories given of these winds, and the
experience of former navigators. 1
On the 16th of November, one of
our victuallers made a signal to speak
with the Commodore, and we short-
ened sail for her to come up with us.
The master came on board, and ac-
1 Omission is here made of some
technieal and obsolete observations
on the trade -winds.
1740.]
THE INDUSTRY PINK DISBANDED.
'27
quainted Mr Anson that 'ie had com-
plied with the terms of his charter-
party, and desired to be unloaded
and dismissed. Mr Anson, on con-
sulting the captains of the squadron,
found all the ships had still such
quantities of provision between their
decks, and were withal so deep, that
they could not without great difficulty
take in their several proportions of
brandy from the Industry pink, one
of the victuallers only ; and conse-
quently he was obliged to continue
the other of them, the Anna pink, in
the service of attending the squadron.
And the next day the Commodore
made a signal for the ships to bring
to, and to take on board their shares
of the brandy from the Industry pink ;
and in this the long-boats of the
squadron were employed the three
following days, that is, till the 19th
in the evening, when the pink being
unloaded, she parted company with
us, being bound for Barbadoes, there
to take in a freight for England.
Most of the officers of the squadron
took the opportunity of writing to
their friends at home by this ship ;
but she was afterwards, as I have
been since informed, unhappily taken
by the Spaniards.
On the 20th of November, the cap-
tains of the squadron represented to
the Commodore that their ships' com-
panies were very sickly, and that it
was their own opinion as well as their
surgeons' that it would tend to the
preservation of the men to let in more
air between decks ; but that their
ships were so deep they could not
possibly open their lower ports. On
this representation the Commodore
ordered six air-scuttles to be cut in
each ship, in such places where they
would least weaken it. ...
We crossed the Equinoctial, with a
fine fresh gale at SE., on Friday the
28th of November, at four in the
morning, being then in the Longitude
of 27 59' W. from London. And on
the 2d of December, in the morning,
we saw a sail in the NW. quarter,
and made the Gloucester's and Trial's
signals to chase ; and half-an-hour
after we let [out] our reefs and chased
with the squadron ; and about nooii
a signal was made for the Wager to
take our remaining victuallar, the
Anna pink, in tow. But at seven in
the evening, finding we did not near
the chase, and that the Wager was
very far astern, we shortened sail,
and made a signal for the cruisers to
join the squadron. The next day
but one we again discovered a sail,
which, on the nearer approach, we
judged to be the same vessel. We
chased her the whole day, and though
we rather gained upon her, yet night
came on before we could overtake her,
and obliged us to give over the chase,
to collect our scattered squadron. We
were much chagrined at the escape of
this vessel, as we then apprehended
her to be an advice boat sent from Old
Spain to Buenos Ayres with notice of our
expedition. But we have since learned
that we were deceived in this conjecture,
and that it was our East India Com-
pany's packet bound to St Helena.
On the 10th of December, being by
our accounts in the Latitude of 20 S.,
and 36 30' Longitude W. from London,
the Trial fired a gun to denote soundings.
We immediately sounded, and found
sixty fathoms water, the bottom coarse
ground with broken shells. The Trial,
being ahead of us, had at one time thirty-
seven fathoms, which afterwards in-
creased to ninety : and then she found
no bottom, which happened to us too
at our second trial, though we sounded
with 150 fathoms of line. This is the
shoal which is laid down in most
charts by the name of the Abrollos ; *
and it appeared we were upon the very
edge of it ; perhaps farther in it may
be extremely dangerous. We were
then, by our different accounts, from
ninety to sixty leagues east of the coast
of Brazil. The next day but one we
spoke with a Portuguese brigantine
from Rio Janeiro, bound to Bahia de
todos los Santos, who informed us that
we were sixty-four leagues from Cape
St Thomas, and forty leagues from
Cape Frio, which last bore from us
1 The Abrolhos ; a small group of
islets or reefs off the coast of Brazil,
in about Lat. 18 S., Long. 39 W.
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I. On. IV.
28
WS W. By our accounts we were near
eighty leagues from Ca,pe Frio ; and
though, on the information of this
brigantine, we altered our course and
stood more to the southward, yet by
our coming in with the land afterwards
we were fully convinced that our
reckoning was much corrector than
our Portuguese intelligence. We
found a considerable current setting
to the southward after we had passed
the Latitude of 16 S. And the same
took place all along the coast of Brazil,
and even to the southward of the River
of Plate, it amounting sometimes to
thirty miles in twenty-four hours, and
once to above forty miles. . . .
We now began to grow impatient
for a sight of land, both for the re-
covery of our sick, and for the refresh-
ment and security of those who as yet
continued healthier. When we de-
parted from St Helens, we were in so
good a condition, that we lost but two
men on board the Centurion in our
long passage to Madeira. But in
this present run between Madeira and
St Catherine's we have been very
sickly, so that many died, and great
numbers were confined to their ham-
mocks, both in our own ship and in
the rest of the squadron ; and several
of these past all hopes of recovery.
The disorders they in general labour
under are such as are common to the
hot climates, and what most ships
bound to the southward experience
in a greater or less degree. These
are those kind of fevers which they
usually call calentures : a disease
which was not only terrible in its
first instance, but even the remains
of it often proved fatal to those who
considered themselves as recovered
from it. For it always left them in
a very weak and helpless condition,
and usually afflicted with fluxes and
tenesmuscs. And by our continuance
at sea all our complaints were every
day increasing, so that it was with
great joy that we discovered the coast
of Brazil on the 18th of December, at
seven in the morning.
The coast of Brazil appeared high
and mountainous land, extending
from W. to WSW., and when we
first saw it, it was about seventeen
leagues distant. At noon we per-
ceived a low double land bearing
WSW., about ten leagues distant,
which we took to be the Island of St
Catherine's. That afternoon and the
next morning, the wind being NNW.,
we gained very little to windward,
and were apprehensive of being driven
to the leeward of the island; but a
little before noon the next day the
wind came about to the southward,
and enabled us to steer in between the
north point of St Catherine's and the
neighbouring Island of Alvoredo. As
we stood in for the land, we had regu-
lar soundings, gradually decreasing
from thirty-six to twelve fathoms, all
muddy ground. In this last depth
of water we let go our anchor at 5
o'clock in the evening of the 19th,
the north-west point of the Island of
St Catherine's bearing SSW. distant
three miles ; and the Island Alvoredo
NNE. distant two leagues. Here we
found the tide to set SSE. and NNW.,
at the rate of two knots, the tide of
flood coming from the southward.
We could from our ships observe two
fortifications at a considerable distance
within us, which seemed designed to
prevent the passage of an enemy be-
tween the Island of St Catherine's
and the main. And we could soon
perceive that our squadron had alarmed
the coast, for we saw the two forts
hoist their colours, and fire several
guns, which we supposed to be in-
tended for assembling the inhabitants.
To prevent any confusion, the Com-
modore immediately sent a boat with
an officer on shore, to compliment
the Governor, and to desire a pilot to
carry us into the road. The Governor
returned a very civil answer, and
ordered us a pilot. On the morning
of the 20th we weighed and stood in,
and towards noon the pilot came on
board us, who the same afternoon
brought us to an anchor in five fathoms
and a half, in a large commodious bay
on the continent side, called by the
French Bon Port. In standing from
our last anchorage to this place, we
everywhere found an oozy bottom,
with a depth of water first regularly
1710.)
AT ANCHOR ON ST CATHERINE'S ISLAND.
29
Decreasing to five fathoms, and then
increasing to seven, after which we
had six and five fathoms alternately.
The next morning we weighed again
with the squadron, in order to run
above the two fortifications we have
mentioned, which are called the castles
of Santa Cruz and St Juan. And
now the soundings between the island
and the main were four, five, and six
fathoms, with muddy ground. As
we passed by the castle of Santa Cruz,
we saluted it with eleven guns, and
were answered by an equal number ;
and at one in the afternoon the squad-
ron came to an anchor in five fathoms
and a half, the Governor's Island bear-
ing NNW., St Juan's castle NE. half
E., and the Island of St Antonio S.
In this position we moored at the
Island of St Catherine's on Sunday
the 21st of December, the whole
squadron being, as I have already
mentioned, sickly and in great want
of refreshments : both which incon-
veniencies we hoped to have soon
removed at this settlement, celebrated
by former navigators for its healthi-
ness and its [abundance of] provisions,
and for the freedom, indulgence, and
friendly assistance there given to the
ships of all European nations in
amity with the Crown of Portugal.
CHAPTER V. 1
OTJR first care, after having moored
our ships, was to send our sick men
on shore, each ship being ordered by
the Commodore to erect two tents for
that purpose ; one of them for the re-
ception of the diseased, and the other
for the accommodation of the surgeon
and his assistants. "We sent about
eighty sick from the Centurion, and
the other ships I believe sent nearly
as many in proportion to the number
of their hands. As soon as we had
1 The description of the island, ex-
cept one passage of political interest,
and the account of Brazil, is here
omitted, as needlessly hindering the
course of the narrative.
performed this necessary duty, we
scraped our decks, and gave our ship
a thorough cleansing ; then smoked it
between decks, and after all washed
every part well with vinegar. These
operations were extremely necessary
for correcting the noisome stench on
board, and destroying the vermin :
for from the number of our men, and
the heat of the climate, both these
nuisances had increased upon us to a
very loathsome degree, and, besides
being most intolerably offensive, they
were doubtless in some sort productive
of the sickness we had laboured under
for a considerable time before our
arrival at this island. Our next em-
ployment was wooding and watering
our squadron, calking our ships' sides
and decks, overhauling our rigging,
and securing our mast against the
tempestuous weather we were, in all
probability, to meet with in our pass-
age round Cape Horn in so advanced
and inconvenient a season. . . .
When we first arrived at St Cather-
ine's we were employed in refreshing
our sick on shore, in wooding and
watering the squadron, cleansing our
ships, and examining and securing
our masts and rigging, as I have al-
ready observed in the foregoing Chap-
ter. At the same time, Mr Anson
gave directions that the ships' com-
panies should be supplied with fresh
meat, and that they should be victu-
alled with whole allowance of all
kinds, of provision. In consequence
of these orders, we had fresh beef
sent on board us continually for our
daily expense, 2 and what was wanting
to make up our allowance we received
from our victualler, the Anna pink,
in order to preserve the provisions on
board our squadron entire for our
future service. 3 The season of the
2 Consumption.
3 Thomas says that "the agents
for victualling, of which we had two
with us, were ordered to procure what
fresh provisions we could expend dur-
ing our stay here, which they accord-
ingly did ; but though their meat,
which is altogether beef, was both
cheap and plenty, it was for the
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cn.V.
30
year growing each day less favourable
for our passage round Cape Horn, Mr
Anson was very desirous of leaving
this place as soon as possible ; and
we were at first in hopes that our
whole business would be done, and
we should be in readiness to sail in
about a fortnight from our arrival ;
but, on examining the Trial's masts,
we, to our no small vexation, found
inevitable employment for twice that
time. For, on a survey, it was found
that the mainmast was sprung at the
upper woulding, 1 though it was
thought capable of being secured by
a couple of fishes ; but the foremast
was reported to be unfit for service,
and thereupon the carpenters were
sent into the woods to endeavour to
find a stick proper for a foremast.
But after a search of four days they
returned without having been able
to meet with any tree fit for the pur-
pose. This obliged them to come to
a second consultation about the old
foremast, when it was agreed to en-
deavour to secure it by casing it with
three fishes ; and in this work the
carpenters were employed till within
a day or two of our sailing. In the
meantime, the Commodore, thinking
it necessary to have a clean vessel on
our arrival in the South Seas, ordered
the Trial to be hove down, as this
would not occasion any loss of time,
but might be completed while the
carpenters were refitting her masts,
which was done on shore.
greatest part miserably bad, and
scarce fit to be eaten. The men
throughout the whole squadron began
now to drop off apace with fevers and
fluxes, occasioned, I believe, by the
violent heat of the climate, and the
bad air ; the country being so very
woody that the air must thereby be
stagnated, and rendered unhealthful. "
1 Or "woolding;" explained in
Bailey " The winding of ropes hard
about a yard or mast of a ship, after
it hath been strengthened by some
piece of timber nailed thereto."
Young's "Nautical Dictionary," sw6
voce, also suggests the idea of previ-
ous "fishing" or repair.
On the 27th of December we dis-
covered a sail in the offing ; and not
knowing but she might be a Spaniard,
the eighteen-oared boat was maimed
and armed, and sent under the com-
mand of our second lieutenant to ex-
amine her before she arrived within the
protection of the forts. She proved to
be a Portuguese brigantine from Rio
Grande. And though our officer, as
it appeared on inquiry, had behaved
with the utmost civility to the mas-
ter, and had refused to accept a calf
which the master would have forced
on him as a present, yet the Governor
took great offence at our sending our
boat, and talked of it in a high strain,
as a violation of the peace subsisting
between the Crowns of Gr^at Britain
and Portugal. "We at first imputed
this ridiculous blustering to no deeper
a cause than Don Jose's insolence;
but as we found he proceeded so far
as to charge our officer with behaving
rudely and opening letters, and par-
ticularly with an attempt to take out
of the vessel by violence the very calf
which we knew he had refused to re-
ceive as a present (a circumstance
which we were satisfied the Governor
was well acquainted with), we had
hence reason to suspect that he pur-
posely sought this quarrel, and had
more important motives for engaging
in it than the mere captious bias of
his temper. "What these motives
were, it was not so easy for us to de-
termine at that time ; but as we after-
wards found, by letters which fell into
our hands in the South Seas, that he
had despatched an express to Buenos
Ayres, where Pizarro then lay, with
an account of our squadron's arrival
at St Catherine's, together with the
most ample and circumstantial intelli-
gence of our force and condition, we
thence conjectured that Don Jose had
raised this groundless clamour only to
prevent our visiting the brigantiue
when she should put to sea again, lest
we might there find proofs of his perfi-
dious behaviour, and perhaps at the
same time discover the secret of his
smuggling correspondence with his
neighbouring Governors, and the
Spaniards at Buenos Ayres.
1741.] FROM ST CATHERINE'S TO THE BAY OF ST JULIAN. 31
It was near a month before the
Trial was refitted ; for not only her
lower masts were defective, as has
been already mentioned, but her
main-topmast and foreyard were like-
wise decayed and rotten. While this
work was carrying on, the other ships
of the squadron fixed new standing
rigging, and set up a sufficient num-
ber of preventer shrouds to each mast
to secure them in the most effectual
manner. And in order to render the
ships stiffer, and to enable them to
carry more sail abroad, and to prevent
their labouring in hard gales of wind,
each captain had orders given him to
strike down some of their great guns
into the hold. These precautions be-
ing complied with, and each ship hav-
ing taken in as much wood and water
as there was room for, the Trial was at
last completed, and the whole squad-
ron was ready for the sea ; on which
the tents on shore were struck, and all
the sick were received on board. And
*iere we had a melancholy proof how
much the healthiness of this place had
been overrated by former writers, for we
found that though the Centurion alone
had buried no less than twenty-eight
men since our arrival, yet the number
of our sick was in the same interval
increased from eighty to ninety-six.
And now our crews being embarked,
and everything prepared for our de-
parture, the Commodore made a signal
for all captains, and delivered them
their orders, containing the succes-
sive places of rendezvous from hence
to the coast of China. 1 And then
on the next day, being the 18th of
January 1741, the signal was made
for weighing, and the squadron put
to sea, leaving without regret this
Island of St Catherine's, where we
had been so extremely disappointed
in our refreshments, in our accommo-
dations, and in the humane and
friendly offices which we had been
taught to expect in a place which has
been so much celebrated for its hospi-
tality, freedom, and conveniency.
1 Ed. 1776: "Chili;" an obvious
blunder, as the opening paragraph of
Chapter VI. shows.
CHAPTER VI.
IN leaving St Catherine's, we left the
last amicable port we proposed to touch
at, and were now proceeding to an
hostile, or at best a desert and inhos-
pitable coast. And as we were to
expect a more boisterous climate to
the southward than any we had yet
experienced, not only our danger of
separation would by this means be
much greater than it had been hither-
to, but other accidents of a more per-
nicious nature were likewise to be ap-
prehended, and as much as possible
to be provided against. And there-
fore Mr Anson, in appointing the
various stations at which the ships of
the squadron were to rendezvous, had
considered that it was possible his
own ship might be disabled from get-
ting round Cape Horn, or might be
lost ; and had given proper directions
that even in that case the expedition
should not be abandoned. For the
orders delivered to the captains the
day before we sailed from St Cather-
ine's, were, that in case of separation
which they were with the utmost
care to endeavour to avoid the first
place of rendezvous should be the Bay
of Port St Julian, describing the place
from Sir John Narborough's account
of it. There they were to supply
themselves with as much salt as they
could take in, both for their own use
and the use of the squadron ; and if,
after a stay there 01 ten days, they
were not joined by the Commodore,
they were then to proceed through
Straits le Maire round Cape Horn into
the South Seas, where the next place
of rendezvous was to be the Island of
Nuestra Sefiora del Socoro, 2 in the
Latitude of 45 S., and Longitude
from the Lizard, 71 12' W. They
were to bring this island to bear ENE.,
and to cruise from five to twelve
leagues distance from it, as long as
their store of wood and water would
permit, both which they were to ex-
2 One of the smaller outer islands
of the Chonos Archipelago, on the
western coast of Patagonia.
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.C'H.VI.
32
pend with, the utmost frugality. And
when they were under an absolute
necessity of a fresh supply, they were
to stand in, and endeavour to find
out an anchoring-place; and in case
they could not, and the weather made
it dangerous to supply their ships by
standing off and on, they were then to
make the best of their way to the
Island of Juan Fernandez, in the Lati-
tude of 33 37' S. And as soon as
they had recruited their wood and
water, they were to continue cruising
off the anchoring-place of that island
for fifty-six days, in which time, if
they were not joined by the Commo-
dore, they might conclude that some
accident had befallen him ; and they
were forthwith to put themselves
under the command of the senior
officer, who was to use his utmost
endeavours to annoy the enemy both
by sea and land. That with these
views their new Commodore was to
continue in those seas as long as his
provisions lasted, or as long as they
were recruited by what he should take
from the enemy, reserving only a suf-
ficient quantity to carry him and the
ships under his command to Macao
at the entrance of the River Tigris,
near Canton on the coast of China,
where, having supplied himself with
a new stock of provisions, he was
thence without delay to make the best
of his way to England. And as it
was found impossible as yet to unload
our victualler, the Anna pink, the
Commodore gave the master of her the
same rendezvous, and the same orders
to put himself under the command of
the remaining senior officer.
Under these orders the squadron
sailed from St Catherine's on Sunday
the 18th of January, as has been
already mentioned in the preceding
Chapter. The next day we had very
squally weather, attended with rain,
lightning, and thunder ; but it soon
became fair again, with light breezes,
and continued thus till Wednesday
evening, when it blew fresh again;
and increasing all night, by eight the
next morning it became a most vio-
lent storm, and we had with it so thick
a fog that it was impossible to see at
the distance of two ships' lengths, so
that the whole squadron disappeared. 1
On this a signal was made by firing
guns, to bring to with the larboard
tacks, the wind being then due east.
We ourselves immediately handed the
topsails, bunted the mainsail, and
lay to under a reefed mizzen till noon,
when the fog dispersed ; and we soon
discovered all the ships of the squad-
ron, except the Pearl, which did not
join us till near a month afterwards.
The Trial sloop was a great way to
leeward, having lost her mainmast in
this squall, and having been obliged,
for fear of bilging, to cut away the
raft. 2 We bore down with the
squadron to her relief, and the Glou-
cester was ordered to take her in tow,
for the weather did not entirely abate
till the day after, and even then a
great swell continued from the east-
ward in consequence of the preceding
storm. After this accident we stood
to the southward with little interrup-
tion, and here we experienced the
same setting of the current which we
had observed before our arrival at St
Catherine's, that is, we generally found
ourselves to the southward of our
reckoning by about twenty miles each
day. This error continued, with a
little variation, till we had passed
the Latitude of the River of Plate ;
and even then we found that the same
current, however difficult to be ac-
counted for, did yet undoubtedly take
place, for we were not satisfied in de-
ducing it from the error in our reck-
oning, but we actually tried it more
than once when a calm made it prac-
ticable.
When we had passed the Latitude
of the River of Plate we had sound-
ings all along the coast of Patagonia,
These soundings, when well ascertain-
ed, being of great use in determining
the position of the ship, and we having
tried them more frequently in greater
depths, and with more attention than
I believe had been done before us, I
1 That is, was lost sight of by the
Centurion, oc board of which the
Narrator sailed.
8 Ed. 1776: "The wreck."
1711.] THE COAST OF
shall recite our observations as suc-
cinctly as I can. In the Latitude of
3(5 52' \ve had sixty fathoms of water,
with a bottom of fine black and grey
sand; from thence to 39" 55' we
varied our depths from fifty to eighty
fathoms, though we had constantly
the same bottom as before ; between
the last-mentioned Latitude and 43
16' we had only fine grey sand, with
the same variation of depths, except
that we once or twice lessened our
water to forty fathoms. After this
we continued in forty fathoms for
about half a degree, having a bottom
of coarse sand and broken shells, at
which time we were in sight of land,
and not above seven leagues from it.
As we edged from the land we met
with variety of soundings ; first black
sand, then muddy, and soon after
rough ground with stones ; but then
increasing our water to forty-eight
fathoms we had a muddy bottom to
the Latitude of 46 10'. We then re-
turned again into thirty-six fathoms,
and kept shoaling our water, till at
length we came into twelve fathoms,
having constantly small stones and
pebbles at the bottom. Part of this
time we had a view of Cape Blanco,
which lies in about the Latitude of
46 52', and Longitude W. from Lon-
don 66 43'. This is the most remark-
able land upon the coast. Steering
from hence S. by E. nearly, we, in a
run of about thirty leagues, deepened
our water to fifty fathoms without
once altering the bottom ; and then
drawing towards the shore with a
S\V. course, varying rather to the
westward, we had everywhere a sandy
bottom, till our coming into thirty
fathoms, where we had again a sight
of land distant from us about eight
leagues, lying in the Latitude of 48
31'. We made this land on the 17th
of February, and at five in the after-
noon we came to an anchor upon the
same bottom in the Latitude of 48
58', the southernmost land then in
view bearing SSW., the northernmost
N. half E., a small island NW., and
the westernmost hummock WSW. In
this station we found the tide to set
S. by W.
PATAGONIA. S3
Weighing again at five the next
morning, we an hour afterwards dis-
covered a sail, upon which the Severn
and Gloucester were both directed to
give chase ; but we soon perceived it
to be the Pearl, which separated from
us a few days after we left St Cather-
ine's ; and on this we made a signal
for the Severn to rejoin the squadron,
leaving the Gloucester alone in the pur-
suit. And now we were surprised to
see that, on the Gloucester's approach,
the people on board the Pearl increased
their sail and stood from her. How-
ever, the Gloucester came up with
them, but found them with their ham-
mocks in their nettings, and every-
thing ready for an engagement. At
two in the afternoon the Pearl joined
us, and running up under our stern,
Lieutenant Salt hailed the Commo-
dore, and acquainted him that Cap-
tain Kidd died on the 31st of January.
He likewise informed him that he had
seen five large ships on the 10th in-
stant, which he for some time ima-
gined to be our squadron : that he
suffered the commanding ship, which
wore a red broad pennant exactly re-
sembling that of the Commodore, at the
main-topmast head, to come within
gun-shot of him before he discovered
his mistake ; but then, finding it not
to be the Centurion, he hauled close
upon the wind, and crowded from
them with all his sail, and standing
across a rippling, 1 where they hesi-
tated to follow him, he happily escaped.
He made them [out] to be five Spanish
men-of-war, one of them exceedingly
like the Gloucester, which was the
occasion of his apprehensions when
the Gloucester chased him. By their
appearance he thought they consisted
of two ships of 70 guns, two of 50,
and one of 40 guns. The whole squad-
ron continued in chase of him all that
day, but at night, finding they could
not get near him, they gave over the
chase, and directed their course to the
southward.
And now, had it not been for the
1 A broken piece of water, due to a
current, a violent tide, or some other
perturbing cause.
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.CH.VI.
34
necessity we were under of refitting
the Trial, this piece of intelligence
would have prevented our making any
stay at St Julian ; but as it was impos-
sible for that sloop to proceed round
the Cape in her present condition,
some stay there was inevitable ; and
therefore the same evening we came to
an anchor again in twenty-five fathoms
water, the bottom a mixture of mud
and sand, and the high hummock
bearing SW. by W. And weighing
at nine in the morning, we soon after
sent the two cutters belonging to the
Centurion and Severn in shore to dis-
cover the harbour of St Julian, while
the ships kept standing along the
coast at about the distance of a league
from the land. At 6 o'clock we
anchored in the Bay of St Julian, 1 in
nineteen fathoms, the bottom muddy
ground with sand, the northernmost
land in sight bearing K and by E. ,
the southernmost S. half E., and the
high hummock to which Sir John
Narborough formerly gave the name
of Wood's Mount WS W. Soon after
the cutters returned on board, having
discovered the harbour, which did
not appear to us in our situation, the
northernmost point shutting in upon
the southernmost, and in appearance
closing the entrance.
Being come to an anchor in this
bay of St Julian, principally with a
view of refitting the Trial, the car-
penters were immediately employed
in that business, and continued so
during our whole stay at the place.
The Trial's mainmast having been
carried away about twelve feet below
the cap, they contrived to make the
remaining part of the mast serve
again ; and the Wager was ordered
to supply her with a spare main-top-
mast, which the carpenters converted
into a new foremast. And I cannot
help observing, that this accident to
the Trial's mast, which gave us so
1 So called by Drake. It was the
scene of Doughty' s trial and execu-
tion ; "whence," Thomas says, "a
small island within the harbour is to
this day called the Island of True
Justice."
much uneasiness at that time on ac-
count of the delay it occasioned, was
in all probability the means of pre-
serving the sloop and all her crew:
for before this her masts, how well
soever proportioned to a better cli-
mate, were much too lofty for these
high southern latitudes ; so that had
they weathered the preceding storm,
it would have been impossible for
them to have stood against those seas
and tempests we afterwards encoun-
tered in passing round Cape Horn;
and the loss of masts in that boister-
ous climate would scarcely have been
attended with less than the loss of
the vessel and of every man on board
her, since it would have been imprac-
ticable for the other ships to have
given them any relief during the con-
tinuance of those impetuous storms.
While we stayed at this place, the
Commodore appointed the Honour-
able Captain Murray to succeed to
the Pearl, and Captain Cheap to the
Wager ; and he promoted Mr Charles
Saunders, his first lieutenant, to the
command of the Trial sloop. But
Captain Saunders lying dangerously
ill of a fever on board the Centurion,
and it being the opinion of the sur-
geons that the removing him on board
his own ship in his present condition
might tend to the hazard of his life,
Mr Anson gave an order to Mr Sau-
marez, first lieutenant of the Cen-
turion, to act as master and com-
mander of the Trial during the illness
of Captain Saunders. Here the Com-
modore, too, in order to ease the ex-
pedition of all unnecessary expense,
held a further consultation with his
captains about unloading and dis-
charging the Anna pink ; but they
represented to him that they were so
far from being in a condition of taking
any part of her loading on board, that
they had still great quantities of pro-
visions in the .way of their guns be-
tween decks, and that their ships
were withal so very deep 2 that they
were not fit for action without being
cleared. This put the Commodore
under a necessity of retaining the
2 Ed. 1776 : " And so lumbered."
1741.] 1ST THE BAY
pink in the service ; and as it was
apprehended we should certainly meet
with the Spanish squadron in passing
the Cape, Mr Anson thought it ad-
visable to give orders to the captains
to put all their provisions which were
in the way of their guns on board the
Anna pink, and to remount such of
their guns as had formerly, for the
ease of their ships, been ordered into
the hold. 1 . . .
We, on our first arrival [at St
Julian 2 ] sent an officer on shore to a
salt pond, in order to procure a quan-
tity of salt for the use of the squadron ;
Sir John Narborough having observed,
when he was here, that the salt pro-
duced in that place was very white
and good, and that in February there
was enough of it to fill a thousand
ships. But our officer returned with
a sample which was very bad, and he
told us that even of this there was
but little to be got; I suppose the
OF ST JULIAN. 35
weather had been more rainy than
ordinary, and had destroyed it. 3
1 Thomas naively remarks with re-
ference to their stay in the Bay of St
Julian: "Sir John Narborough and
some others write that they have often
seen and conversed with the inhabi-
tants in this and other parts of Pata-
gonia, and have given wonderful de-
scriptions of them; but as we saw
none of them, I have nothing to say
of that sort, nor indeed do I think
there is anything in this wild part of
the world worthy of the least notice."
2 The district round Port St Julian
is described as destitute of wood, Sir
John ISTarborough, in the time of
Charles the Second, making the
sweeping assertion that he never saw
a stick of wood in the country large
enough to make the handle of a
hatchet. It is, however, good pas-
ture land, feeding immense herds of
cattle, of which many thousands are
annually slain by the hunters there
for the hides and tallow alone. The
method of taking them alive is by
the lasso, in the use of which the
native Indians and Spaniards are
very dexterous. The plains also
abound with wild horses and Peru-
vian sheep. The lengthy account of
the above is here omitted.
CHAPTER VII.
THE Trial being nearly refitted, which
was our principal occupation at this
Bay of St Julian, and the sole occa-
sion of our stay, the Commodore
thought it necessary, as we were now
directly bound for the South Seas and
the enemy's coasts, to regulate the
plan of his future operations. And
therefore, on the 24th of February, a
signal was made for all captains, and
a council of war was held on board
the Centurion, at which were present
the Honourable Edward Legg, Captain
Matthew Mitchel, the Honourable
George Murray, Captain David Cheap,
together with Colonel Mordaunt Cra-
cherode, commander of the land forces.
At this council Mr Anson proposed
that their first attempt, after their
arrival in the South Seas, should be
the attack of the town and harbour of
Baldivia, the principal frontier [place]
of the district of Chili ; Mr Anson
informing them, at the same time, 4
3 Ed. 1776 : " Or prevented its fer-
mentation." Thomas adds some par-
ticulars of interest with regard to the
doings at St Julian: "Having lost
the hopes of a supply of water here,
we were put to the allowance of one
quart a man for one day, and three
pints for another, alternately ; but,
considering our passage had hitherto
proved extremely stormy and cold,
and a dead time of the year coming
on very fast, it was thought proper,
in order to keep the people in as good
heart as possible, to give them whole
allowance of all other provisions,
which was ordered accordingly. Here
we further secured our lower deck
guns, by nailing quoins under the
trucks, in case the tackles, breechings,
or iron -work, might give way, or fail
in the stormy weather which we had
much reason to expect."
4 Ed. 1776: "As an inducement
for this enterprise."
ANSON'S VOYAGE HOUND THE WORLD. [13. 1. CH. VII.
that it was an article contained in his
Majesty's instructions to him, to en-
deavour to secure some port in the
South Seas where the ships of the
squadron might be careened and re-
fitted. To this proposition made by
the Commodore, the council unani-
mously and readily agreed ; and in
consequence of this resolution new
instructions were given to the captains
of the squadron, by which, though
they were still directed, in case of
separation, to make the best of their
way to the Island of Nuestra Senora
del Socoro, yet (notwithstanding the
orders they had formerly given them
at St Catherine's) they were to cruise
off that island only ten days ; from
whence, if not joined by the Commo-
dore, they were to proceed and cruise
off the harbour of Baldivia, making
the land between the Latitudes of 40 J
and 40 30', and taking care to keep
to the southward of the port ; and if
in fourteen days they were not joined
by the rest of the squadron, they were
then to quit this station, and to direct
their course to the Island of Juan
Fernandez, after which they were to
regulate their further proceedings by
their former orders. The same direc-
tions were also given to the master of
the Anna pink, and he was particu-
larly instructed to be very careful in
answering the signals made by any
ship of the squadron, and likewise to
destroy his papers and orders if he
should be so unfortunate as to fall
into the hands of the enemy. And
as the separation of the squadron
might prove of the utmost prejudice
to his Majesty's service, each captain
was ordered to give it in charge to
the respective officers of the watch
not to keep their ship at a greater
distance from the Centurion than two
miles, as they would answer it at
their peril ; and if any captain should
find his ship beyond the distance
specified, he was to acquaint the
Commodore with the name of the
officer who had thus neglected his
duty.
These necessary regulations being
established, and the Trial sloop com-
pleted, the squadron weighed on Fri-
day the 27th of February, at seven in
the morning, and stood to sea ; the
Gloucester indeed found a difficulty
in purchasing her anchor, and was
left a considerable wa3>- astern, so that
in the night we fired several guns as
a signal to her captain to make sail,
but he did not come up to us till the
next morning, when we found that
they had been obliged to cut their
cable and leave their best bower be-
hind them. At ten in the morning,
the day after our departure, "Wood's
Mount, the high land over St Julian,
bore from us N. by "W., distant ten
leagues, and we had fifty-two fathoms
of water. And now, standing to the
southward, we had great expectation
of falling in with Pizarro's squadron ;
for during our stay at Port St Julian
there had generally been hard gales
between the WNW. and SW., so
that we had reason to conclude the
Spaniards had gained no ground upon
us in that interval. And it was the
prospect of meeting with them that
had occasioned our Commodore to be
so very solicitous to prevent the sepa-
ration of our ships ; for had we been
solely intent on getting round Cape
Horn in the shortest time, the proper-
est method for this purpose would
have been to have ordered each ship
to have made the best of her way to
the rendezvous, without waiting for
the rest.
From our departure from St Julian
to the 4th of March we had little
wind, with thick, hazy weather and
some rain ; and our soundings were
generally from forty to fifty fathoms,
with a bottom of black and grey sand,
sometimes intermixed with pebble
stones. On the 4th of March we
were in sight of Cape Virgin Mary,
and not more than six or seven leagues
distant from it. This is the northern
cape of the Straits of Magellan ; it
lies in the Latitude of 52 21' S., and
Longitude from London 71 44' W.,
and seems to be a low, flat land, end-
ing in a point. Off this cape our
depth of water was from thirty-five
to forty-eight fathoms. The after-
noon of this day was very bright and
clear, with small breezes of wind, in-
1741.]
ENTRANCE TO STRAITS LE MAIRE.
37
clinable to a calm ; and most of the
captains took the opportunity of this
favourable weather to pay a visit to
the Commodore ; but while they were
in company together, they were all
greatly alarmed by a sudden flame,
which burst out on board the Glou-
cester, and which was succeeded by a
cloud of smoke. . However, they were
soon relieved from their apprehensions
by receiving information that the blast
was occasioned by a spark of fire from
the forge, lighting on some gunpow-
der and other combustibles which an
officer on board was preparing for use
in case we should fall in with the
Spanish fleet ; and that it had been
extinguished without any damage to
the ship.
We here found, what was constantly
verified by all our observations in
these high [southern] latitudes, that
fair weather was always of an exceed-
ing short duration, and that when it
was remarkably fine it was a certain
presage of a succeeding storm ; for
the calm and sunshine of our after-
noon ended in a most turbulent night,
the wind freshening from the SW. as
the night came on, and increasing its
violence continually till nine in the
morning the next day, when it blew
so hard that we were obliged to bring
to with the squadron, and to continue
under a reefed mizzen till eleven at
night, having in that time from forty-
three to fifty-seven fathoms water,
with black sand and gravel ; and by
an observation we had at noon, we
concluded a current had set us twelve
miles to the southward of our reckon-
ing. Towards midnight, the wind
abating, we made sail again ; and
steering south, we discovered in the
morning for the first time the land
called Tierra del Fuego, stretching
from the S. by W. to the SE. half E.
This indeed afforded us but a very
uncomfortable prospect, it appearing
of a stupendous height, covered every-
where with snow. 1 We steered along
1 " So that the whole, " says Thomas,
"may not improperly be termed the
Land of Desolation ; and I much
question whether a more dreary aspect
this shore 2 all day, having soundings
from forty to fifty fathoms, with stones
and gravel. And as we intended to
pass through Straits Le Maire next
day, we lay to at night that we might
not overshoot them, and took this
opportunity to prepare ourselves for
the tempestuous climate we were
soon to be engaged in ; with which
view we employed ourselves good part
of the night in bending an entire new
suit of sails to the yards. At four
the next morning, being the 7th of
March, we made sail, and at eight
saw the land ; and soon after we be-
gan to open the straits, at which time
Cape St James bore from us ESE.,
Cape St Vincent SE. half E., the
middlemost of the Three Brothers
S. by W., Montegorda S., and Cape St
Bartholomew, which is the southern-
most point of Staten Land, ESE.
Though Tierra del Fuego had an
aspect extremely barren and desolate,
yet this Island of Staten Land far
surpasses it in the wildness and horror
of its appearance ; it seeming to be
entirely composed of inaccessible
rocks, without the least mixture of
earth or mould between them. These
rocks terminate in a vast number of
ragged points, which spire up to a
prodigious height, and are all of them
covered with everlasting snow ; the
points themselves are on every side
surrounded with frightful precipices,
and often overhang in a most aston-
ishing manner ; and the hills which
bear them are generally separated
from each other by narrow clefts,
which appear as if the country had
been rent by earthquakes ; for these
chasms are nearly perpendicular, and
extend through the substance of the
main rocks, almost to their very
bottoms ; so that nothing can be
imagined more savage and gloomy
than the whole aspect of this coast.
I have above mentioned, that on
the 7th of March, in the morning, we
opened Straits Le Maire ; and soon
is to be seen in any other part of the
habitable earth. "
2 Ed. 1776 : " This imcoutJ* and
rugged coast. "
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cn.YIIT.
38
after, or about 10 o'clock, the Pearl
and the Trial being ordered to keep
ahead of the squadron, we entered
them with fair weather and a brisk
gale, and were hurried through by
the rapidity of the tide in about two
hours though they are between seven
and eight leagues in length. As these
Straits are often considered as the
boundary between the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans, and as we presumed
we had nothing now before us but
an open sea, till we arrived on those
opulent coasts where all our hopes
and wishes centred, we could not
help flattering ourselves that the
greatest difficulty of our passage was
now at an end, and that our most
sanguine dreams were upon the point
of being realised ; and hence we in-
dulged our imaginations in those
romantic schemes which the fancied
possession of the Chilian gold and
Peruvian silver might be conceived
to inspire. These joyous ideas were
heightened by the brightness of the
sky, and the serenity of the weather,
which was indeed most remarkably
pleasing ; for though the winter was
now advancing apace, yet the morn-
ing of this day, in its brilliancy and
mildness, gave place to none we had
seen since our departure from Eng-
land. Thus animated by these delu-
sions, we traversed these memorable
Straits, ignorant of the dreadful
calamities that were then impending,
and just ready to break upon us ;
ignorant that the time drew near
when the squadron would be sepa-
rated never to unite again ; and that
this day of our passage was the last
cheerful day that the greatest part of
us would ever live to enjoy.
CHAPTER VIII.
WE had scarcely reached the southern
extremity of the Straits of Le Maire,
when our flattering hopes were in-
stantly lost in the apprehensions of
immediate destruction. For before
the sternmost ships of the squad-
ron were clear of the Straits, the
serenity of the sky was suddenly
changed, and gave us all the presages
of an impending storm ; and imme-
diately the wind shifted to the south-
ward, and blew in such violent squalls,
that we were obliged to hand our top-
sails and reef our mainsail. The tide,
too, Avliich had hitherto favoured us,
now turned against us, 1 and drove us
to the eastward with prodigious rapid-
ity, so that we were in great anxiety
for the Wager and the Anna pink, th*>
two sternmost vessels, fearing they
would be dashed to pieces against the
shore of Staten Land. Nor were our
apprehensions without foundation, for
it was with the utmost difficulty they
escaped. And now the whole squad-
ron, instead of pursuing their intended
course to the SW., were driven to the
eastward by the united force of the
storm and of the currents j so that
next day in the morning we found
ourselves near seven leagues to the
eastward of Staten Land, which then
bore from us NW. The violence of
the current, which had set us with so
much precipitation to the eastward,
together with the force and constancy
of the westerly winds, soon taught us
to consider the doubling of Cape Horn
as an enterprise that might prove too
mighty for our efforts ; though some
amongst us had lately treated the
difficulties which former voyagers were
said to have met with in this under-
taking as little better than chimerical,
and had supposed them to arise rather
from timidity and unskilfulness than
from the real embarrassments of the
winds and seas. But we were severely
convinced that these censures were rash
and ill-grounded : for the distresses
with which we struggled during the
three succeeding months will not
easily be paralleled in the relation of
any former naval expedition. This
will, I doubt not, be readily allowed
by those who shall carefully peruse
the ensuing narration.
From the storm which came on
before we had well got clear of Straits
Le Maire, we had a continual succes-
1 Ed. 1776 : " Turned furiously ad-
verse. "
1741.1
sion of such, tempestuous weather as
surprised the oldest and most experi-
enced mariners on board, and obliged
them to confess, that what they had
hitherto called storms were inconsid-
erable gales compared with the vio-
lence of these winds, which raised
such short and at the same time such
mountainous waves as greatly sur-
passed in danger all seas known in
any other part of the globe. And it
was not without great reason that this
unusual appearance filled us with con-
tinual terror ; for had any one ofithese
waves broke fairly over us, it must
in all probability have sent us to the
bottom. Nor did we escape with
terror only ; for the ship, rolling in-
cessantly gunwale-to, gave us such
quick and violent motions, that the
men were in perpetual danger of being
dashed to pieces against the decks or
sides of the ship. And though we
were extremely careful to' secure our-
selves from these shocks by grasping
some fixed body, yet many of our
people were forced from their hold,
some of whom were killed, and others
greatly injured ; in particular, one of
our best seamen was canted overboard
and drowned, another dislocated his
neck, a third was thrown into the
mainhold and broke his thigh, and
one of our boatswain's mates broke
his collar-bone twice ; not to men-
tion many other accidents of the same
kind.
It was on the 7th of March, as has
been already observed, that we passed
Straits Le Maire, and were immedi-
ately afterwards driven to the east-
ward by a violent storm and the force
of the current which set that way.
For the four or five succeeding days
we had hard gales of wind from the
same quarter, with a most prodigious
swell ; so that though we stood, dur-
ing all that time, towards the SW.,
yet we had no reason to imagine we
had made any way to the westward.
In this interval we had frequent squalls
of r^in and snow, and shipped great
quantities of water ; after which for
three or four days, though the seas
ran mountains high, yet the weather
was rather more moderate. But, on
A VIOLENT STORM. 39
the 18th, we had again strong gales
of wind with extreme cold, and at
midnight the main-topsail split, and
one of the straps of the main dead-
eyes broke. From hence to the 23d
the weather was more favourable,
though often intermixed with rain
and sleet, and some hard gales : but
as the waves did not subside, the ship,
by labouring in this lofty sea, was now
grown so loose in her upper works
that she let in the water at every
seam ; so that every part within board
was constantly exposed to the sea-
water, and scarcely any of the officers
ever lay in dry beds. Indeed it was
very rare that two nights ever passed
without many of them being driven
from their beds by the deluge of water
that came upon them.
On the 23d we had a most violent
storm of wind, hail, and rain, with a
very great sea ; and though we handed
the main-topsail before the height of
the squall, yet we found the yard
sprung ; and soon after, the foot-rope
of the mainsail breaking, the mainsail
itself split instantly to rags, and in
spite of our endeavours to save it,
much the greater part of it was blown
overboard. On this the Commodore
made the signal for the squadron to
bring to ; and, the storm at length
flattening to a calm, we had an oppor-
tunity of getting down our main- top-
sail yard to put the carpenters at work
upon it, and of repairing our rigging ;
after which, having bent a new main-
sail, we got under sail again with a
moderate breeze. But in less than
twenty-four hours we were attacked by
another storm still more furious than
the former ; for it proved a perfect hur-
ricane, and reduced us to the necessity
of lying to under our bare poles. As
our ship kept the wind better than any
of the rest, we were obliged in the
afternoon to wear ship, in order to
join the squadron to the leeward,
which otherwise we should have been
in danger of losing in the night ; and
as we dared not venture any sail
abroad, we were obliged to make use
of an expedient which answered our
purpose ; this was putting the helm a-
weather, and manning the fore -shrouds.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WOULD. [B.LCii.VIH.
40
But though tliis method proved suc-
cessful for the end intended, yet in
the execution of it one of our ablest
seamen was canted overboard ; and
notwithstanding the prodigious agita-
tion of the waves, we perceived that lie
swam very strong, and it was with the
utmost concern that we found our-
selves incapable of assisting him ; and
we were the more grieved at his un-
happy fate, since we lost sight of him
struggling with the waves, and con-
ceived from the manner in which he
swam that he might continue sen-
sible for a considerable time longer of
the horror attending his irretrievable
situation. 1
Before this last -mentioned storm
was quite abated, we found two of our
main shrouds and one mizzen-shroud
broken, all which we knotted and set
up immediately ; and from hence we
had an interval of three or four days
less tempestuous than usual, but ac-
companied with a thick fog, in which
we were obliged to fire guns almost
every half hour, to keep our squadron
together. On the 31st we were alarmed
by a gun fired from the Gloucester,
and a signal made by her to speak
with the Commodore. "We immedi-
ately bore down to her, and were pre-
pared to hear of some terrible disaster ;
but we were apprised of it before we
joined her, for we saw that her main-
yard was broke in the slings. This
was a grievous misfortune to us all at
this juncture ; as it was obvious it
would prove an hindrance to our sail-
ing, and would detain us the longer
in these inhospitable latitudes. But
our future success and safety were not
to be promoted by repining, but by
resolution and activity ; and therefore,
that this unlucky incident might delay
us as little as possible, the Commodore
1 With reference to this affecting
circumstance, Cowper composed his
verses on "The Castaway." One is
as follows :
"lie long survives, who lives an hour
In ocean, self-upheld :
And so long he, with unspent power,
His destiny repell'd :
Ami ever, as the minutes flew,
Entreated help, or cried ' Adieu.'"
ordered several carpenters to be put on
board the Gloucester from the other
ships of the squadron, in order to
repair her damage with the utmost
expedition. And the captain of the
Trial complaining at the same time
that his pumps were so bad, and the
sloop made so great a quantity of
water, that he was scarcely able to
keep her free, the Commodore ordered
him a pump ready fitted from his own
ship. It was very fortunate for the
Gloucester and the Trial that the
weather proved more favourable this
day than for many days both before
and after ; since by this means they
were enabled to receive the assistance
which seemed essential to their preser-
vation, and which they could scarcely
have had at any other time, as it would
have been extremely hazardous to have
ventured a boat on board. 2
The next day, that is, on the 1st of
April, the weather returned again to
its customary bias, the sky looked dark
and gloomy, and the wind began to
2 Under this date, March 31st, An-
son's Official Report of his voyage
makes the first mention of the scurvy :
"Men falling down every day with
scorbutic complaints." Thomas also
now notes, with some graphic details,
the outbreak of the scurvy, which Mr
Walter, with a sad want of dramatic
instinct, defers to a period of compara-
tively trivial elemental peril : "And
now, as it were to add the finishing
stroke to our misfortunes, our people
began to be universally afflicted with
that most terrible, obstinate, and, at
sea, incurable disease, the scurvy, which
quickly made a most dreadful havoc
among us, beginning at first to carry
off two or three a day, but soon in-
creasing, and at last carrying off eight
or ten ; an-I as most of the living were
very ill of the same distemper, and the
little remainder who preserved their
healths better, in a manner quite worn
out with incessant labour, I have some-
times seen four or five dead bodies,
some sewn up in their hammocks,
others not, washing about the decks,
for want of help to bury them in the
sea."
1741.]
DISTRESS OF THE SQUADRON.
41
freshen and to blow in squalls ; how-
ever, it was not yet so boisterous as
to prevent our carrying our topsails
close reefed ; but its appearance was
such as plainly prognosticated that a
still sevea-er tempest was at hand.
And accordingly, on the 3d of April,
there came on a storm which both in
its violence and continuation (for it
lasted three days) exceeded all that
we had hitherto encountered. In its
first onset, we received a furious shock
from the sea which broke upon our
larboard quarter, where it stove in the
quarter gallery, and rushed into the
ship like a deluge ; our rigging, too,
suffered extremely, for one of the straps
of the main dead-eyes was broke, as
was also a mainshroud and futtock-
shroud, so that to ease the stress upon
the masts and shrouds we lowered both
our main and fore yards, and furled
all our sails, and in this posture we
lay to for three days, when, the storm
somewhat abating, we ventured to
make sail under our courses only. But
even this we could not do long, for
the next day, which was the 7th, we
had another hard gale of wind, with
lightning and rain, which obliged us
to lie to again all night. It was won-
derful that, notwithstanding the hard
weather we had endured, no extraor-
dinary accident had happened to any
of the squadron since the breaking of
the Gloucester's main yard : but this
wonder soon ceased ; l for at three the
next morning several guns were fired
to leeward as signals of distress. And
the Commodore making a signal for
the squadron to bring to, we at day-
break saw the Wager a considerable
way to leeward of any of the other
ships; and we soon perceived that
she had lost her mizzenmast and main-
topsail yard. We immediately bore
down to her, and found this disaster
had arisen from the badness of her
ironwork ; for all the chain-plates to
windward had given way upon the
ship's fetching a deep roll. This proved
the more unfortunate to the Wager, as
her carpenter had been on board the
1 Ed. 1776 : " This good fortune now
no longer attended us. "
Gloucester ever since the Slstof March,
and the weather was now too severe to
permit him to return. Nor was the
Wager the only ship of the squadron
that had suffered in the late tempest ;
for the next day a signal of distress
was made by the Anna pink, and,
upon speaking with the master, we
learned that they had broken their fore-
stay and the gammon of the bowsprit,
and were in no small danger of having
all the masts come by the board ; so
that we were obliged to bear away un-
til they had made all fast, after which
we hauled upon a wind again. . . .
By the latitude of the land we [next]
fell in with, it was agreed to be a part
of Tierra del Fuego, near the southern
outlet described in Frazier's chart of
the Straits of Magellan, and was
supposed to be that point called bj
him Cape Noir. It was indeed mot
wonderful that the currents should
have driven us to the eastward with
such strength ; for the whole squadron
esteemed themselves upwards of ten
degrees more westerly than this land,
so that in running down, by our ac-
count, about nineteen degrees of lon-
gitude, we had not really advanced
above half that distance. And now,
instead of having our labours and
anxieties relieved by approaching a
warmer climate and more tranquil
seas, we were [forced] to steer again
to the southward, and again to com-
bat those western blasts which had so
often terrified tis ; and this, too, when
we were weakened by our men falling
sick and dying apace, and when our
spirits, dejected by a long conti
a, and b our late disaoinl
at sea, an y
were much less capable of su
ippointment,
ipable of supporting
us in the various difficulties which we
could not but expect in this new [and
arduous] undertaking. Add to all
this, too, the discouragement we re-
ceived by the diminution of the strength
of the squadron ; for three days before
this we lost sight of the Severn and
the Pearl in the morning ; and though
we spread our ships, and beat about
for some time, yet we never saw them
more ; whence we had apprehensions
that they too might have fallen in
with this land in the night, and, being
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cn.IX.X.
42
less favoured by the wind and the moon
than we were, might have run on shore
and have perished. Full of these de-
jected thoughts and gloomy presages,
we stood away to the SW., prepared
by our late disaster to suspect, that
how large soever an allowance we made
in our westing for the drift of the
eastern current, we might still upon a
second trial perhaps find it insufficient.
CHAPTER IX. 1
THE improper season of the year in
which we attempted to double Cape
Horn, and to which is to be imputed
the disappointment recited in the
foregoing Chapter in falling in with
Tierra del Fuego, when we reckoned
ourselves at least a hundred leagues
to the westward of that whole coast,
and consequently well advanced into
the Pacific Ocean ; this unseasonable
navigation, I say, to which we were
necessitated by our too late departure
from England, was the fatal source of
all the misfortunes we afterwards en-
countered. For from hence proceeded
the separation of our ships, the de-
struction of our people, the ruin of
our project on Baldivia and of all our
other views on the Spanish places,
and the reduction of our squadron
from the formidable condition in
which it passed Straits Le Maire to a
couple of shattered, half -manned
cruisers, and a sloop, so far disabled
that in many climates they scarcely
durst have put to sea.
1 This Chapter, of twenty pages in
the original, is almost entirely devoted
to " Observations and Directions for
facilitating the Passage of our Future
Cruisers round Cape Horn." But as
its matter is purely technical, and,
however curious as casting light on
the state of nautical science a century
and a quarter ago, possesses not the
smallest popular interest now-a-days,
the Chapter is omitted, with the ex-
ception of one or two introductory
sentences which bear on the actual
narrative.
CHAPTER X.
AFTER the mortifying disappointment
of falling in with the coast of Tierra
del Fuego, when we esteemed ourselves
ten degrees to the westward of it ;
after this disappointment, I say, re-
cited in the eighth Chapter, we stood
away to the SW. till the 22d of April,
when we were in upwards of 60 S. , and
by our account near six degrees to the
westward of Cape Noir. And in this
run we had a series of as favourable
weather as could well be expected in
that part of the world, even in a
better season ; so that this interval,
setting the inquietude of our thoughts
aside, was by far the most eligible of
any we enjoyed from Straits Le Maire
to the west coast of America. This
moderate weather continued with
little variation till the 24th ; but on
the 24th in the evening the wind
began to blow fresh, and soon in-
creased to a prodigious storm ; and
the weather being extremely thick,
about midnight we lost sight of ^tha
other ships of the squadron, which,
notwithstanding the violence of the
preceding storms, had hitherto kept
in company with us. Nor was this
our sole misfortune ; for the next
morning, endeavouring to hand the
topsails, the clewlines and buntlines
broke, and, the sheets being half-
flown, every seam in the topsails was
soon split from top to bottom, and
the main-topsail shook so strongly in
the wind, that it carried away the
top lantern, and endangered the head
of the mast. However, at length some
of the most daring of our men ven-
tured upon the yard, and cut the sail
away close to the reefs, though with
the utmost hazard of their lives. At
the same time, the foretopsail beat
about the yard with so much fury,
that it was soon blown to pieces ; and
that we might have full employment,
the mainsail blew loose, which obliged
us to lower down the yard to secure
the sail; and the fore -yard being
likewise lowered, we lay to under a
mizzen. And besides the loss of our
topsails, we had much of our other
1741.]
DEATHS FROM SCURVY ON BOARD.
rigging broke, and lost a main stud-
ding-sail boom out of the chains.
On the 25th, about noon, the weather
became more moderate, which enabled
us to sway up our yards, and to repair,
in the best manner we could, our
shattered rigging ; but still we had
no sight of the rest of our squadron,
nor indeed were we joined by any of
them again till after our arrival at
Juan Fernandez, nor did any two of
them, as we have since learned, con-
tinue in company together. And this
total separation was the more wonder-
ful, as we had hitherto kept together
for seven weeks, through all the re-
iterated tempests of this turbulent
climate. It must indeed be owned
that this separation gave us room to
expect that we might make oi:r pas-
sage in a shorter time than if we had
continued together, because we could
now make the best of our way without
being retarded by the misfortunes of
the other ships ; but then we had
the melancholy reflection that we
ourselves were hereby deprived of the
assistance of others, and our safety
would depend upon our single ship.
So that, if a plank started, or any
other accident of the same nature
should take place, we must all irre-
coverably perish ; or, should we be
driven on shore, we had the uncom-
fortable prospect of ending our days
on some desolate coast, without any
reasonable hope of ever getting away ;
whereas, with another ship in com-
pany, all these calamities are much
less formidable, since in every kind
of danger there would be some proba-
bility that one ship at least might
escape, and might be capable of pre-
serving or relieving the crew of the
other.
The remaining part of this month
of April we had generally hard gales,
although we had been every day since
the 22d edging to the northward;
however, on the last day of the month
we nattered ourselves with the hopes
of soon terminating all our sufferings,
for we that day found ourselves in
the Latitude of 52 13', which, being
to the northward of the Straits of
Magellan, we were assured that we
had completed our passage, and had
arrived in the confines of the Southern
Ocean ; and this Ocean being nomi-
nated Pacific, from the equability of
the seasons which are said to prevail
there, and the facility and security
with which navigation is there carried
on, we doubted not but we should be
speedily cheered with the moderate
gales, the smooth water, and the
temperate air, for which that tract of
the globe has been so renowned. And
under the influence of these pleasing
circumstances we hoped to experience
some kind of compensation for the
complicated miseries which had so
constantly attended us for the last
eight weeks. But here we were again
disappointed ; for in the succeeding
month of May our sufferings rose to
a much higher pitch than they had
ever yet done, whether we consider
the violence of the storms, the shat-
tering of our sails and rigging, or the
diminishing and weakening of our
crew by deaths and sickness, and the
probable prospect of our total destruc-
tion. All this will be sufficiently
evident from the following circum-
stantial account of our diversified
misfortunes.
Soon after our passing Straits Le
Maire, the scurvy began to make its
appearance amongst us ; and our long
continuance at sea, the fatigue we
underwent, and the various disap-
pointments we met with, had occa-
sioned its spreading to such a degree,
that at the latter end of April there
were but few on board who were not
in some degree afflicted with it ; and
in that month no less than forty- three
died of it on board the Centurion.
But though we thought that the dis-
temper had then risen to an extra-
ordinary height, and were willing
to hope that as we advanced to the
northward its malignity would abate ;
yet we found, on the contrary, that
in the month of May we lost nearly
double that number. And as we did
not get to land till the middle of
June, the mortality went on increas-
ing, and the disease extended itself so
prodigiously, that after the loss of
above 200 men we could not at last
AXSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I.Cir.X.
44
muster more than six foremast men
in a watch capable of duty.
This disease, so frequently attend-
ing all long voyages, and so particu-
larly destructive to us, is surely the
most singular and unaccountable of
any that affects the human body. For
its symptoms are inconstant and in-
numerable, and its progress and effects
extremely irregular ; for scarcely any
two persons have the same complaints,
and where there has been found some
conformity in the symptoms the order
of their appearance has been totally
different. However, though it fre-
quently puts on the form, of many
other diseases, and is therefore not
to be described by any exclusive and
infallible criterions ; yet there are
some symptoms which are more gene-
ral than the rest, and, therefore,
occurring the oftenest, deserve a more
particular enumeration. These com-
mon appearances are large discoloured
spots dispersed over the whole surface
of the body, swelled legs, putrid gums,
and above all, an extraordinary lassi-
tude of the whole body, especially
after any exercise however inconsider-
able ; and this lassitude at last de-
generates into a proneness to swoon 1
on the least exertion of strength, or
even on the least motion. This
disease is likewise usually attended
with a strange dejection of the spirits,
and with shiverings, tremblings, and
a disposition to be seized with the
most dreadful terrors on the slightest
accident. I ndeed it was most remark-
able, in all our reiterated experience
of this malady, that whatever dis-
couraged our people, or at any time
damped their hopes, never failed to
add new vigour to the distemper ; for
it usually killed those who were in
the last stage of it, and confined those
to their hammocks who were before
capable of some kind of duty ; so that
,it seemed as if alacrity of mind and
sanguine thoughts were no contempt-
ible preservatives from its fatal malig-
nity.
But it is not easy to complete the
long roll of the various concomitants
1 Ed. 1776 : "And even to die."
of this disease ; for it often produced
putrid fevers, pleurisies, the jaundice,
and viojent rheumatic pains, and
sometimes it occasioned an obstinate
costiveness, which was generally at-
tended with a difficulty of breathing ;
and this was esteemed the most deadly
of all the scorbutic symptoms. At
other times the whole body, but mora
especially the legs, were subject to
ulcers of the worst kind, attended with
rotten bones, and such a luxuriance
of fungus flesh, as yielded to no
remedy. But a most extraordinary
circumstance, and what would be
scarcely credible upon any single evi-
dence, is, that the scars of wounds
which had been for many years healed
were forced open again by this viru-
lent distemper. Of this there was a
remarkable instance in one of the
invalids on board the Centurion, who
had been wounded above fifty years
before at the battle of the Boyne ; for
though he was cured soon after, and
had continued well for a great number
of years past, yet, on his being at-
tacked by the scurvy, his wounds, in
the progress of his disease, broke out
afresh, and appeared as if they had
never been healed. Nay, what is
still more astonishing, the callus of a
broken bone, which had been com-
pletely formed for a long time, was
found to be hereby dissolved, and the
fracture seemed as if it had never been
consolidated. Indeed, the effects of
this disease were in almost every in-
stance wonderful ; for many of our
people, though confined to their ham-
mocks, appeared to have no incon-
siderable share of health, for they
ate and drank heartily, were cheerful,
and talked with much seeming vigour
and with a loud, strong tone of voice ;
and yet on their being the least moved,
though it was only from one part of
the ship to the other, and that in
their hammocks, they have imme-
diately expired ; and others who have
confided in their seeming strength,
and have resolved to get out of their
hammocks, have died before they
could well reach the deck ; and it
was no uncommon thing for those
who were able to walk the deck, ami
1741.]
GLOOMY PROSPECTS.
45
to do some kind of duty, to drop down
dead in an instant, on any endeavours
to act with their utmost vigour, many
of our people having perished in this
manner during the course of this
voyage.
With this terrible disease we strug-
gled the greatest part of the time of
our beating round Cape Horn ; and
though it did not then rage with its
utmost violence, yet we buried no
less than forty-three men on board
the Centurion in the month of April,
as has been already observed. We
still entertained hopes, that when we
should have once secured our passage
round the Cape, we should put a
period to this and all the other evils
which had so constantly pursued us.
But it was our misfortune to find,
that the Pacific Ocean was to us less
hospitable than the turbulent neigh-
bourhood of Tierra del Fuego and
Cape Horn j 1 for being arrived, on
1 Thomas dwells far more im-
pressively on this disappointment :
"Friday, May 8, at seven in the
morning, saw the main land of Pata-
gonia appearing in high mountains
covered mostly with snow. We like-
wise saw several islands, one of which
we took to be the Island del Soccoro,
so called by Sir John Narborough, in
his account of his voyage into those
parts ; and from the fine description
this gentleman had given of this island
(having been there in the very height
of summer), this place was appointed
for our first general rendezvous in the
South Seas. An unhappy appoint-
ment it was in its consequences ; for
when the people, already reduced to
the last extremity, found this to be
the place of rendezvous, where they
had hoped to meet the rest of their
companions with joy, and what a
miserable part of the world it ap-
peared to be, their grief gave way to
despair ; they saw no end of their
sufferings, nor any door open to their
safety. Those who had hitherto been
well and in heart, now full of despon-
dency, fell down, sickened, and died ;
and, to sum up this melancholy part,
I verily believe, that our touching on
the 8th of May, off the Island of
Socoro, which was the first rendez-
vous appointed for the squadron, and
where we hoped to have met with
some of our companions, we cruised
for them in that station several days.
And here we were not only disap-
pointed in our hopes of being joined
by our friends, and thereby induced to
favour the gloomy suggestions of their
having all perished ; but we were
likewise perpetually alarmed with the
fears of being driven on shore upon
this coast, which appeared too craggy
and irregular to give us the least hopes
that in such a case any of us could
possibly escape immediate destruc-
tion. For the land had indeed a
most tremendous aspect ; the most
distant part of it, and which appeared
far within the country, being the
mountains usually called the Andes
or Cordilleras, was extremely high,
and covered with snow ; and the
coast itself seemed quite rocky and
barren, and the water's edge skirted
with precipices. In some places, in-
deed, there appeared several deep bays
running into the land, but the en-
trance into them was generally blocked
up by numbers of little islands ; and
though it was not improbable but
there might be convenient shelter in
some of those bays, and proper chan-
nels leading thereto ; yet, as we were
utterly ignorant of the coast, had we
been driven ashore by the western
winds which blew almost constantly
there, we did not expect to have
avoided the loss of our ship and of
our lives.
And this continued peril, which
this coast, the long stay we made here,
and our hindrance by cross winds,
which we should have avoided in a
direct course to Juan Fernandez, lost
us at least sixty or seventy of as stout
and able men as any in the navy.
This unspeakable distress was still
aggravated by the difficulties we found
in working the ship, as the scurvy
had by this time destroyed no less
than 200 of our men, and had in
some degree affected almost the whole
crew."
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. I. Cn. X.
46
lasted for above a fortnight, was
greatly aggravated by the difficulties
we found in Avorking the ship ; as the
scurvy had by this time destroyed so
great a part of our hands, and had in
some degree affected almost the whole
crew. 1 Nor did we, as we hoped,
find the winds less violent as we ad-
vanced to the northward ; for we had
often prodigious squalls, which split
our sails, greatly damaged our rigging,
and endangered our masts. Indeed,
during the greatest part of the time
we were upon this coast, the wind
blew so hard, that in another situa-
tion where we had sufficient sea-room
we should certainly have lain to ; but
in the present exigency we were ne-
cessitated to carry both our courses
and topsails, in order to keep clear of
this lee-shore. In one of these squalls,
which was attended by several violent
claps of thunder, a sudden flash of
fire darted along our decks, which,
dividing, exploded with a report like
that of several pistols, and wounded
many of our men and officers as it
passed, marking them in different
parts of the body. This flame was
attended with a strong sulphurous
stench, and was doubtless of the same
nature with the larger and more vio-
lent blasts of lightning which then
filled the air.
It were endless to recite minutely
the various disasters, fatigues, and
terrors which we encountered on this
coast ; all these went on increasing
till the 22d of May, at which time the
fury of all the storms which we had
hitherto encountered seemed to be
combined, and to have conspired our
destruction. In this hurricane almost
all our sails were split, and great part
of our standing rigging broken ; and,
about eight in the evening, a moun-
tainous overgrown sea took us upon
our starboard quarter, and gave us so
1 Alison himself writes in his Offi-
cial Report, under date May 8th, that
he "had not men able to keep the
deck sufficient to take in a topsail,
all being violently afflicted with the
scurvy, and every day lessening our
number by six, eight, or ten."
prodigious a shock, that several of our
shrouds broke with the jerk, by which
our masts were greatly endangered ;
our ballast and stores, too, were so
strangely shifted, that the ship heeled
afterwards two streaks to port. Indeed,
it was a most tremendous blow, and
we were thrown into the utmost con-
sternation from the apprehension of
instantly foundering ; and though the
wind abated in a few hours, yet, as wo
had no more sails left in a condition
to bend to our yards, the ship laboured
very much in a hollow sea, rolling
gunwale-to, for want of sail to steady
her : so that we expected our masts,
which were now very slenderly sup-
ported, to come by the board every
moment. However, we exerted our-
selves the best we could to stirrup our
shrouds, to reeve new halyards, and
to mend our sails ; but while these
necessary operations were carrying on,
we ran great risk of being driven on
shore on the Island of Chiloe, which
was not far distant from us ; but in
the midst of our peril the wind happily
shifted to the southward, and we
steered off the land with the mainsail
only, the master and myself undertak-
ing the management of the helm, while
every one else on board was busied in
securing the masts, and bending the
sails as fast as they could be repaired.
This was the last effort of that stormy
climate ; for in a day or two after we
got clear of the land, and found the
weather more moderate than we had
yet experienced since our passing
Straits Le Maire. And now having
cruised in vain for more than a fort-
night in quest of the other ships of
the squadron, it was resolved to tako
advantage of the present favourable
season, and the offing we had made from
this terrible coast, and to make the
best of our way for the Island .of Juan
Fernandez. For though our next ren-
dezvous was appointed off the harbour
of Baldivia, yet as we had hitherto
seen none of our companions at this
first rendezvous, it was not to be sup-
posed that any of them would be found
at the second ; indeed, we had the
greatest reason to suspect that all but
ourselves had perished. Besides, we
1711.]
EXTREME DISTRESS OF THE CREW.
were by this time reduced to so low a
condition, that, instead of attempting
to attack the places of the enemy, our
utmost hopes could only suggest to us
the possibility of saving the ship, and
some part of the remaining enfeebled
crew, by our speedy arrival at Juan
Fernandez ; for this was the only road
in that part of the world where there
was any probability of our recovering
our sick, or refitting our vessel, and
consequently our getting thither was
the only chance we had left to avoid
perishing at sea.
Our deplorable situation, then, al-
lowing no room for deliberation, we
stood for the Island of Juan Fernandez :
and to save time, which was now ex-
tremely precious (our men dying four,
five, and six in a day), and likewise
to avoid being engaged again with a
lee-shore, we resolved if possible to
hit the island upon a meridian. And
on the 28th of May, being nearly in
the parallel upon which it is laid
down, we had great expectations of see-
ing it ; but not finding it in the posi-
tion in which the charts had taught
us to expect it, we began to fear that
we had got too far to the westward ;
and therefore, though the Commodore
himself was strongly persuaded that
he saw it on the morning of the 28th,
yet his officers believing it to be only
a cloud, to which opinion the haziness
of the weather gave some kind of coun-
tenance, it was on a consultation re-
solved to stand to the eastward in the
parallel of the island ; as it was cer-
tain that by this course we should
either fall in with the island, if we
were already to the westward of it,
or should at least make the mainland
of Chili, whence we might take a new
departure, and assure ourselves, by
running to the westward afterwards,
of not missing the island a second
time.
On the 30th of May we had a view
of tlie continent of Chili, distant about
twelve or thirteen leagues ; the land
made exceeding high and uneven, and
appeared quite white ; what we saw
being doubtless a part of the Cordil-
leras, which are always covered with
snow. Though by this view of the
land we ascertained our position, yet
it gave us great uneasiness to find that
we had so needlessly altered our course
when we were, in all probability, just
upon the point of making the island ;
for the mortality amongst us was now
increased to a most dreadful degree,
and those who remained alive were
utterly dispirited by this new disap-
pointment and the prospect of their
longer continuance at sea. Our water,
too, began to grow scarce, so that a
general dejection prevailed amongst
us, which added much to the virulence
of the disease, and destroyed numbers
of our best men ; and to all these
calamities there was added this vexa-
tious circumstance, that when, after
having got a sight of the main, we
tacked and stood to the westward in
quest of the island, we were so much
delayed by calms and contrary winds,
that it cost us nine days to regain the
westing which, when we stood to the
eastward, we ran down in two. In
this desponding condition, with a crazy
ship, a great scarcity of fresh water,
and a crew so universally diseased that
there were not above ten foremast men
in a watch capable of doing duty, and
even some of these lame, and unable
to go aloft : under these disheartening
circumstances, I say, we stood to the
westward ; and, on the 9th of June,
at daybreak, we at last discovered the
long-wished-for Island of Juan Fer-
nandez. And with this discovery I
shall close this Chapter, and the First
Book, after observing (which will fur-
nish a very strong image of our un-
paralleled distresses) that by our sus-
pecting ourselves to be to the westward
of the island on the 28th of May, and,
in consequence of this, standing in for
the main, we lost between seventy and
eighty of our men, whom we should
doubtless have saved had we made the
island that day, which, had we kept
on our course for a few hours longer,
we could not have failed to have done.
48
ANSON'S VOYAGE HOUND THK WOULD. [B.U.Cii.L
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
ON the 9th. of June, at daybreak, as
is mentioned in the preceding Chap-
ter, we first descried the Island of
Juan Fernandez, bearing N. by E.
half E., at eleven -or twelve leagues'
distance. And though, on this view,
it appeared to be a mountainous place,
extremely ragged and irregular ; yet,
as it was land, and the land we sought
for, it was to us a most agreeable
sight. For at this place only we
could hope to put a period to those
terrible calamities we had so long
struggled with, which had already
swept away above half our crew, and
which, had we continued a few days
longer at sea, would inevitably have
completed our destruction. For we
were by this time reduced to so help-
less a condition, that out of 200 and
odd men who remained alive, we could
not, taking all our watches together,
muster hands enough to work the
ship on an emergency, though we in-
cluded the officers, their servants, and
the boys.
The wind being northerly when we
first made the island, we kept plying
all that day, and the next night, in
order to get in with the land ; and
wearing the ship in the middle watch,
we had a melancholy instance of the
almost incredible debility of our
people ; for the lieutenant could mus-
ter no more than two quarter-masters
and six foremast men capable of
working ; so that without the assist-
ance of the officers, servants, and
boys, it might have proved impos-
sible for r.s to have reached the island
after we had got sight of it ; and even
with this assistance they were two
hours in trimming the sails. To so
wretched a condition^ was a sixty-
gun ship reduced, which had passed
Straits Le Maire but three months
before, with between 400 and 500 men,
almost all of them in health and
vigour.
However, on the 10th, in the after-
noon, we got under the lee of the
island, and kept ranging along it at
about two miles' distance, in order
to look out for the proper anchorage,
which was described to be in a bay on
the north side. And now, being
nearer in with the shore, we could
discover that the broken craggy pre-
cipices, which had appeared so unpro-
mising at a distance, were far from
barren, being in most places covered
with woods ; and that between them
there were everywhere interspersed
the finest valleys, clothed with a most
beautiful verdure, and watered with
numerous streams and cascades ; no
valley, of any extent, being unpro-
vided of its proper rill. The water,
too, as we afterwards found, was not
inferior to any we had ever tasted,
and was constantly clear ; so that the
aspect of this country would at all
times have been extremely delightful,
but in our distressed situation, lan-
guishing as we were for the land and
its vegetable productions (an inclina-
tion constantly attending every stage
of the sea - scurvy), it is scarcely
credible with what eagerness and
transport we viewed the shore, and
with how much impatience we longed
for the greens and other refreshments
which were then in sight ; and par-
ticularly for the water, for of this wo
had been confined to a veiy sparing
allowance for a considerable time, and
had then but five tons remaining on
board. Those only Avho have en-
dured a long series of thirst, and who
can readily recall the desire and agita-
tion which the ideas alone of springs
and brooks have at that time raised
in them, can judge of the emotion
with which we eyed a large cascade of
the most transparent water, which
poured itself from a rock near 100
feet high into the sea, at a small
distance from the ship. Even those
amongst the diseased, who were not
in the very last stages of the distemper,
1741.]
ARRIVAL AT JUAN FERNANDEZ.
49
though they had long "been confined
to their hammocks, exerted the small
remains of strength that were left
them, and crawled up to the deck to
feast themselves with this reviving
prospect. Thus we coasted the shore,
fully employed in the contemplation
of this diversified landscape, which
still improved upon us the farther we
advanced. But at last the night
closed upon us before we had satisfied
ourselves which was the proper bay
to anchor in ; and therefore we re-
solved to keep in soundings all night
(we having then from sixty -four
to seventy fathoms), and to send our
boat next morning to discover the
road. However, the current shifted
in the night, and set us so near the
land, that we were obliged to let go
the best bower in fifty-six fathoms,
not half-a-mile from the shore. At
four in the morning the cutter was
despatched with our third lieutenant
to find out the bay we were in search
of, who returned again at noon with
the boat laden with seals and grass ;
for though the island abounded with
better vegetables, yet the boat's crew,
in their short stay, had not met with
them ; and they well knew that even
grass would prove a dainty, and, in-
deed, it was all soon and eagerly de-
voured. The seals, too, were con-
sidered as fresh provision ; but as yet
were not much admired, though they
grew afterwards into more repute ;
for what rendered them less valuable
at this juncture was the prodigious
quantity of excellent fish which the
people on board had taken during
the absence of the boat.
The cutter, in this expedition, had
discovered the bay where we intended
to anchor, which we found was to
the westward of our present station ;
and the next morning, the weather
proving favourable, we endeavoured
to weigh, in order to proceed thither.
But though, on this occasion, we
mustered all the strength we could,
obliging even the sick, who were
scarce able to keep on their legs, to
assist us, yet the capstan was so
weakly manned, that it was near four
hours before we hove the cable right
up and down ; after which, with our
utmost efforts, and with many surges
and some purchases we made use of
to increase our power, we found our-
selves incapable of starting the anchor
from the ground. However, at noon,
as a fresh gale blew towards the bay,
we were induced to set the sails, which
fortunately tripped the anchor ; on
which we steered along shore till we
came abreast of the point that forms
the eastern part of the bay. On
opening the bay, the wind, that had
befriended us thus far, shifted, and
blew from thence in squalls ; but by
means of the headway we had got,
we luffed close in, till the anchor
brought us up in fifty-six fathoms. 1
Soon after we had thus got to our new
berth, we discovered a sail, which we
made no doubt was one of our squad-
ron ; and on its nearer approach, we
found it to be the Trial sloop. We
immediately sent some of our hands
on board her, by whose assistance she
was brought to an anchor between us
and the land. We soon found that
the sloop had not been exempted from
those calamities which we had so
severely felt ; for her commander,
Captain Saunders, waiting on the
Commodore, informed him, that out
of his small complement he had buried
thirty-four of his men ; and those
that remained were so universally
afflicted with the scurvy, that only
himself, his lieutenant, and three
of his men, were able to stand by
the sails.
The Trial came to an anchor within
us on the 12th about noon, and we
carried our hawsers on board her, in
order to moor ourselves nearer in
shore ; but the wind, coming off the
land in violent gusts, prevented our
mooring in the berth we intended,
especially as our principal attention
was now employed on business rather
of more importance. For we were
1 "To our inexpressible joy," sa3 r s
Thomas, "having been from St
Catherine's, in the Brazils, to this
place 148 days, on such a dreadful
and fatal a passage, as, I believe, very
few persons ever experienced."
D
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.CH.I.
50
now extremely occupied in sending
on shore materials to raise tents for
the reception of the sick, who died
apace on board; and doubtless the
distemperwas considerably augmented
by the stench and filthiness in which
they lay ; for the number of the dis-
eased was so great, and so few could
be spared from the necessary duty of
the sails to look after them, that it
was impossible to avoid a great re-
laxation in the article of cleanliness,
which had rendered the ship extremely
loathsome between decks. But not--
withstanding our desire of freeing the
sick from their hateful situation, and
their own extreme impatience to get
on shore, we had not hands enough
to prepare the tents for their reception
before the 16th ; but on that and the
two following days we sent them all
on shore, amounting to 167 persons,
besides at least a dozen who died in
the boats on their being exposed to
the fresh air. The greatest part of
our sick were so infirm, that we were
obliged to carry them out of the ship
in their hammocks, and to convey
them afterwards in the same manner
from the water-side to their tents,
over a stony beach. This was a
work of considerable fatigue to the
few who were healthy ; and therefore
the Commodore, with his accustomed
humanity, not only assisted herein
with his own labour, but obliged
his officers, without distinction, to
give their helping hand. The ex-
treme weakness of our sick may in
some measure be collected from the
numbers who died after they had got
on shore; for it had generally been
found that the land, and the refresh-
ments it produces, very soon recover
most stages of the sea-scurvy ; and
we flattered ourselves that those who
had not perished on this first exposure
to the open air, but had lived to be
placed in their tents, would have
been speedily restored to their health
and vigour. But, to our great mor-
tification, it was near twenty days
after their landing before the mor-
tality was tolerably ceased; and for
the first ten or twelve days we buried
rarely less than six each day, and
many of those who survived recovered
by very slow and insensible degrees.
Indeed, those who were well enough,
at their first getting on shore, to creep
out of their tents and crawl about,
were soon relieved, and recovered
their health and strength in a very
short time ; but in the rest the disease
seemed to have acquired a degree of
inveteracy which was altogether with-
out example. 1
The excellence of the climate and
the looseness of the soil render this
place extremely proper for all kinds
of vegetation; for if the ground be
anywhere accidentally turned up it is
immediately overgrown with turnips
and Sicilian radishes; and therefore
Mr Anson having with him garden
seeds of all kinds, and stones of dif-
ferent sorts of fruits, he, for the better
accommodation of his countrymen
who should hereafter touch here,
sowed both lettuces, carrots, and other
garden plants, and set in the woods a
great variety of plum, apricot, and
peach stones. And these last, he has
been informed, have since thriven to
a very remarkable degree; for some
gentlemen, who in their passage from
Lima to Old Spain were taken and
brought to England, having procured
leave to wait upon Mr Anson to thank
him for his generosity and humanity
to his prisoners, some of whom were
their relations, they in casual dis-
course with him about his transac-
tions in the South Seas, particularly
asked him if he had not planted a
great number of fruit-stones on the
Island of Juan Fernandez; for they
told him their late navigators had
discovered there numbers of peach
trees and apricot trees, which being
fruits before unobserved in that place,
1 The Narrator here goes into a long
and minute description of Juan Fer-
nandez, for the advantage of future
British cruisers in those seas; but
the island has been described in
Dampier's Voyage (page 158), and the
Editor has omitted those parts of Mr
Walter's account which do not bear
on the actual proceedings of the
squadron.
1741.] THE STAY ON
they concluded them to be produced
from kernels set by him.
The spot where the Commodore
pitched his tent, and which he made
choice of for his own residence, was
a small lawn that lay on a little as-
cent, at the distance of about half-a-
mile from the sea. 1 In the front of
his tent there was a large avenue cut
through the woods to the seaside,
which sloping to the water, with a
gentle descent, opened a prospect of
the bay and the ships at anchor.
This lawn was screened behind by a
tall wood of myrtle sweeping round
it in the form of a theatre, the ground
on which the wood stood rising with
a much sharper ascent than the lawn
itself, though not so much but that
the hills and precipices within land
towered up considerably above the
tops of the trees, and added to the
grandeur of the view. There were,
besides, two streams of crystal water
which ran on the right and left of
the tent, within 100 yards' distance,
and were shaded by the trees which
skirted the lawn on either side,
and completed the symmetry of the
whole.
It remains now only that we speak
of the animals and provisions which
we met with at this place. Former
writers have related that this island
abounded with vast numbers of goats ;
and their accounts are not to be
questioned, this place being the usual
haunt of the buccaneers and privateers
who formerly frequented those seas.
And there are two instances one of
a Mosquito Indian, and the other of
1 And was probably, as Thomas
suggests, the very spot on which
Shelvocke pitched his tent after his
shipwreck on the island in May 1720.
Shelvocke, as quoted in Kerr's Collec-
tion of Voyages, Part L, Book IV.,
chap. 12, sec. 22, says: "I now took
some pains to find out a convenient
place in which to set up my tent, and
at length found a commodious spot of
ground not half-a-mile from the sea,
having a fine stream of water on each
side, with trees close at hand for
firing, and building our huts. "
THE ISLAND. 51
Alexander Selkirk, a Scotchman, who
were left by ^their respective ships,
and lived alone upon this island for
some years, and consequently were
no strangers to its produce. Selkirk,
who was the last, after a stay of be-
tween four and five years, was taken
off the place by the Duke and Duchess
privateers, of Bristol, as may be seen
at large in the journal of their voyage.
His manner of life during his solitude
was in most particulars very remark-
able ; but there is one circumstance
he relates which was so strangely
verified by our own observation, that
I cannot help reciting it. He tells
us, among other things, as he often
caught more goats than he wanted,
he sometimes marked their ears and
let them go. This was about thirty-
two years before our arrival at the
island. Now it happened that the
first goat that was killed by our people
at their landing had his ears slit;
whence we concluded that he had
doubtless been formerly under the
power of Selkirk. This was indeed
an animal of a most venerable aspect,
dignified with an exceeding majestic
beard, and with many other symptoms
of antiquity. During our stay on the
island we met with others marked in
the same manner, all the males being
distinguished by an exuberance of
beard, and every other characteristic
of extreme age.
I remember we had once an oppor-
tunity of observing a remarkable dis-
pute betwixt a herd of these animals
and a number of dogs, for going in our
boat into the eastern bay, we saw
some dogs running very eagerly upon
the foot, and being willing to discover
what game they were after, we lay
upon our oars some time to view them ;
and at last we saw them take to a hill,
and looking a little farther we ob-
served upon the ridge of it a herd of
goats which seemed drawn up for their
reception ; there was a very narrow
path, skirted on each side by preci-
pices, on which the master of the herd
posted himself fronting the enemy,
the rest of the goats being all behind
him, where the ground was more
open. As this spot was inaccessible
ANSON'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cn.I.
52
by any other path excepting where
this champion had placed himself, the
dogs, though they ran up-hill with
great alacrity, yet when they came
within about twenty yards of him
durst not encounter him (for he would
infallibly have driven them down the
precipice), but gave over the chase,
and quietly laid themselves down,
panting at a great rate. The dogs,
which, as I have mentioned, are mas-
ters of all the accessible parts of the
island, are of various kinds, but some
of them very large, and are multiplied
to a prodigious degree. They some-
times came down to our habitations at
night and stole our provision, and
once or twice they set upon single
persons, but assistance being at hand,
they were driven off without doing
any mischief. As at present it is rare
for goats to fall in their way, we con-
ceived that they lived principally upon
young seals ; and indeed some of our
people had the curiosity to kill dogs
sometimes and dress them, and they
seemed to agree that they had a fishy
taste*
Goats' flesh, as I have mentioned,
being scarce, we rarely being able to
kill above one a day, and our people
growing tired of fish (which abounds
at this place), they at last condescend-
ed to eat seals, which by degrees they
came to relish, and called it lamb.
The seal, numbers of which haunt
this island, has been so often described
by former writers that it is unneces-
sary to say anything particular about
them in this place. But there is an-
other amphibious creature to be met
with here, called a sea-lion, that bears
some resemblance to a seal, though it
is much larger. This, too, we ate,
under the denomination of beef. They
are in size, when arrived at their full
growth, from twelve to twenty feet in
length, and from eight to fifteen in cir-
cumference ; they are extremely fat, so
that after having cut through the skin,
which is about an inch in thickness,
there is at least a foot of fat before you
can come at either lean or bones; and
we experienced more than once that
the fat of some of the largest afforded
us a butt of oil. They are likewise
very full of blood, for if they are
deeply wounded in a dozen places,
there will instantly gush out as many
fountains of blood, spouting to a con-
siderable distance ; and to try what
quantity of blood they contained, we
shot one first, and then cut its throat ;
and measuring the blood that came
from him, we found that, besides what
remained in the vessels which, to be
sure, was considerable we got at
least two hogsheads. . . . We
killed many of them for food, particu-
larly for their hearts and tongues,
which we esteemed exceeding good
eating, and preferable even to those of
bullocks. And in general there was
no difficulty in killing them, for they
were incapable either of escaping or
resisting, their motion being the most
unwieldy that can be conceived, their
blubber, all the time they are moving,
being agitated in large waves under
their skins. However, a sailor one
day being carelessly employed in skin-
ning a young sea-lion, the female
from which he had taken it came
upon him unperceived, and getting
his head in her mouth, she with her
teeth scored his skull in notches in
many places, and thereby wounded
him so desperately that, though all
possible care was taken of him, he
died in a few days.
But that which furnished us with
the most delicious repasts at this
island remains still to be described.
This was the fish with which the
whole bay was most plentifully stored,
and with the greatest variety. For
we found here cod of a prodigious
size ; and by the report of some of our
crew, who had been formerly employed
in the Newfoundland fishery, not in
less plenty than is to be met with on
the banks of that island. We caught
also cavillies, gropers, large breams,
maids, silver-fish, congers of a peculiar
kind, and above all, a black fish which
we most esteemed, called by some a
chimney-sweeper, in shape resembling
a carp. Indeed the beach is every-
where so full of rocks and loose stones
that there is no possibility of hauling
the seyne ; but with hooks and lines
we caught what numbers we pleased,
1742.1
PRODUCE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ.
53
so that a boat with two or three lines
would return loaded with fish in about
two or three hours' time. The only
interruption we ever met with arose
from great quantities of dog-fish and
large sharks, which sometimes attend-
ed our boats and prevented our sport.
Besides the fish we have already men-
tioned, we found here one delicacy in
greater perfection, both as to size,
flavour, and quantity, than is perhaps
to be met with in any other part of the
world. This was sea craw-fish ; they
generally weighed eight or nine pounds
a-piece, were of an excellent taste, and
lay in such abundance near the water's
edge that the boat-hooks often struck
into them in putting the boat to and
from the shore.
These are the most material articles
relating to the accommodations, soil,
vegetables, animals, and other produc-
tions of the Island of Juan Fernan-
dez. 1 By which it must appear how
1 Thomas adds, in somewhat enthu-
siastic terms, another and a pleasant
feature of the island : " It is astonish-
ing, that among all the voyagers who
have visited this fortunate island be-
fore us, and who have obliged the
world with descriptions of it, none of
them have mentioned a charming little
bird that, with its wild, various, and
irregular notes, enchants the ear, and
makes the woods resound with its
melody. This untutored chorister is
somewhat less in size than the gold-
finch, its plumage beautifully inter-
mixed with red and othervivid colours,
and the golden crown upon its head
so bright and glowing when seen in
the full light of the sun that it sur-
passes all description. These little
birds are far from being uncommon or
unfamiliar, for they perched upon the
branches of the myrtle-trees so near
us, and sung so cheerfully, as if they
had been conscious we were strangers,
and came to give us welcome. There
is, besides the above, another little
bird unnoticed by any former writer,
and which seems likewise peculiar to
the island, and consequently without
a name ; it is still less than the former
in size, but not inferior in beauty,
properly that place was adapted for
recovering us from the deplorable
situation to which our tedious and
unfortunate navigation round Cape
Horn had reduced us. And having
thus given the reader some idea of the
site and circumstances of this place,
which was to be our residence for three
months, I shall now proceed in the
next Chapter to relate all that occurred
to us in that interval, resuming my
narration from the 18th day of June,
being the day on which the Trial
sloop, having by a squall been driven
out to sea three days before, came
again to her moorings, the day in
which we finished the sending our
sick on shore, and about eight days
after our first anchoring at this island.
CHAPTER II.
THE arrival of the Trial sloop at this
island, so soon after we came there
ourselves [in the Centurion], gave us
great hopes of being speedily joined
by the rest of the squadron ; and we
were for some days continually look-
ing out, in expectation of their com-
ing in sight. But near a fortnight
being elapsed without any of them
having appeared, we began to despair
of ever meeting them again ; as we
knew that, had our ship continued so
much longer at sea, we should every
man of us have perished, and the
vessel, occupied by dead bodies only,
would have been left to the caprice of
the winds and waves : and this we
had great reason to fear was the fate
of our consorts, as each hour added
to the probability of these desponding
suggestions.
But, on the 21st of June, some of
our people, from an eminence on
shore, discerned a ship to leeward,
though not so musical ; the back,
wings, and head, are of a lively green,
intermixed with fine shining golden
spots, and the belly a snow-white
ground, with ebony-coloured spots,
so elegantly varied as no art can
imitate." '
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.CH.II.
54
with her courses even with the hori-
zon ; and they at the same time par-
ticularly observed, that she had no
sail abroad except her courses and
her main-topsail. This circumstance
rnade^them conclude that it was one
of our squadron, which had probably
suffered in her sails and rigging as
severely as we had done : but they
were prevented from forming more
definite conjectures about her ; for,
after viewing her for a short time, the
weather grew thick and hazy, and
they lost sight of her. On this report,
and no ship appearing for some days,
we were all under the greatest con-
cern, suspecting that her people were
in the utmost distress for want of
water, and so diminished and weak-
ened by sickness as not to be able to
ply up to windward ; so that we feared
that, after having been in sight of the
island, her whole crew would notwith-
standing perish at sea. However, on
the 26th, towards noon, we discerned
a sail in the NE. quarter, which we
conceived to be the very same ship
that had been seen before, and our
conjectures proved true ; and about
1 o'clock she approached so near
that we could distinguish her to be
the Gloucester. As we had no doubt
of her being in great distress, the
Commodore immediately ordered his
boat to her assistance, laden with
fresh water, fish, and vegetables,
which was a very seasonable relief to
them : for our apprehensions of their
calamities appeared to be but too well
grounded, as perhaps there never was
a crew in a more distressed situation.
They had already thrown overboard
two-thirds of their complement, and
of those that remained alive scarcely
any were capable of doing duty, ex-
cept the officers and their servants.
They had been a considerable time at
the small allowance of a pint of fresh
water to each man for twenty-four
hours ; and yet they had so little left,
that, had it not been for the supply
we sent them, they must soon have
died of thirst.
The ship plied in within three miles
of the bay ; but, the winds and cur-
rents being contrary, she could not
reach the road. However, she con-
tinued in the offing the next day, but
had no chance of corning to an anchor
unless the wind and current shifted ;
and therefore the Commodore repeat-
ed his assistance, sending to her the
Trial's boat manned with the Centur-
ion's people, and a further supply of
water and other refreshments. Captain
Mitchel, the captain of the Gloucester,
was under a necessity of detaining
both this boat and that sent the pre-
ceding day ; for without the help of
their crews he had no longer strength
enough to navigate the ship. In this
tantalising situation the Gloucester
continued for near a fortnight, with-
out being able to fetch the road,
though frequently attempting it, and
at sometimes bidding very fair for it.
On the 9th of July we observed her
stretching away to the eastward at a
considerable distance, which we sup-
posed was with a design to get to the
southward of the island ; but as we
soon lost sight of her, and she did
not appear for near a week, we were
prodigiously concerned, knowing that
she must be again in extreme distress
for want of water. After great impa-
tience about her, we discovered her
again on the 16th, endeavouring to
come round the eastern point of the
island ; but the wind, still blowing
directly from the bay, prevented her
getting nearer than within four leagues
of the land. On this Captain Mitchel
made signals of distress ; and our
long-boat was sent to him with a store
of water, and plenty of fish and other
refreshments. And the long-boat
being not to be spared, the cockswain
had positive orders from the Commo-
dore to return again immediately :
but the weather proving stormy the
next day, and the boat not appearing,
we much feared she was lost, which
would have proved an irretrievable
misfortune to us all. But, the third
day after, wo were relieved from this
anxiety by the joyful sight of the
long-boat's sails upon the water ; and
we sent the cutter immediately to her
assistance, which towed her alongside
in a few hours. The crew of our
long-boat had taken in six of the
1741.1
ARRIVAL OF THE GLOUCESTER.
Gloucester's sick men to bring ^ them
on shore, two of whom had died in
the boat. And now we learned that
the Gloucester was in a most dreadful
condition, having scarcely a man in
health on board, except those they
received from us ; and numbers of
their sick dying daily, we found that,
had it not been for the last supply
sent by our long-boat, both the healthy
and diseased must have all perished
together for want of water. And
these calamities were the more terrify-
ing, as they appeared to be without
remedy : for the Gloucester had already
spent a month in her endeavours to
fetch the bay, and she was now no
farther advanced than at the first
moment she made the island ; on the
contrary, the people on board her had
worn out all their hopes of ever suc-
ceeding in it, by the many experi-
ments they had made of its difficulty.
Indeed, the same day her situation
grew more desperate than ever ; for
after she had received our last supply
of refreshments, we again lost sight of
her ; so that we in general despaired
of her ever coming to an anchor.
Thus was this unhappy vessel ban-
died about within a few leagues of her
intended harbour, whilst the neigh-
bourhood of that place, and of those
circumstances which could alone put
an end to the calamities they laboured
under, served only to aggravate their
distress, by torturing them with a view
of the relief it was not in their power
to reach. But she was at last deliv-
ered from this dreadful situation, at a
time when we least expected it ; for,
after having lost sight of her for several
days, we were pleasingly surprised, on
the morning of the 23d of July, to see
her oy-en the NW. point of the bay with
a flowing sail ; when we immediately
despatched what boats we had to her
assistance, and in an hour's time from
our first perceiving her she anchored
safe within us in the bay. And now
we were more particularly convinced
of the importance of the assistance
and refreshments we so often sent
them, and how impossible it would
have beea for a man of them to have
survived had we given less attention
to their wants ; for notwithstanding
the water, the greens, and fresh provi-
sions which we supplied them with,
and the hands we sent them to navi-
gate the ship, by which the fatigue of
their own people was diminished, their
sick relieved, and the mortality abated:
notwithstanding this indulgent care of
the Commodore, they yet buried three-
fourths of their crew, and a very small
proportion of the remainder were cap-
able of assisting in the duty of the
ship. On their coming to an anchor,
our first care was to assist them in
mooring, and our next to send the
sick on shore. These were now reduced
by deaths to less than fourscore, of
which we expected to lose the greatest
part ; but whether it was that those
farthest advanced in the distemper
were all dead, or that the greens and
fresh provisions we had sent on board
had prepared those who remained for
a more speedy recovery, it happened,
contrary to our expectations, that their
sick were in general relieved and re-
stored to their strength in a much
shorter time than our own had been
when we first came to the island, and
very few of them died on shore.
I have thus given an account of the
principal events relating to the arrival
of the Gloucester, in one continued
narration ; I shall only add, that we
never were joined by any other of
our ships, except our victualler, the
Anna pink, which came in about the
middle of August, and whose history
I shall more particularly relate here-
after. 1 . . .
1 The sick were put ashore here and
the Centurion was cleansed from the
effects of the recent distress on board,
and the water was filled. In addition
to supplies of vegetables and fresh fish,
new bread was also baked in order to
revive the health of the crew. As
soon as the health of the men was
tolerably recovered, the strongest of
them were employed in cutting down
trees, and splitting them into billets ;
while the smiths had their forge sent
ashore to mend the chain plates and
other broken and decayed iron-work.
A large tent was also set up on the
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cii.II.
56
The occupations of cleaning and
watering the ship (which was by this
time pretty well completed), the at-
tendance on our sick, and the frequent
relief sent to the Gloucester, were the
principal transactions of our infirm
crew till the arrival of the Gloucester
at an anchor in the bay. And then
Captain Mitchel, waiting on the Com-
modore, informed him, that he had
been forced by the winds, in his last
absence, as far as the small island
called Mas-a-fuera, lying about twenty-
two leagues to the westward of Juan
Fernandez ; and that he endeavoured
to send his boat on shore at this place
for water, of which he could observe
several streams, but the wind blew so
strong upon the shore, and occasioned
such a surf, that it was impossible for
the boat to land ; though the attempt
was not altogether useless, as they
returned with a boat-load of fish. This
island had been represented by former
navigators as a barren rock ; but Cap-
tain Mitchel assured the Commodore
that it was almost everywhere covered
with trees and verdure, and was near
four miles in length ; and added that it
appeared to him far from impossible but
some small bay might be found on it,
which might afford sufficient shelter for
any ship desirous of refreshing there.
As four ships of our squadron were
missing, this description of the Island
of Mas-a-fuera gave rise to a conjecture
that some of them might possibly have
fallen in with that island, and have
mistaken it for the true place of our
rendezvous ; and this suspicion was
the more plausible, as we had no
draught of either island that could be
relied on. In consequence of this
reasoning, Mr Anson determined to
send tie Trial sloop thither, as soon
as she could be fitted for the sea, in
order to examine all its bays and
creeks, that we might be satisfied
whether any of our missing ships were
there or not. For this purpose, some
of our best hands were sent on board
the Trial the next morning, to over-
haul and fix her rigging ; and our
beach for the use of the sail-makers in
their repairs of the sails and rigging.
long-boat was employed in complet-
ing her water ; and Avhatever stores
and necessaries she wanted were im-
mediately supplied either from the
Centurion or the Gloucester. But it
was the 4th of August before the Trial
was in readiness to sail, when having
weighed, it soon after fell calm, and
the tide set her very near the eastern
shore. Captain Saunders hung out
lights, and fired several guns to ac-
quaint us with his danger ; upon which
all the boats were sent to his relief,
who towed the sloop into the bay ;
where she anchored until the next
morning, and then weighing again pro-
ceeded on her cruise with a fair breeze.
And now after the Gloucester's
arrival we were employed in earnest
in examining and repairing our rig-
ging ; but in stripping our foremast
we were alarmed by discovering it was
sprung just above the partners of the
upper deck. The spring was two
inches in depth and twelve in circum-
ference ; but the carpenters, inspect-
ing it, gave it as their opinion that
fishing it with two leaves of an anchor-
stock would render it as secure as ever.
But our greatest difficulty in refitting
was the want of cordage and canvas ;
for though we had taken to sea much
greater quantities of both than had
ever been done before, yet the con-
tinued bad weather we met with had
occasioned such a consumption of these
stores, that we were driven to great
straits. For after working up all oui
junk and old shrouds, to make twice
laid cordage, we were at last obligee 1
to unlay a cable to work into running
rigging ; and with all the canvas, and
remnants of old sails, that could be
mustered, we could only make up one
complete suit.
Towards the middle of August, our
men being indifferently recovered, they
were permitted to quit their sick tents,
and to build separate huts for them-
selves ; as it was imagined that by
living apart they would be much clean-
lier, and consequently likely to recover
their strength the sooner ; but at the
same time particular orders were given,
that on the firing of a gun from the
ship they should instantly repair to
1741.]
ARRIVAL OF THE ANNA PINK.
57
the waterside. Tlieir employment on
shore was now either the procuring of
refreshments, the cutting of wood, or
the making of oil from the blubber of
the sea-lions. This oil served us for
several uses, as burning in lamps, or
mixing with pitch to pay the ship's
sides, or, when mixed with wood-ashes,
to supply the use of tallow, of which
we had none left, to give the ship
boot-hose tops. 1 Some of the men,
too, were occupied in salting cod ;
for there being two Newfoundland
fishermen in the Centurion, the Com-
modore made use of them in laying in a
considerable quantity of salted cod fora
sea-store ; but very little of it was made
use of, as it was afterwards thought to
be as productive of the scurvy as any
other kind of salt provisions.
I have before mentioned that we
had a copper oven on shore to bake
bread for the sick; but it happened
that the greatest part of the flour for
the use of the squadron was embarked
on board our victualler, the Anna
pink. And I should have mentioned
that the Trial sloop, at her arrival,
had informed us that on the 9th of
May she had fallen in with our vic-
tualler not far distant from the con-
tinent of Chili, and had kept com-
pany with her for four days, when
they were parted in a hard gale of
wind. This gave us some room to
hope that she was safe, and that she
might soon join us ; but all June and
July being past without any news of
her, we suspected she was lost; and
at the end of July the Commodore
ordered all the ships to a short allow-
ance of bread. And it was not in
our bread only that we feared a de-
ficiency ; for since our arrival at this
island we discovered that our former
purser had neglected to take on board
large quantities of several kinds of
provisions which the Commodore had
1 Boot-topping in those days denot-
ed the scraping of a ship's bottom,
or that part of its side near the sur-
face of the water, and paying it over
with a mixture of tallow, sulphur,
resin, &c., as a temporary protection
to the plank from worms.
expressly ordered him to receive ; so
that the supposed loss of our vic-
tualler was on all accounts a mortify-
ing consideration. However, on Sun-
day the 16th of August, about noon,
we espied a sail in the northern
quarter, and a gun was immediately
fired from the Centurion to call off
the people from shore, who readily
obeyed the summons, and repaired to
the beach, where the boats waited to
carry them on board. And now being
prepared for the reception of this ship
in view, whether friend or enemy,
we had various speculations about
her. At first many imagined it to be
the Trial sloop returned from her
cruise; but as she drew nearer this
opinion was confuted by observing
she was a vessel with three masts.
And then other conjectures were
eagerly canvassed, some judging it
to be the Severn, others the Pearl,
and several affirming that it did not
belong to our squadron. But about
three in the afternoon our disputes
were ended by an unanimous per-
suasion that it was our victualler,
the Anna pink. This ship, though,
like the Gloucester, she had fallen in
to the northward of the island, had
yet the good fortune to come to an
anchor in the bay at five in the after-
noon. Her arrival gave ^us all the
sincerest joy ; for each ship's company
was now restored to its full allowance
of bread, and we were now freed from
the apprehensions of our provisions
falling short before we could reach
some amicable port a calamity which
in these seas is of all others the most
irretrievable. This was the last ship
that joined us ; and the dangers she
encountered, and the good fortune
which she afterwards met with, being
matters worthy of a separate narra-
tion, I shall refer them, together with
a short account of the other ships of
the squadron, to the ensuing Chapter.
CHAPTER III.
ON the first appearance of the Anna
pink it seemed wonderful to us how
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. II. CH. III.
58
the crew of a vessel which came to
this rendezvous two months after ns
should be capable of working their
ship in the manner they did, with so
little appearance of debility and dis-
tress. But this difficulty was soon
solved when she came to an anchor ;
for we then found that they had been
in harbour since the middle of May,
which was near a month before we
arrived at Juan Fernandez: so that
their sufferings (the risk they had
run of shipwreck only excepted) were
greatly short of what had been under-
gone by the rest of the squadron. It
seems, on the 16th of May, they fell
in with the land, which was then but
four leagues distant, in the Latitude
of 45 15' S. On the first sight of
it they wore ship and stood to the
southward ; but their foretopsail split-
ting, and the wind being WSW.,
they drove towards the shore ; and
the captain at last, either unable to
clear the land, or, as others say, re-
solved to keep the sea no longer,
steered for the coast with a view of
discovering some shelter amongst the
many islands which then appeared in
sight. And about four hours after
the first view of the land, the pink
had the good fortune to come to an
anchor to the eastward of the Island
of Inchin; but as they did not run
sufficiently near to the east shore of
that island, and had not hands to
veer away the cable briskly, they
were soon driven to the eastward,
deepening their water from twenty-
five fathoms to thirty- five, and still
continuing to drive, they, the next
day, the 17th of May, let go their
sheet anchor; which though it brought
them up for a short time, yet on the
18th they drove again, till they came
into sixty-five fathoms water, and
were now within a mile of the land,
and expected to be forced on shore
every moment, in a place where the
coast was so very high and steep,
that there was not the least prospect
of saving the ship or cargo. And
their boats being very leaky, and
there being no appearance of a land-
ing-place, the whole crew, consisting
of sixteen men and boys, gave them-
selves over for lost ; for they appre-
hended that if any of them by some
extraordinary chance should get on
shore, they would in all probability
be massacred by the savages on the
coast : for these knowing no other
Europeans but Spaniards, it might be
expected they would treat all stran-
gers with the same cruelty which they
had so often and so signally exerted
against their Spanish neighbours.
Under these terrifying circumstances
the pink drove nearer and nearer to
the rocks which formed the shore ;
but at last, when the crew expected
each instant to strike, they perceived
a small opening in the land, which
raised their hopes; and immediately
cutting away their two anchors, they
steered for it, and found it to be a
small channel betwixt an island and
the main, which led them into a most
excellent harbour, which, for its se-
curity against all winds and swells,
and the smoothness of its waters, may
perhaps compare with any in the
known world. And this place being
scarcely two miles distant from the
spot where they deemed their destruc-
tion inevitable, the horrors of ship-
wreck and of immediate death which
had so long and so strongly possessed
them vanished almost instantane-
ously, and gave place to the more
joyous ideas of security, repose, and
refreshment. In this harbour, dis-
covered in this almost miraculous
manner, the pink came to an anchor
in twenty-five fathoms water, with
only a hawser and a small anchor of
about three hundred-weight ; and here
she continued for near two months,
refreshing her people, who were many
of them ill of the scurvy, but were
soon restored to perfect health by the
fresh provisions of which they pro-
cured good store, and the excellent
water with which the adjacent shore
abounded. 1 ,
1 Anna Pink Bay is laid down in
modern maps to the extreme north of
the peninsula of Tres Montes, between
that land and the southernmost island
of the Chonos Archipelago, oft' th
western coast of Patagonia.
1741.] NAREATIVE OF WHAT BEFELL THE ANNA PINK.
It may be expected that I should
relate the discoveries made by the
[Anna's] crew on the adjacent coast,
and the principal incidents during
their stay there. But here I must
observe, that being only a few in
number, they did not dare to detach
any of their people on distant dis-
coveries ; for they were perpetually
terrified with the apprehension that
they should be attacked either by the
Spaniards or the Indians ; so that
their excursions were generally con-
fined to that tract of land which sur-
rounded the port, and where they
were never out of view of the ship.
But even had they at first known how
little foundation there was for these
fears, yet the country in the neigh-
bourhood was so grown up with wood,
and traversed with mountains, that it
appeared impracticable to penetrate
it ; so that no account of the inland
parts could be expected from them.
Indeed, they were able to disprove the
relations given by Spanish writers,
who had represented this coast as in-
habited by a fierce and powerful
people ; for they were certain that
no such inhabitants were there to be
found, at least during the winter sea-
son ; since all the time they continued
there they saw no more than one In-
dian family, which came into the
harbour in a periagua about a month
after the arrival of the pink, and con-
sisted of an Indian near forty years
old, his wife, and two children, one
three years of age and the other still
at the breast. They seemed to have
with them all their property, which
was a dog, a cat, a fishing-net, a
hatchet, a knife, a cradle, some bark
of trees intended for covering a hut,
a reel, some worsted, a flint and steel,
and a few roots of a yellow hue and a
very disagreeable taste, which served
them for bread. The master of the
pink, as soon as he perceived them,
sent his yawl, which brought them on
board ; and fearing lest they might
discover him if they were permitted
to go away, he took, as he conceived,
proper precautions for securing them,
but without any mixture of ill-usage
or violence. For in the day-time
59
they were permitted to go where they
pleased about the ship, but at night
were locked up in the forecastle. As
they were fed in the same manner
with the rest of the crew, and were
often indulged with brandy, which
they seemed greatly to relish, it did
not at first appear that they were
much dissatisfied with their situa-
tion ; especially as the master took
the Indian on shore when he went
a-shooting (who always seemed ex-
tremely delighted when the master
killed his game), and as all the crew
treated them with great humanity.
But it was soon perceived, that though
the woman continued easy and cheer-
ful, yet the man grew pensive and
restless at his confinement. He
seemed to be a person of good natural
parts ; and, though not capable of
conversing with the pink's people
otherwise than by signs, was yet very
curious and inquisitive, and showed
great dexterity in the manner of mak-
ing himself understood. In particu-
lar, seeing so few people on board
such a large ship, he let them know
that he supposed they were once more
numerous ; and to represent to them
what he imagined was become of their
companions, he laid himself down on
the deck, closing his eyes, and stretch-
ing himself out motionless, to imitate
the appearance of a dead body. But
the strongest proof of his sagacity was
the manner of his getting away ; for
after being in custody on board the
pink eight days, the scuttle of the
forecastle, where he and his family
were locked up every night, happened
to be [left] unnailed, and the follow-
ing night being extremely dark and
stormy, he contrived to convey his
wife and children through the un-
nailed scuttle, and then over the
ship's side into the yawl ; and, to
prevent being pursued, he cut away
the long-boat and his own periagua,
which were towing astern, and imme-
diately rowed ashore. All this he
conducted with so much diligence
and secrecy, that though there was a
watch on the quarter-deck with loaded
arms," yet he was not discovered by
them till the noise of his oars in the
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cn.III.
60
water, after lie had put off from tlie
ship, gave them notice of his escape ;
and then it was too late either to pre-
vent him or pursue him, for their
boats being all adrift, it was a con-
siderable time before they could con-
trive the means of getting on shore
themselves to search for their boats.
The Indian, too, by this effort, besides
the recovery of his liberty, was in
some sort revenged on those who had
confined him, both by the perplexity
they were involved in from the loss of
their boats, and by the terror he threw
them into at his departure ; for on
the first alarm of the watch, who
cried out " The Indians !" the whole
ship was in the utmost confusion, be-
lieving themselves to be boarded by
a fleet of armed periaguas.
The resolution and sagacity with
which the Indian behaved upon this
occasion, had they been exerted on a
more extensive object than retrieving
the freedom of a single family, might
perhaps have immortalised the ex-
ploit, and have given him a rank
amongst the illustrious names of an-
tiquity. Indeed, his late masters did
so much justice to his merit as to own
that it was a most gallant enterprise,
and that they were grieved they had
ever been necessitated, by their atten-
tion to their own safety, to abridge the
liberty of a person of whose prudence
and courage they had now such a
distinguished proof. And as it was
supposed by some of them that he
still continued in the woods in the
neighbourhood of the port, where it
was feared he might suffer for want
of provisions, they easily prevailed
upon the master to leave a quantity
of such food as they thought would
be most agreeable to him, in a parti-
cular part where they imagined he
would be likely to find it ; and there
was reason to conjecture that this
piece of humanity was not altogether
useless to him, for on visiting the
place some time after, it was found
that the provision was gone, and in
a manner that made them conclude
it had fallen into his hands.
But, however, though many of
them were satisfied that this Indian
still continued near them, yet others
would needs conclude that he was
gone to the Island of Chiloe, where
they feared he would alarm the Span-
iards, and would soon return with a
force sufficient to surprise the pink.
And on this occasion the master of
the pink was prevailed on .to omit
firing the evening gun ; for it must
be remembered (and there is a parti-
cular reason hereafter for attending
to this circumstance) that the master,
from an ostentatious imitation of the
practice of men-of-war, had hitherto
fired a gun every evening at the set-
ting of the watch. This, he pretended,
was to awe the enemy, if there was
any within hearing, and to convince
them that the pink was always on her
guard ; but it being now represented
to him that his great security was his
concealment, and that the evening-
gun might possibly discover him and
serve to guide the enemy to him, he
was prevailed on, as has been men-
tioned, to omit it for the future. And
his crew being now well refreshed,
and their wood and water sufficiently
replenished, he, in a few days after
the escape of the Indian, put to sea,
and had a fortunate passage to the
rendezvous at the Island of Juan Fer-
nandez, where he arrived on the 16th
of August, as has been already men-
tioned in the preceding Chapter.
This vessel, the Anna pink, was, as
I have observed, the last that joined
the Commodore at Juan Fernandez.
The remaining ships of the squadron
were the Severn, the Pearl, and the
Wager store-ship. The Severn and
Pearl parted company with the squad-
ron off Cape Noir, and, as we after-
wards learned, put back to the Brazils ;
so that of all the ships which came
into the South Seas the Wager, Cap-
tain Cheap, was the only one that
was missing. This ship had on board
some field-pieces mounted for land
service, together with some cohorn
mortars, and several kinds of artil-
lery, stores, and tools, intended for
the operations on shore. And, there-
fore, as the enterprise on Baldivia had
been resolved on for the first under-
taking of the squadron, Captain Cheap
1741.]
was extremely solicitous that these
materials, which were in his custody,
might be ready before Baldivia ; that
if the squadron should possibly ren-
dezvous there (as he knew not the
condition they were then reduced to)
no delay nor disappointment might
be imputed to him.
But whilst the Wager, with these
views, was making the best of her
way to her first rendezvous off the
Island of Socoro, whence (as there
was little probability of meeting any
of the squadron there) she proposed
to steer directly for Baldivia, she
made the land on the 14th of May,
about the Latitude of 47 S. ; and
the captain exerting himself on this
occasion, in order to get clear of it,
he had the misfortune to fall down
the after-ladder, and thereby dislo-
cated his shoulder, which rendered
him incapable of acting. This acci-
dent, together with the crazy condi-
tion of the ship, which was little
better than a wreck, prevented her
from getting off to sea, and entangled
her more and more with the land ; so
that the next morning, at daybreak,
she struck on a sunken rock, and soon
after bilged, and grounded between
two small islands, at about a musket-
shot from the shore. In this situa-
tion the ship continued entire a long
time, so that all the crew had it in
their power to get safe on shore ; but
a general confusion taking place, num-
bers of them, instead of consulting their
safety, or reflecting on their calamit-
ous condition, fell to pillaging the
ship, arming themselves with the
first weapons that came to hand, and
threatening to murder all who should
oppose them. This frenzy was greatly
heightened by the liquors they found
on board, with which they got so ex-
tremely drunk, that some of them
tumbling down between decks, were
drowned as the water flowed in, being
incapable of getting up and retreating
to other places where the water had
not yet entered. And the captain,
having done his utmost to get the
whole crew on shore, was at last
obliged to leave these mutineers be-
hind him, and to follow his officers
THE LOSS OF THE WAGER.
61
and such as he had been able to pre-
vail on ; but he did not fail to send
back the boats to persuade those who
remained to have some regard to their
preservation, though all his efforts
were for some time without success.
However, the weather next day prov-
ing stormy, and there being great
danger of the ship's parting, they 1
began to be alarmed with the fears of
perishing, and were desirous of get-
ting to land ; but it seems their mad-
ness had not yet left them, for the
boat not appearing to fetch them off
so soon as they expected, they at
last pointed a four-pounder, which
was on the quarter-deck, against the
hut where they knew the captain re-
sided on shore, and fired two shots,
which passed but just over it.
From this specimen of the behavi-
our of part of the crew, it will not be
difficult to frame some conjecture of
the disorder and anarchy which took
place when they at last got all on
shore. For the men conceived that
by the loss of the ship the authority
of the officers was at an end ; and,
they being now on a desolate coast,
where scarcely any other provisions
could be got except what should be
saved out of the wreck, this was an-
other insurmountable source of dis-
cord. For as the working upon the
wreck, and the securing the provi-
sions, so that they might be preserved
for future exigencies as much as pos-
sible, and the taking care that what
was necessary for immediate subsist-
ence might be sparingly and equally
distributed, were matters not to be
brought about but by discipline and
subordination ; the mutinous disposi-
tion of the people, stimulated by the
impulses of immediate hunger, ren-
dered every regulation made for this
purpose ineffectual. So that there
were continual concealments, frauds,
and thefts, which animated each man
against his fellow, and produced in-
finite feuds and contests. And hence
there was constantly kept on foot a
perverse and malevolent turn of tern-
1 Ed. 1776 : " The refractory part
of the crew. "
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. II. CH. III.
62
per, which rendered them utterly un-
governable. 1
But besides these heart-burnings,
occasioned by petulance and hunger,
there was another important point,
which set the greatest part of the
people at variance with the captain.
This was their differing with him in
opinion on the measures to be pur-
sued in the present exigency ; for the
captain was determined, if possible,
to fit up the boats in the best manner
he could, and to proceed with them
to the northward. For having with
him above 100 2 men in health, and hav-
ing got some fire-arms and ammuni-
tion from the wreck, he did not doubt
but they could master any Spanish
vessel they should meet with in those
seas ; and he thought he could not
fail of meeting with one in the neigh-
bourhood of Chiloe or Baldivia, in
which, when he had taken her, he
intended to proceed to the rendezvous
at Juan Fernandez ; and he further
insisted, that should they meet with
no prize by the way, yet the boats
alone would easily carry them there.
But this was a scheme that, however
prudent, was no ways relished by the
generality of his people ; for, being
quite jaded with the [fatigues,] dis-
tresses, and dangers they had already
run through, they could not think of
prosecuting an enterprise further which
had hitherto proved so disastrous ;
and therefore the common resolution
was to lengthen the long-boat, and
with that and the rest of the boats,
to steer to the southward, to pass
1 Sir John Barrow, in his "Life of
Anson," states that " it was in conse-
quence of the mutinous and bad con-
duct of the shipwrecked seamen of the
Wager, that Anson, in 1748, when he
had the management of the Admiral ty,
in the absence of the Duke of Bed-
ford and Lord Sandwich, got an Act
passed (21 George II.) for extending
the discipline of the navy to the
crews of His Majesty's ships, wrecked,
lost, or taken, and continuing to
them their wages upon certain condi-
tions."
2 Ed. 1776: " Above 200."
through the Straits of Magellan, and
to range along the east side of South
America, till they should arrive at
Brazil, where they doubted not to be
well received, and to procure a pass-
age to Great Britain. This project
was at first sight infinitely more hazard-
ous and tedious than what was pro-
posed by the captain ; but as it had
the air of returning home, and flatter-
ed them with the hopes of bringing
themonce moreto their native country,
this circumstance alone rendered them
inattentive to all its inconveniences,
and made them adhere to it with in-
surmountable obstinacy ; so that the
captain himself, though he never
changed his opinion, was yet obliged
to give way to the torrent, and in ap-
pearance to acquiesce in this resolu-
tion, whilst he endeavoured under-
hand to give it all the obstruction he
could, particularly in the lengthen-
ing of the long-boat, which he con-
trived should be of such a size, that
though it might serve to carry them
to Juan Fernandez, would yet, he
hoped, appear incapable of so long a
navigation as that to the coast of
Brazil.
But the captain, by his steady op-
position at first to this favourite pro-
ject, had much embittered the people
against him ; to which, likewise, the
following unhappy accident greatly
contributed. There was a midship-
man, whose name was Cozens, who had
appeared the foremost in all the refrac-
tory proceedings of the crew. He
had involved himself in brawls with
most of the officers who had adhered
to the captain's authority, and had
even treated the captain himself with
great abuse and insolence. As his
turbulence and brutality grew every
day more and more intolerable, it
was not in the least doubted but there
were some violent measures in agita-
tion in which Cozens was engaged as
the ringleader ; for which reason the
captain, and those about him, con-
stantly kept themselves on thcirguard.
But at last the purser, having, by the
captain's order, stopped the allowance
of a fellow who would not work,
Cozens, though the man did not com-
1741.]
MUTINY OF THE CREW OF THE WAGER.
plain to him, intermeddled in the
affair with great eagerness ; and
grossly insulting the purser, who was
then delivering our provisions just
by the captain's tent, and was him-
self sufficiently violent, the purser,
enraged by his scurrility, and per-
haps piqued by former quarrels, cried
out ' ' A mutiny ! ' ' adding ' ' that the
dog had pistols," and then himself
fired a shot at Cozens, which, how-
ever, missed him. But the captain,
on this outcry and the report of the
pistol, rushed out of his tent ; and,
not doubting but it had been fired by
Cozens as the commencement of a
mutiny, he immediately shot him in
the head without further deliberation,
and though he did not kill him on
the spot, yet the wound proved mor-
tal, and he died about fourteen days
after.
This incident, however displeasing
to the people, did yet for a consider-
able time awe them to their duty, and
rendered them more submissive to the
captain's authority. But at last,
when towards the middle of October
the long-boat was nearly completed,
and they were preparing to put to
sea, the additional provocation he
gave them by covertly traversing
their project of proceeding through
the Straits of Magellan, and their
fears that he might at length engage
a party sufficient to overturn this
favourite measure, made them resolve
to make use of the death of Cozens
as a reason for depriving him of his
command, under pretence of carrying
him a prisoner to England to be tried
for murder ; and he was accordingly
confined under a guard. But they
never intended to carry him with
them, as they too well knew what
they had to apprehend on their re-
turn to England if their commander
should be present to confront them ;
and therefore, when they were just
ready to put to sea, they set him at
liberty, leaving him, and the few who
chose to take their fortunes with him,
no other embarkation but the yawl ;
to which the barge was afterwards
added by the people on board her
being prevailed on to return back.
When the ship was wrecked, there
remained alive on board the Wager
near 130 persons; of these, above
thirty died during their stay upon the
place, and near eighty went off in the
long-boat and the cutter to the south-
ward : so that there remained with
the captain, after their departure, no
more than nineteen persons, which,
however, was as many as the barge
and the yawl the only embarkations
left them could well carry off. It
was on the 13th of October, five
months after the shipwreck, that the
long-boat, converted into a schooner,
weighed and stood to the southward,
giving the captain, who, with Lieu-
tenant Hamilton of the land forces,
and the surgeon, was then on the
beach, three cheers at their departure.
It was the 29th of January following
before they arrived at Rio Grande on
the coast of Brazil ; and having, by
various accidents, left about twenty
of their people on shore at the dif-
ferent places they touched at ; and a
greater number having perished by
hunger during the course of their na-
vigation, there were no more than
thirty of them left when they arrived
in that port. Indeed the undertaking
of itself was a most extraordinary one,
for, not to mention the length of the
run, the vessel was scarcely able to
contain the number that first put to
sea in her ; and their stock of provi-
sions (being only what they had saved
out of the ship) was extremely slender ;
and the cutter, the only boat they
had with them, soon broke away from
the stern and was staved to pieces ; so
that when their provision and their
water failed them, they had frequently
no means of getting on shore to search
for a fresh supply.
When the long-boat and cutter were
gone, the captain and those who were
left with him proposed to pass to the
northward in the barge and yawl ;
but the weather was so bad, and the
difficulty of subsisting so great, that
it was two months after the departure
of the long-boat before he was able to
put to sea. It seems the place where
the Wager was cast away was not a
part of the continent, as was first
ANSON'S VOYAGE EOUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cii.III.
61
imagined, but an island at some dis-
tance from the main, which afforded
no other sorts of provision but shell-
fish and a few herbs ; and as the
greatest part of what they had got
from the ship was carried off in the
long-boat, the captain and his people
were often in great necessity, especi-
ally as they chose to preserve what
little sea-provisions remained for their
store when they should go to the
northward. During their residence
at this island, which was by the sea-
men denominated "Wager Island, 1
they had now and then a straggling
canoe or two of the Indians, which
came and bartered their fish and other
provisions with our people. This was
indeed some little succour, and at an-
other season might perhaps have been
greater ; for as there were several
Indian huts on the shore, it was sup-
posed that in some years, during the
height of summer, many of these sav-
ages might resort thither to fish. And,
from what has been related in the ac-
count of the Anna pink, it should
seem to be the general practice of
those Indians to frequent this coast
in the summer time for the benefit of
fishing, and to retire in the winter
into a better climate more to the north-
ward. And on this mention of the
Anna pink, I cannot but observe how
much it is to be lamented that the
"Wager's people had no knowledge of
her being so near them on the coast ;
for as she was not above thirty leagues
distant from them, and came into
their neighbourhood about the same
time the Wager was lost, and was a
fine roomy ship, she could easily have
taken them all on board and have
carried them to Juan Fernandez. In-
deed, I suspect she was still nearer to
them than what is here estimated, for
several of the Wager's people, at dif-
ferent times, heard the report of a
cannon, which I conceive could be no
other than the evening gun fired from
1 A small island just north of Wel-
lington Island on the western coast of
Patagonia, and divided from the pen-
insula of Tres Montes, lying to the
northward still, by the Gulf of Penas.
the Anna pink, especially as what
was heard at Wager Island was about
the same time of the day. But to
return to Captain Cheap.
Upon the 14th of December the
captain and his people embarked in
the barge and the yawl in order to
proceed to the northward, taking on
board with them all the provisions
they could amass from the wreck of
the ship ; but they had scarcely been
an hour at sea when the wind began
to blow hard, and the sea ran so high
that they were obliged to throw the
greatest part of their provisions over-
board to avoid immediate destruction.
This was a terrible misfortune in a
part of the world where food is so dif-
ficult to be got ; however, they still
persisted in their design, putting on
shore as often as they could to seek
subsistence. But, about a fortnight
after, another dreadful accident befell
them, for the yawl sank at an anchor,
and one of the men in herwas drowned ;
and as the barge was incapable of car-
rying the whole company, they were
now reduced to the hard necessity of
leaving four marines behind them on
that desolate shore. But they still
kept on their course to the northward,
struggling with their disasters, and
greatly delayed by the perverseness
of the winds and the frequent inter-
ruptions which their search after food
occasioned ; till at last, about the end
of January, having made three unsuc-
cessful attempts to double a headland
which they supposed to be what the
Spaniards called Cape Tres Montes, it
was unanimously resolved to give over
this expedition, the difficulties of which
appeared insuperable, and to return
again to Wager Island, where they
got back about the middle of Febru-
ary, quite disheartened and dejected
wit li their reiterated disappointments,
and almost perishing with hunger and
fatigue.
However, on their return they had
the good luck to meet Avitb. several
pieces of beef which had been washed
out of the ship, and were swimming
in the sea. This was a most season-
able relief to them after the hardships
they had endured ; and, to complete
1741.]
FATE OF THE CREW.
tlieir good fortune, tli^re came in a
short time two canoes of Indians,
amongst whom was a native of Chiloe
who spoke a little Spanish ; and the
surgeon who was with Captain Cheap
understanding that language, he made
a bargain with the Indian, that if he
would carry the captain and his people
to Chiloe in the barge he should have
her, and all that belonged to her, for
his pains. Accordingly, on the 6th
of March, the eleven persons, to which
the company was now reduced, em-
barked in the barge on this new ex-
pedition ; but after having proceeded
for a few days, the captain and four of
his principal officers being on shore,
the six, who together with an Indian
remained in the barge, put off with
her to sea and did not return.
By this means there were left on
shore Captain Cheap, Mr Hamilton,
lieutenant of marines ; the Honour-
able Mr Byron 1 and Mr Campbell,
midshipmen ; and Mr Elliot, the sur-
geon. One would have thought their
distresses had long before this time
been incapable of augmentation, but
they found, on reflection, that their
present situation was much more dis-
maying than anything they had yet
gone through, being left on a desolate
coast without any provision, or the
means of procuring any, for their
arms, ammunition, and every conveni-
ency they were masters of, except the
tattered habits they had on, were all
carried away in the barge. But when
they had sufficiently revolved in their
own minds the various circumstances
of this unexpected calamity, and were
persuaded that they had no relief to
hope for, they perceived a canoe at a
distance, which proved to be that of
1 The Honourable John Byron, who
left a well-written narrative of his
sufferings and adventures; as Com-
modore, he commanded an expedition
of discovery to the southern parts of
South America in 1764-1766, and cir-
cumnavigated the globe partly in the
same track as his former commander.
He afterwards rose to the rank of Ad-
miral, and survived till 1798. Lord
Byron, the poet, was his grandson.
the Indian who had undertaken to
carry them to Chiloe, he and his family
being then on board it. He made no
difficulty of coming to them, for it
seems he had left Captain Cheap and
his people a little before to go a-fish-
ing, and had in the meantime com-
mitted them to the care of the other
Indian, whom the sailors had carried
to sea in the barge. But when he
came on shore and found the barge
gone and his companion missing, he
was extremely concerned, and could
with difficulty be persuaded that the
other Indian was not murdered ; but
being at last satisfied with the account
that was given him, he still under-
took to carry them to the Spanish
settlements, and (as the Indians are
well skilled in fishing and fowling)
to procure them provisions by the
way.
About the middle of March, Cap-
tain Cheap and the four who were left
with him set out for Chiloe, the Indian
having procured a number of canoes,
and got many of his neighbours to-
gether for that purpose. Soon after
they embarked, Mr Elliot the surgeon
died, so that there now remained only
four of the whole company. At last,
after a very complicated passage by
land and water, Captain Cheap, Mr
Byron, and Mr Campbell, arrived in
the beginning of June at the Island of
Chiloe, where they were received by
the Spaniards with great humanity ;
but, on account of some quarrel among
the Indians, Mr Hamilton did not get
thither till two months after. Thus,
above a twelvemonth after the loss of
the "Wager, ended this fatiguing pere-
grination, which by a variety of
misfortunes had diminished the com-
pany from twenty to no more than four,
and those too, brought so low, that
had their distresses continued but a
few days longer, in all probability
none of them would have survived.
For the captain himself was with
difficulty recovered ; and the rest were
so reduced by the severity of the
weather, their labour, and their want
of all kinds of necessaries, that it was
wonderful how they supported them-
selves so long. After some stay at
E
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. II. On. IV.
Chiloe, the captain and the three who
were with Mm were sent to Valparaiso,
and thence to Santiago, the capital of
Chili, where they continued above a
year : but on the advice of a cartel
being settled betwixt Great Britain and
Spain, Captain Cheap, Mr Byron, and
Mr Hamilton were permitted to return
to Europe on board a French ship.
The other midshipman, Mr Campbell,
having changed his religion whilst at
Santiago, chose to go back [overland]
to Buenos Ayres with Pizarro and his
officers, with whom he went afterwards
to Spain on board the Asia ; and there
having failed in his endeavours to pro-
cure a commission from the Court of
Spain, he returned to England, and
attempted to get reinstated in the
British navy ; and has since publish-
ed a narration of his adventures, in
which he complains of the injustice
that had been done him, and strong-
ly disavows his ever being in the
Spanish service. But as the change
of his religion, and his offering him-
self to the Court of Spain (though not
accepted), are matters which, he is
conscious, are capable of being incon-
testably proved ; on these two heads
he has been entirely silent. And now,
after this account of the accidents
which befell the Anna pink, and the
catastrophe of the "Wager, I shall
again resume the thread of our own
story.
CHAPTER IV.
ABOUT a week after the arrival of our
victualler, the Trial sloop, that had
been sent to the Island of Mas-a-fuera,
returned to an anchor at Juan Fer-
nandez, after having been round that
island without meeting any part of
our squadron. . . .
The latter part of the month of
August was spent in unloading the
provisions from the Anna pink ; and
here we had the mortification to find
that great quantities of our provisions,
as bread, rice, groats, &c., were decay-
ed and unfit for use. This was OAving
to the water the pink had made by
her working and straining in bad
weather; for thereby several of her
casks had rotted, and her bags were
soaked through. 1 .... The
thorough refitting of the Anna pink,
proposed by the carpenters, was, in
our present situation, impossible to be
complied with, as all the plank and
iron in the squadron was insufficient
for that purpose. And now the master,
finding his own sentiments confirmed
by the opinion of all the carpenters,
offered a petition to the Commodore
in behalf of his owners, desiring that,
since it appeared he was incapable of
leaving the island, Mr Anson would
please to purchase the hull and furni-
ture of the pink for the use of the
squadron, Hereupon the Commodore
ordered an inventory to be taken of
every particular belonging to the pink,
with its just value; and as by this inven-
tory it appeared that there were many
stores which would be useful in refit-
ting the other ships, and which were
at present very scarce in the squadron
by reason of the great quantities that
had been already expended, he agreed
with Mr Gerard to purchase the whole
together for 300. The pink being
thus broken up, Mr Gerard, with the
hands belonging to the pink, were sent
on board the Gloucester ; as that ship
had buried the greatest number of
men in proportion to her complement.
But afterwards one or two of them
were received on board the Centurion
on their own petition, they being ex-
tremely averse to sailing in the same
ship with their old master, on account
of some particular ill-usage they con-
ceived they had suffered from him.
This transaction brought us down
to the beginning of September, [and our
people by this time were so far re-
covered of the scurvy that there was
little danger of burying any more at
present; and therefore I shall now
sum up the total of our loss since our
departure from England, the better to
convey some idea of our past suffer-
1 The Anna pink was here dis-
charged from the service of the squad-
ron, and on examination was found
to be on-seaworthy.
1741.] DEATHS IN THE SQUADRON DURING THE VOYAGE. 67
ings and of our present strength. We
had buried on board the Centurion
since our leaving St Helens 292, and
had now remaining on board 214.
This will doubtless appear a most
extraordinary mortality ; but yet on
board the Gloucester it had been much
greater, for out of a much smaller
crew than ours they had buried the
same number, and had only eighty-
two remaining alive. It might be
expected that on board the Trial the
slaughter would have been the most
terrible, as her decks were almost con-
stantly knee-deep in water ; but it hap-
pened otherwise, for she escaped more
favourably than the rest, since she only
buried forty -two, and had now thirty-
nine remaining alive. The havoc of
this disease had fallen still severer on
the invalids and marines than on the
sailors ; for on board the Centurion,
out of fifty invalids and seventy-nine
marines there remained only four
invalids, including officers, and eleven
marines ; and on board the Gloucester
every invalid perished, and out of
forty-eight marines only two escaped.
From this account it appears that the
three ships together departed from
England with 961 men on board, of
whom 626 were dead before this time ;
so that the whole of our remaining
crews, which were now to be distri-
buted amongst three ships, amounted
to no more than 335 men and boys,
a number greatly insufficient for man-
ning the Centurion alone, and barely
capable of navigating all the three
with the utmost exertion of their
strength and vigour. This prodigious
reduction of our men was still the
more terrifying as we were hitherto
uncertain of the fate of Pizarro's squad-
ron, and had reason to suppose that
some part of it at least had got round
into these seas. Indeed we were satis-
fied from our own experience that
they must have suffered greatly in
their passage j but then every port in
the South Seas was open to them, and
the whole power of Chili and Peru
would doubtless be united in refresh-
ing and refitting them, and recruiting
the numbers they had lost. Besides,
we had some obscure knowledge of a
force to be fitted out from Callao ;
and, however contemptible the ships
and sailors of this part of the world
may have been generally esteemed, it
was scarcely possible for anything
bearing the name of a ship of force to
be feebler or less considerable than
ourselves. And had there been no-
thing to be apprehended from the
naval power of the Spaniards in this
part of the world, yet our enfeebled
condition would nevertheless give us
the greatest uneasiness, as we were
incapable of attempting any of their
considerable places ; for the risking of
twenty men, weak as we then were,
was risking the safety of the whole.
So that we conceived we should be
necessitated to content ourselves with
what few prizes we could pick up at
sea before we were discovered, after
which we should in all probability be
obliged to depart with precipitation,
and esteem ourselves fortunate to re-
gain our native country, leaving our
enemies to triumph on the incon-
siderable mischief they had received
from a squadron whose equipment
had filled them with such dreadful
apprehensions. This was a subject
on which we had reason to imagine
the Spanish ostentation would remark-
ably exert itself; though the causes
of our disappointment and their secu-
rity were neither to be sought for in
their valour nor our misconduct. Such
were the desponding reflections which
at that time arose on the review and
comparison of our remaining strength
with our original numbers. Indeed
our fears were far from being ground-
less or disproportioned to our feeble
and almost desperate situation. It is
true the final event proved more hon-
ourable than we had foreboded ; but
the intermediate calamitiesdidlikewise
greatly surpass our most gloomy ap-
prehensions, and could they have been
predicted to us at this Island of Juan
Fernandez, they would doubtless have
appeared insurmountable.
In the beginning of September, as
has been already mentioned, our men
were tolerably well recovered ; and
now the time of navigation in this
climate drawing near, we exerted
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WOULD. .[B.II.Ce.IV.
68
f.nrselves in getting our ships in
readiness for the sea. We converted
the foremast of the victualler into a
mainmast for the Trial sloop ; and,
still flattering ourselves with the pos-
sibility of the arrival of some other
ships of our squadron, we intended
to leave the mainmast of the victualler
to make a mizzenmast for the Wager.
Thus all hands being employed in
forwarding our departure, we on the
8th, about eleven in the morning,
espied a sail to the NE., which con-
tinued to approach us till her courses
appeared even with the horizon. In
this interval we all had hopes she
might prove one of our own squadron ;
but at length, finding she steered
away to the eastward, without haul-
ing in for the island, we concluded
she must be a Spaniard. And now
great disputes were set on foot about
the possibility of her having dis-
covered our tents on shore, some of
us strongly insisting that she had
doubtless been near enough to have
perceived something that had given
her a jealousy of an enemy, which
had occasioned her standing to the
eastward without hauling in ; but,
leaving these contests to be settled
afterwards, it was resolved to pursue
her ; and the Centurion being in the
greatest forwardness, we immediately
got all our hands on board, set up
our rigging, bent our sails, and by
five in the afternoon got under sail.
We had at this time very little wind,
so that all the boats were employed
to tow us out of the bay ; and even
what wind there was lasted only long
enough to give us an offing of two or
three leagues, when it flattened to a
calm. The night coming on, we lost
sight of the chase, and were extremely
impatient for the return of daylight,
in hopes to find that she had been
becalmed as well as we; though I
must confess that her greater distance
from the land was a reasonable ground
for suspecting the contrary, as we in-
deed found in the morning, to our
great mortification ; for though the
weather continued perfectly clear, we
had no sight of the ship from the
mast-head. But as we were now
satisfied that it was an enemy, and
the first we had seen in these seas,
we resolved not to give over the search
lightly ; and a small breeze springing
up from the WNW., we got up our
top-gallant masts and yards, set all
the sails, and steered to the SE,, in
hopes of retrieving our chase, which
we imagined to be bound to Valpar-
aiso. We continued on this course
all that day and the next ; and then,
not getting sight of our chase, we
gave over the pursuit, conceiving that
by that time she must in all proba-
bility have reached her port.
And now we prepared to return to
Juan Fernandez, and hauled up to
the SW. with that view, having but
very little wind till the 12th, when,
at three in the morning, there sprang
up a fresh gale from the WSW., and
we tacked and stood to the NW. ;
and at daybreak we were agreeably
surprised with the sight of a sail on
our weather-bow, between four and
five leagues distant. On this we
crowded all the sail we could, and
stood after her, and soon perceived it
not to be the same ship we originally
gave chase to. She at first bore down
upon us, showing Spanish colours,
and making a signal as to her con-
sort; but observing that we did not
answer her signal, she instantly luffed
close to the wind and stood to the
southward. Our people were now all
in spirits, and put the ship about
with great alacrity ; and as the chase
appeared to be a large ship, and had
mistaken us for her consort, we con-
ceived that she was a man-of-war,
and probably one of Pizarro's squad-
ron. This induced the Commodore
to order all the officers' cabins to be
knocked down and thrown overboard,
with several casks of water and pro-
visions which stood between the guns ;
so that we had soon a clear ship, ready
for an engagement. About 9 o'clock
we had thick, hazy weather, and a
shower of rain, during which we lost
sight of the chase ; and we were ap-
prehensive, if the weather should
continue, that by going upon the
other tack, or by some other artifice,
she might escape us ; but it clearing
1741.]
CAPTURE OF A SPANISH MERCHANTMAN.
up in less than an Lour, we found
that we had both weathered and fore-
reached upon her considerably, and
now we were near enough to discover
that she was only a merchantman,
without so much as a single tier of
guns. About half -an -hour after
twelve, being then within a reason-
able distance of her, we fired four
shot amongst her rigging ; on which
they lowered their topsails and bore
down to us, but in very great con-
fusion, their top-gallant-sails and stay-
sails all fluttering in the wind. This
was owing to their having let run
their sheets and halyards just as we
fired at them ; after which not a man
amongst them had courage enough to
venture aloft (for there the shot had
passed but just before) to take tliem in.
As soon as the vessel came within
hail of us, the Commodore ordered
them to bring to under his lee-quarter,
and then hoisted out the boat and sent
Mr Saumarez, his first lieutenant, to
take possession of the prize, with
directions to send all the prisoners on
board the Centurion, but first the
officers and passengers. When Mr
Saumarez came on board them, they
received him at the side with the
strongest tokens of the most abject
submission ; for they were all of them
(especially the passengers, who were
twenty-five in number) extremely ter-
rified, and under the greatest appre-
hensions of meeting with very severe
and cruel usage. But the lieutenant
endeavoured, with great courtesy, to
dissipate their fright, assuring them
that their fears were altogetherground-
less, and that they would find a gener-
ous enemy in the Commodore, who
was not less remarkable for his lenity
and humanity than for his resolution
and courage. The prisoners who were
first sent on board the Centurion in-
formed us that our prize was called
Nuestra Seflora del Monte Carmelo,
and was commanded by Don Manuel
Zamorra. Her cargo consisted chiefly
of sugar, and great quantities of blue
cloth made in the province of Quito,
somewhat resembling our English
coarse broad-cloths, but inferior to
them. They had, besides, several
bales of a coarser sort of cloth, of
different colours, somewhat like Col-
chester baize, called by them Pannia
da Tierra, with a few bales of cotton,
and tobacco, which though strong
was not ill flavoured. These were
the principal goods on board her ; but
we found, besides, what was to us
much more valuable than the rest
of the cargo. This was some trunks
of wrought plate, and twenty -three
serons l of dollars, each weighing up-
wards of 200 Ibs. avoirdupois. The
ship's burthen was about 450 tons;
she had fifty-three sailors on board,
both whites and blacks. She came
from Callao, and had been twenty-
seven days at sea before she fell into
our hands. She was bound to the
port of Valparaiso, in the kingdom of
Chili, 2 and proposed to have returned
thence loaded with corn and Chili
wine, some gold, dried beef, and small
cordage, which at Callao they convert
into larger rope. Our prize had been
built upwards of thirty years ; yet as
they lie in harbour all the winter
months, and the climate is favour-
able, they esteemed it no very great
age. Her rigging was very indifferent,
as were likewise her sails, which were
made of cotton. She had only three
4 -pounders, which were altogether
unserviceable, their carriages being
scarcely able to support them ; and
1 A seron or seroon is a species of
packet made and used in Spanish
America, consisting of a piece of raw
bullock's hide, with the hair on,
formed while wet into the shape of a
small trunk, and sewed together. In
Kerr's Collection of Voyages, the
quantity of dollars taken on this oc-
casion is estimated at between 70,000
and 80,000.
2 Thomas says that those ships
annually trade to Valparaiso, ex-
changing silver in return for gold
and coin, the latter being very scarce
in Peru. Some of the prisoners said
that if the ship had been taken on
the return from Chili to Peru, the
captors would have found in her as
much gold as they had now found
silver.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.CH.IY.
70
there were no small arms on board,
except a i3W pistols belonging to the
passengers. The prisoners informed
us that they left Callao in company
with two other ships, which they had
parted with some days before, and
that at first they conceived us to be
one of their company; and by the
description we gave them of the ship
we had chased from Juan Fernandez,
they assured us she was of their num-
ber, but that the coming in sight of
that island was directly repugnant to
the merchants' instructions, who had
expressly forbid it, as knowing that
if any English squadron was in those
seas, the Island of Fernandez was most
probably the place of their rendezvous.
And now, after this short account
of the ship and her cargo, it is neces-
sary that I should relate the important
intelligence which we met with on
board her, partly from the informa-
tion of the prisoners, and partly from
the letters and papers which fell into
our hands. We here first learned
with certainty the force and destina-
tion of that squadron which cruised
off Madeira at our arrival there, and
afterwards chased the Pearl in our
passage to Port St Julian. This we
now knew was a squadron composed
of five large Spanish ships, command-
ed by Admiral Pizarro, and purposely
fitted out to traverse our designs, as
has been already more amply related
in the Third Chapter of the First
Book. And we had, at the same
time, the satisfaction to find that
Pizarro, after his utmost endeavours
to gain his passage into these seas,
had been forced back again into the
River of Plate, with the loss of two of
his largest ships ; and besides this
disappointment of Pizarro, which,
considering our great debility, was
no unacceptable intelligence, we fur-
ther learned that an embargo had
been laid upon all shipping in these
seas by the Viceroy of Peru, in the
month of May preceding, on a suppo-
sition that about that time we might
arrive upon the coast. But on the
account sent overland by Pizarro of
his own distresses, part of which they
knew we must have encountered, as
we were at sea during the same time,
and on their having no news of us in
eight months after we were known to
set sail from St Catherine's, they were
fully persuaded that we were either
shipwrecked, or had perished at sea,
or at least had been obliged to put
back again ; for it was conceived im-
possible for any ships to continue at
sea during so long an interval : and
therefore, on the application of the
merchants, and the firm persuasion ot
our having miscarried, the embargo
had been lately taken off. k
This last article made us flatter
ourselves that, as the enemy was still
a stranger to our having got round
Cape Horn, and the navigation of
1 Thomas makes a curiously differ-
ent report of Pizarro' s despatch, and
one much more flattering to English
pride. Pizarro, he says, told the Vice-
roy of Peru " that, though he himself
had been forced back in such a miser-
able condition, not having above 80
or 100 of his men living, and his
ships in so ill a state, that, till suffi-
cient reinforcements could come to him
from Old Spain, he could not possibly
come into those seas, yet as the Eng-
lish were a stubborn and resolute peo-
ple, and daring enough to persist
obstinately in the most desperate un-
dertakings, he did believe some of us
might possibly get round ; but as he
experimentally knew what of necessity
we must have suffered in that dreadful
passage, he made no doubt but we
should be in a very weak and defence-
less condition ; he therefore advised
the Viceroy to fit out all the strength
of shipping he could, and send them
to cruise at the Island of Juan Fer-
nandez, where we must of necessity
touch to refresh our people, and to
repair our ships ; and further advised,
that, in case of meeting us, they should
not stand to fight or cannonade at a
distance, in which possibly we might
have the advantage, or make our
escape, but should board us at once
sword in hand ; which must, if well
executed, in our weak condition, in-
fallibly prove the means of taking
us."
1741.]
INTELLIGENCE OF SPANISH MOVEMENTS.
71
these S eas was restored, we might
1110 et with some considerable captures,
and might thereby indemnify our-
selves for the incapacity we were now
under of attempting any of their con-
siderable settlements on shore. And
thus much we were certain of, from
the information of our prisoners, that
whatever our success might be as to
the prizes we might light on, we had
nothing to fear, weak as we were, from
the Spanish force in this part of the
world ; though we discovered that we
had been in most imminent peril from
the enemy when we least apprehended
it, and when our other distresses were
at the greatest height. For we learn-
ed from the letters on board, that
Pizarro, in the express he despatched
to the Viceroy of Peru after his return
to the Eiver of Plate, had intimated
to him that it was possible some part
at least of the English squadron might
get round ; but that, as he was cer-
tain from his own experience that if
they did arrive in those seas it must
be in a very weak and defenceless
condition, he advised the Viceroy, in
order to be secure at all events, to fit
out what ships of force he had, and
send them to the southward, where
in all probability they would intercept
us singly and before we had an oppor-
tunity of touching anywhere for re-
freshment ; in which case he doubted
not but we should prove an easy con-
quest. The Viceroy of Peru approved
of this advice, and immediately fitted
out four ships of force from Callao ;
one of 50 guns, two of 40 guns, and
one of 24 guns. Three of them were
stationed off the Port of Conception,
and one of them at the Island of Juan
Fernandez ; and in these stations they
continued cruising for us till the 6th
of June, when, not seeing anything of
us, and conceiving it to be impossible
that we could have kept the seas so
long, they quitted their cruise and re-
turned to Callao, fully satisfied that
we had either perished or at least had
been driven back. As the time of
their quitting their station was but a
few days before our arrival at the
Island of Fernandez, it is evident that
had we made that island on our first
search for it, without hauling in for
the main to secure our easting (a cir-
cumstance which at that time we con-
sidered as very unfortunate to us, on
account of the numbers which we lost
by our longer continuance at sea), had
we, I say, made the island on the 28th
of May, when we first expected to see
it, and were in reality very near it, we
had doubtless fallen in with some part
of the Spanish squadron ; and in the
distressed condition we were then in,
the meeting with a healthy, well-pro-
vided enemy was an incident that could
not but have been perplexing, and
might perhaps have proved fatal, not
only to us [in the Centurion], but to
the Trial, the Gloucester, and the
Anna pink, which separately joined us,
and which were each of them less cap-
able than we were of making any con-
siderable resistance. I shall only add,
that these Spanish ships sent out to in-
tercept us had been greatly shattered
by a storm during their cruise ; and
that, after their arrival at Callao, they
had been laid up. And our prisoners
assured us, that whenever intelligence
was received at Lima of our being in
these seas, it would be at least two
months before this armament could bo
again fitted out.
The whole of this intelligence was
as favourable as we in our reduced
circumstances could wish for. And
now we were fully satisfied as to the
broken jars, ashes, and fish-bones,
which we had observed at our first
landing at Juan Fernandez; these
things being doubtless the relics of the
cruisers stationed off that port. Hav-
ing thus satisfied ourselves in the
material articles, and having got on
board the Centurion most of the pri-
soners and all the silver, we at eight
in the same evening made sail to the
northward, in company with our prize,
and at six the next morning discovered
the Island of Juan Fernandez, where
the next day both we and our prize
came to an anchor. And here I can-
not omit one remarkable incident
which occurred when the prize and
her crew came into the bay, where the
rest of the squadron lay. The Span-
iards in the Carmelo had been sufii.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cn.V,
72
ciently informed of the distresses \ve
had gone through, and were greatly
surprised that we had ever surmounted
them : but when they saw the Trial
sloop at anchor, they were still more
astonished that, after all our fatigues,
we had the industry (besides refitting
our other ships) to complete such a
vessel in so short a time, they taking
it for granted that she had been built
upon the spot. And it was with great
difficulty they were prevailed on to
believe that she came from England
with the rest of the squadron ; they
at first insisting that it was impossible
such a bauble as that could pass round
Cape Horn, when the best ships of
Spain were obliged to put back.
By the time we arrived at Juan
Fernandez, the letters found on board
our prize were more minutely exam-
ined ; and it appearing from them
and from the accounts of our pri-
soners that several other merchant-
men were bound from Callao to Val-
paraiso, Mr Anson despatched the
Trial sloop the very next morning
to cruise off the last-mentioned port,
reinforcing her with ten hands from
on board his own ship. Mr Anson
likewise resolved, on the intelligence
recited above, to separate the ships
under his command, and employ them
in distinct cruises, as he thought that
by this means we should not only
increase our chance for prizes, but
that we should likewise run less risk
of alarming the coast and of being
discovered. And now, the spirits of
our people being greatly raised, and
their despondency dissipated by this
earnest of success, they forgot all their
past distresses, and resumed their
wonted alacrity, and laboured inde-
fatigably in completing our water,
receiving our lumber, and preparing
to take our farewell of the island.
But as these occupations took us up
four or five days, with all our indus-
try, the Commodore in that interval
directed that the guns belonging to
the Anna pink, being four 6-pounclers,
four 4-pounders, and two swivels,
should be mounted on board the
Cnnnelo, our prize. And having sent
on board the Gloucester six passen- !
gers and twenty -three seamen 1 to
assist in navigating the ship, he
directed Captain Mitchel to leave the
island as soon as possible, the service
requiring the utmost despatch, order-
ing him to proceed to the Latitude of
5 S., and there to cruise off the high
land of Paita, 2 at such a distance
from shore as should prevent hia
being discovered. On this station he
was to continue till he should be
joined by the Commodore, which
would be whenever it should be known
that the Viceroy had fitted out the
ships at Callao, or on Mr Anson's
receiving any other intelligence that
should make it necessary to unite our
strength. These orders being deliv-
ered to the captain of the Gloucester,
and all our business completed, we on
the Saturday following, being the
19th of September, weighed our an-
chor, in company with our prize, and
got out of the bay, taking our last
leave of the Island of Juan Fernandez,
and steering to the eastward, with an
intention of joining the Trial sloop in
her station off Valparaiso.
CHAPTER V.
ALTHOUGH the Centurion, with her
prize the Carmelo, weighed from the
Bay of Juan Fernandez on the 19th
of September, leaving the Gloucester
at anchor behind her, yet, by the
irregularity and fluctuation of the
winds in the offing, it was the 22d of
the same month, in the evening, be-
fore we lost sight of the island ; after
which we continued our course to the
eastward, in order to reach our station
and to join the Trial off Valparaiso.
The next night the weather proved
squally, and we split our main-top-
sail, which wo handed for the pre-
1 Selected from among the prisoners
for their strength or their knowledge
of seamanship.
2 Where the vessels trading bet ween
Lima and Panama generally touched
to deliver part of their cargoes for disper-
sion through the inland parts of Peru.
3741.]
CAPTURE OF THE ARRANZAZU.
sent, but got it repaired, and set it
again the next morning. And now,
on the 24th, a little before sunset, we
saw two sail to the eastward, on which
our prize stood directly from us, to
avoid giving any suspicion of our be-
ing cruisers ; whilst we in the mean-
time made ourselves ready for an
engagement, and steered towards the
two ships we had discovered, with all
our canvas. We soon perceived that
one of these, which had the appear-
ance of being a veiy stout ship, made
directly for us, whilst the other kept
at a very great distance. By 7 o'clock
we were within pistol-shot of the
nearest, and had a broadside ready to
pour into her, the gunners having
their matches in their hands, and only
waiting for orders to fire ; but as we
knew it was now impossible for her to
escape us, Mr Anson, before he per-
mitted them to fire, ordered the
master to hail the ship in Spanish ;
on which the commanding officer on
board her, who proved to be Mr
Hughes, lieutenant of the Trial, an-
swered us in English, and informed
us that she was a prize taken by the
Trial a few days before, and that the
other sail at a distance was the Trial
herself, disabled in her masts. "We
were soon after joined by the Trial,
and Captain Saunders, her com-
mander, came on board the Centurion.
He informed the Commodore that he
had taken this ship the 18th instant;
that she was a prime sailer, and had
cost him thirty-six hours' chase before
he could come up with her ; that for
some time he gained so little upon
her that he began to despair of taking
her ; and the Spaniards, though alarm-
ed at first with seeing nothing but a
cloud of sail in pursuit of them, the
Trial's hull being so low in the water
that no part of it appeared, yet know-
ing the goodness of their ship, and
finding how little the Trial neared
them, they at length laid aside their
fears, and recommending themselves
to the blessed Virgin for protection,
began to think themselves secure.
And indeed their success was very
near doing honour to their Ave Marias;
tor altering their course in the night,
and shutting up their windows to
prevent any of their lights from being
seen, they had some chance of escap-
ing. But a small crevice in one of
the shutters rendered all their invoca-
tions ineffectual ; for through this
crevice the people on board the Trial
perceived a light, which they chased
till they arrived within gunshot ; and
then Captain Saunders alarmed them
unexpectedly with a broadside, when
they flattered themselves they were
got out of his reach. However, for
some time after they still kept the
same sail abroad, and it was not ob-
served that this first salute had made
any impression on them ; but just as
the Trial was preparing to repeat her
broadside, the Spaniards crept from
their holes, lowered their sails, and
submitted without any opposition.
She was one of the largest merchant-
men employed in those seas, being
about 600 tons burthen, and was
called the [Nuestra Sefiora de] Arran-
zazu. She was bound from Callao to
Valparaiso, and had much the same
cargo with the Carmelo we had taken
before, except that her silver amounted
only to about 5000 sterling.
But to balance this success, we had
the misfortune to find that the Trial
had sprung her mainmast, and that
her main -topmast had come by the
board ; and as we were all of us stand-
ing to the eastward the next morning,
with a fresh gale at S., she had the
additional ill-luck to spring her fore-
mast ; so that now she had not a
mast left on which she could carry
sail. These unhappy incidents were
still [further] aggravated by the im-
possibility we were just then under
of assisting her ; for the wind blew
so hard, and raised such a hollow sea
that we could not venture to hoist
out our boat, and consequently could
have no communication with her ; so
that we were obliged to lie to for the
greatest part of forty-eight hours to
attend her, as we could have no
thought of leaving her to herself in
her present unhappy situation. And
as an accumulation to our misfor-
tunes, we were all the while driving
to the leeward of our station, at the
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cn.V,
Besides, had a port and proper re-
quisites for this purpose been in our
possession, yet it would have been
74
very time when, by our intelligence,
we had reason to expect several of the
enemy's ships would appear upon the
coast, who would now gain the port
of Valparaiso without obstruction.
And I am verily persuaded that the
embarrassment we received from the
dismasting of the Trial, and our ab-
sence from our intended station occa-
sioned thereby, deprived us of some
very considerable captures. 1
The weather proving somewhat
more moderate on the 27th, we sent
our boat for the captain of the Trial,
who, when he came on board us, pro-
duced an instrument, signed by him-
self and all his officers, representing
that the sloop, besides being dis-
masted, was so very leaky in her
hull, that even in moderate weather
it was necessary to keep the pumps
constantly at work, and that they
were then scarcely sufficient to keep
her free ; so that in the late gale,
though they had all been engaged at
the pumps by turns, yet the water
had increased upon them. ; and, upon
the whole, they apprehended her to be
at present so very defective, that if they
met with much bad weather they must
all inevitably perish, and therefore
they petitioned the Commodore to take
some measures for their future safety.
But the refitting of the Trial, and the
repairing of her defects, was an under-
taking that in the present conjunc-
ture greatly exceeded his power ; for
we had no masts to spare her, we had
no stores to complete her rigging, nor
had we any port where she might be
hove down and her bottom examined.
1 Thomas, with regard to the dis-
abled condition of the Trial, says :
"This was a great destruction, for
now we had intelligence by the Trial's
prize that there were many ships at
sea richly laden, and that they had
no apprehensions of being attacked
by us, having received intelligence
that our squadron was either put
back or destroyed. In the course,
therefore, of the forty- eight hours we
were detained in waiting upon the
Trial, I am persuaded we missed the
taking many valuable prizes."
extreme imprudence, in so critical
conjuncture, to have loitered away so
much time as would have been neces-
sary for these operations. The Com-
modore therefore had no choice left
him but that of taking out her people
and destroying her ; but at the same
time, as he conceived it necessary for
his Majesty's service to keep up the
appearance of our force, he appointed
the Trial's prize (which had been
often employed by the Viceroy of
Peru as a man-of-war) to be a frigate
in his Majesty's service, manning her
with the Trial's crew, and giving new
commissions to the captain and all
the inferior officers accordingly. This
new frigate, when in the Spanish ser-
vice, had mounted 32 guns ; but she
was now to have only 20, which were
the 12 that were on board the Trial,
and 8 that had belonged to the Anna
pink. When this affair was thus far
regulated, Mr Anson gave orders to
Captain Sounders to put it in execu-
tion, directing him to take out of the
sloop the arms, stores, ammunition,
and everything that could be of any
use to the other ships, and then to
scuttle her and sink her. And after
Captain Saunders had seen her de-
stroyed, he was to proceed with his
new frigate (to be called the Trial's
prize) and to cruise off the high land
of Valparaiso, keeping it from him
NNW., at the distance of twelve^or
fourteen leagues. For as all ships
bound from Valparaiso to the north-
ward steer that course, Mr Anson
proposed by this means to stop any
intelligence that might be despatched
to Callao of two of their ships being
missing, which might give them ap-
prehensions of the English squadron
being in their neighbourhood. The
Trial's prize was to continue on this
station twenty-four days, and if not
joined by the Commodore at the ex-
piration of that term, she was then
to proceed down the coast to Pisco,
or Nasca, 1 where she would be certain
Pisco town and bay are about ] 20
1741.] CRUISING OFF
to meet with Mr Anson. The Com-
modore likewise ordered Lieutenant
Saumarez, who commanded the Cen-
turion's prize, to keep company with
Captain Saunders, both to assist him in
unloading the sloop, and also that, by
spreading in their cruise, there might
be less danger of any of the enemy's
ships slipping by unobserved. These
orders being despatched, the Cen-
turion parted from them at eleven in
the evening on the 27th of September,
directing her course to the southward,
with a view of cruising for some days
to the windward of Valparaiso.
And now by this disposition of our
ships we nattered ourselves that we
hod taken all the advantages of the
enemy that we possibly could with
our small force, since our disposition
was doubtless the most prudent that
could be projected. For as we might
suppose the Gloucester by this time
to be drawing near her station off the
high land of Paita, we were enabled
by our separate stations, to intercept
all vessels employed either betwixt
Peru and Chili to the southward, or
betwixt Panama and Peru to the
northward. Since the principal trade
from Peru to Chili being carried on
to the port of Valparaiso, the Cen-
turion cruising to the windward of
Valparaiso would in all probability
meet with them, as it is the constant
practice of those ships to fall in with
the coast to the windward of that port.
And the Gloucester would, in like
manner, be in the way of the trade
bound from Panama or the northward
to any part of Peru ; since the high
land off which she was stationed is
constantly made by all ships in that
voyage. And whilst the Centurion
and Gloucester were thus situated for
interrupting the enemy's trade, the
Trial's prize and Centurion's prize
were as conveniently stationed for
preventing all intelligence, by inter-
cepting all ships bound from Valpa-
raiso to the northward ; for it was on
board these vessels that it was to be
VALPARAISO.
75
or 130 miles south-east from Lima ;
Kasca Point is about 100 miles in the
same direction from Pisco.
feared some account of us might pos-
sibly be sent to Peru.
But the most prudent dispositions
carry with them only a probability of
success, and can never ensure its cer-
tainty ; since those chances, which it
was reasonable to overlook in delibera-
tions, are sometimes of most powerful
influence in execution. Thus, in the
present case, the distress of the Trial,
and the quitting our station to assist
her (events which no degree of pru-
dence could either foresee or obviate)
gave an opportunity to all the ships
bound to Valparaiso to reach that
port without molestation during this
unlucky interval ; so that though,
after leaving Captain Saunders, we
were very expeditious in regaining
our station, where we got the 29th at
noon, 1 yet in plying on and off till
the 6th of October we had not the
good fortune to discover a sail of any
sort. 2 And then, having lost all hopes
1 Thomas, who frequently differs
in date from Mr Walter, says that
" on the 30th we saw the main land
of Chili. This day we began to exer-
cise our people with small arms, which
was the first time we had done it
since we came into those seas, and
which we continued at all proper op-
portunities during the voyage."
2 Thomas here notices a dissension
among the ships' companies, of which
Mr Walter, with an obvious official
bias, says not a word : "On the 5th,
the Commodore being informed that
there were nmrmurings amongst the
people, because the prize-money was
not immediately divided, ordered the
articles of war to be read ; and after
that remonstrated to them on the
danger of mutiny, and said he had
heard the reason of their discontent,
but assured them their properties
were secured by act of parliament as
firmly as any one's own inheritance,
and that the money, plate, &c. , were
weighed and marked in public ; so
that any capable person, if he pleased,
might take an inventory of the whole.
He then read an account of the parti-
culars, and told them they might (if
they pleased) make choice of any per-
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WOULD. [B.II.Cn.V.
7(3
of making any advantage by a longer
stay, vie made sail to the leeward of
the port, in order to join our prizes ;
but when we arrived on the station
appointed for them, we did not meet
with them, though we continued there
four or five days. "We supposed that
some chase had occasioned their leav-
ing their station, and therefore we
proceeded down the coast to the high
land of Nasca, where Captain Saun-
ders was directed to join us. Here
we avrived on the 21st, and were in
great expectation of meeting with
some of the enemy's ships on the
coast, as both the accounts of former
voyages and the information of our
prisoners assured us that all ships
bound to Callao constantly make this
land, to prevent the danger of running
to the leeward of the port. But not-
withstanding the advantages of thfe
station we saw no sail till the 2d of
November, when two ships appeared in
sight together ; we immediately gave
them chase, but soon perceived that
they were the Trial's and Centurion's
prizes. As they had the wind of us,
we brought to and waited their com-
ing up, when Captain Saunders came
on board us, and acquainted the Com-
modore that he had cleared the Trial
pursuant to his orders, and having
scuttled her he remained by her till
she sank, but that it was the 4th of
October before this was effected ; for
there ran so large and hollow a sea,
that the sloop, having neither masts
nor sails to steady her, rolled and
pitched so violently that it was im-
possible for a boat to lie alongside of
her for the greatest part of the time.
And during this attendance on the
sloop they were all driven so far to
the northwest, that they were after-
wards obliged to stretch a long way
to the westward to regain the ground
they had lost, which was the reason
that Ave had not met with them on
their station as we expected. We
found they had not been more fortu-
nate in their cruise than we were, for
son to take an inventory for them, or
buy their parts. This spread a visible
joy, and gave content to every one."
they had seen no vessel since they
separated from us.
The little success we all had, and
our certainty that had any ships been
stirring in these seas for some time
past we must have met with them,
made us believe that the enemy at
Valparaiso, on missing the two ships
we had taken, had suspected us to be
in the neighbourhood/ and had conse-
quently laid an embargo on all the
trade in the southern ports. We like-
wise apprehended that they might by
this time be fitting out the men-of-war
at Callao , for we knew that it was no
uncommon thing for an express from
Valparaiso to reach Lima in twenty-
nine or thirty days, and it was now
more than fifty since we had taken
our first prize. These apprehensions
of an embargo along the coast, and of
the equipment of the Spanish squad-
ron at Callao, determined the Com-
modore to hasten down to the leeward
of Callao, and to join Captain Mitchel
(who was stationed off Paita) as soon
as possible, that, our strength being
united, we might be prepared to give
the ships from Callao a warm reception
if they dared to put to sea. With this
view we bore away the same afternoon,
taking particular care to keep at such
a distance from the shore that there
might be no danger of our being dis-
covered from thence ; for we knew
that all the country ships were com-
manded, under the severest penalty,
not to sail by the port of Callao with-
out stopping ; and as this order was
constantly complied with, we should
undoubtedly be known for enemies if
we were seen to act contrary to it. In
this new navigation, not being cer-
tain whether we might not meet the
Spanish squadron in our route, the
Commodore took on board the Cen-
turion part of his crew with whiih he
had formerly manned the Carmelo.
And now, standing to the northward,
we, before night came on, had a view
of the small island called St Gallan, 1
which bore from us NNE. half E.,
1 Just to the southward of the well-
known Chincha Islands, in the open-
ing of Pisco Bay.
17-11.1 CAPTURE OF THE SANTA TERESA DE JESUS.
77
about seven leagues distant. This
island lies in the Latitude of about
14 S., and about five miles to the
northward of a high land called Mono
Viejo, or the Old Man's Head. I
mention this island and the high land
near it more particularly, because be-
tween them is the most eligible station
on that coast for cruising upon the
enemy, as all ships bound to Callao,
whether from the northward or the
southward, run well in with the land
in this part. By the 5th of Novem-
ber, at three in the afternoon, we
were advanced within view of the
high land of Barranca, lying in the
Latitude of 10 36' S., bearing from
us NE. by E., distant eight or nine
leagues ; and an hour and a half
afterwards we had the satisfaction we
had so long wished for, of seeing a
sail. She first appeared to leeward,
and we all immediately gave her
chase ; but the Centurion so much
outsailed the two prizes, that we soon
ran them out of sight, and gained
considerably on the chase. However,
night coming on before we came up
with her, we about 7 o'clock lost
sight of her, and were in some per-
plexity what course to steer ; but at
last Mr Anson resolved, as we were
then before the wind, to keep all his
sails set, and not to change his course.
For though we had no doubt but the
chase would alter her course in the
night ; yet, as it was uncertain what
tack she would go upon, it was thought
more prudent to keep on our course,
as we must by this means unavoid-
ably near her, than to change it on
conjecture, when if we should mis-
take we must infallibly lose her.
Thus, then, we continued the chase
about an hour and half in the dark,
some one or other on board us con-
stantly imagining they discerned her
sails right ahead of us ; but at last
Mr Brett, then our second lieutenant,
did really discover her about four
points on the larboard-bow, steering
off to the seaward. We immediately
clapped the helm a- weather, and stood
for her, and in less than an hour came
up with her ; and having fired four-
teen shots at her, she struck. Our
third lieutenant, Mr Dennis, was sent
in the boat with sixteen men to take
possession of the prize, and to return
the prisoners to our ship. This ship
was named the Santa Teresa de Jesus,
built at Guayaquil, of about 300 tons
burthen, and was commanded by Bar-
tolome Urrunaga, a Biscayer. She
was bound from Guayaquil to Callao ;
her loading consisted of timber, cacao,
cocoa-nuts, tobacco, hides, Pito thread
(which is very strong, and is made of
a species of grass), Quito cloth, wax,
&c. The specie on board her was in-
considerable, being principally small
silver money, and not amounting to
more than 170 sterling. It is true,
her cargo was of great value, could
we have disposed of it ; but the Span-
iards having strict orders never to
ransom their ships, all the goods that
we took in these seas, except what
little we had occasion for ourselves,
were of no advantage to us. Indeed,
though we could make no profit there-
by ourselves, it was some satisfaction
to us to consider that it was so much
really lost to the enemy, and that the
despoiling them was no contemptible
branch of that service in which we
were now employed by our country. 1
1 Thomas gives a quaint and amus-
ing account of the use the squadron
made of those stores so much despised
by the Chaplain : " The 7th, we were
employed in getting aboard several
necessary stores, as planks, cordage,
and the like, for the use of our squad-
ron. The 9th, we brought from on
board the Teresa ten serons of cocoa,
one of wax, and 180 fathom of three
and a half rope. The 10th, we
brought from on board our first prize,
the Carmelo, the following goods,
viz., cloth, two bales ; baize, five
ditto; sugar, 182 loaves; straw mats,
two; tar, one skin; raisins, three
bales ; indigo, four serons ; cotton
cloth, one bale ; hats, two cases and
twenty-five loose ones : skins, one
parcel ; chocolate, one bag ; camlet,
one bale and two parcels ; silks, one
box ; lead, four pigs ; and combs,
one small parcel." After such an
enumeration, one is better able to
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cn.V.
Besides our prize's crew, which
amounted to forty-five hands, there
were on board her ten passengers, con-
sisting of four men and three women,
who were natives of the country, born
of Spanish parents, and three black
female slaves that attended them.
The women were a mother and her two
daughters, the eldest about twenty-
one, and the youngest about fourteen.
It is not to be wondered at that
women of these years should be exces-
sively alarmed at falling into the hands
of an enemy whom, from the former
outrages of the Buccaneers, and by
the artful insinuations of their priests,
they had been taught to consider as
the most terrible and brutal of all
mankind. These apprehensions, too,
were in the present instance exagger-
ated by the singular beauty of the
youngest of the women, and the riot-
ous disposition which they might well
expect to find in a set of sailors that
had not seen a woman for near a twelve-
month. Full of these terrors, the
women all hid themselves when our
officer went on board ; and, when
they were found out, it was with
great difficulty that he could persuade
them to approach the light. How-
ever, he soon satisfied them, by the
humanity of his conduct and his
assurances of their future security and
honourable treatment, that they had
nothing to fear ; and the Commodore
being informed of the matter, sent
directions that they should be con-
tinued on board their own ship, with
the use of the same apartments, and
with all the other conveniences they
had enjoyed before, giving strict
orders that they should receive no
kind of inquietude or molestation
whatever. And that they might be
the more certain of having these
orders complied with, or of complain-
ing if they were not, the Commodore
permitted the pilot, who in Spanish
ships is generally the second person
on board, to stay with them as their
understand how ships in those days
could keep at sea for years without
their crews losing the habits aui sem-
blance of civilisation.
guardian and protector. He was par-
ticularly chosen for this purpose by Mr
Anson, as he seemed to be extremely
interested in all that concerned the
women, and had at first declared that
he was married to the youngest of
them ; though it afterwards appeared,
both from the information of the rest of
the prisoners and other circumstances,
that he had asserted this with a view
the better to secure them from the
insults they expected on their first
falling into our hands. By this com-
passionate and indulgent behaviour of
the Commodore, the consternation of
our female prisoners entirely subsided,
and they continued easy and cheer-
ful during the whole time they were
with us, as I shall have occasion to
mention more particularly hereafter.
I have before observed, that at the
beginning of this chase the Centurion
ran her two consorts out of sight, for
which reason we lay by all the night,
after we had taken the prize, for Cap-
tain Saunders and Lieutenant Saum-
arez to join us, firing guns and making
false fires every half hour, to prevent
their passing us unobserved ; but they
were so far astern that they neither
heard nor saw any of our signals, and
were not able to come up with us till
broad daylight. When they had
joined us, we proceeded together to
the northward, being now four sail
in company. We here found the sea,
for many miles round us, of a beauti-
ful red colour : this, upon examina-
tion, we imputed to an immense
quantity of spawn spread upon its
surface ; and taking up some of the
water in a wine-glass, it soon changed
from a dirty aspect to a clear crystal,
with only some red globules of a slimy
nature floating on the top. And now,
having a supply of timber on board
our new prize, the Commodore ordered
our boats to be repaired, and a swivel
gun-stock to be fixed in the bow, both
of the barge and pinnace, in order to
increase their force, in case we should
be obliged to have recourse to them
for boarding ships or for any attempts
on shore. As we stood from hence
to the northward nothing remarkable
occurred for two or three days, though
1741.] CAPTURE OF THE NUESTRA SENORA DEL CARMEN. 79
we spread our ships in such a manner
that it was not probable any vessel of
the enemy could escape us. In our
run along this coast we generally ob-
served that there was a current which
set us to the northward at the rate
of ten or twelve miles each day.
And now, being in about 8 of S.
Latitude, we began to be attended
with vast numbers of flying fish and
bonitos, which were the first we saw
after our departure from the coast of
Brazil. But it is remarkable, that on
the east side of South America they
extended to a much higher latitude
than they do on the west side ; for
we did not lose them on the coast of
Brazil till we approached the southern
tropic. The reason for this diversity
is doubtless the different degrees of
heat obtaining in the same latitude
on different sides of that continent. 1
On the 10th of November we were
three leagues south of the southern-
most Island of Lobos, lying in the Lat.
of 60 27' S. There are two islands
of this name : this, called Lobos de
la Mar; and another, which lies to
the northward of it, very much re-
sembling it in shape and appearance,
and often mistaken for it, called
Lobos de Tierra. We were now
drawing near to the station appointed
to the Gloucester ; for which reason,
fearing to miss her, we made an easy
sail all night. The next morning,
at daybreak, we saw a ship in shore,
and to windward, plying up to the
coast. She had passed by us with
the favour of the night, and we, soon
perceiving her not to be the Gloucester,
got our tacks on board and gave her
chase ; but it proving very little wind,
so that neither of us could make
much way, the Commodore ordered
the barge, his pinnace, and the Trial's
pinnace, to be manned and armed,
and to pursue the chase and board
1 Here we omit a long digression
"on the heat and cold of different
climates, and on the varieties which
occur in the same place in different
parts of the year, and in different
places lying in the same degrees of
latitude."
her. Lieutenant Brett, who com-
manded the barge, came up with her
first, about 9 o'clock, and running
alongside of her, he fired a volley of
small shot between the masts, just
over the heads of the people on
board, and then instantly entered
with the greatest part of his men ;
but the enemy made no resistance,
being sufficiently frightened by the
dazzling of the cutlasses, and the
volley they had just received. Lieu-
tenant Brett ordered the sails to be
trimmed, and bore down to the Com-
modore, taking up in his way the two
pinnaces. When he was arrived
within about four miles of us, he put
off in the barge, bringing with him a
number of the prisoners, who had given
him some material intelligence which
he was desirous the Commodore should
be acquainted 'with as soon as pos-
sible. On his arrival we learned that
the prize was called Nuestra Sefiora
del Carmen, of about 270 tons burthen ;
she was commanded by Marcos Mo-
rena, 2 a native of Venice, and had on
board forty-three mariners. She was
deep laden with steel, iron, wax,
pepper, cedar, plank, snuff, rosaries,
European bale goods, powder-blue,
cinnamon, Romish indulgences, and
other species of merchandise. And
though this cargo, in our present
circumstances, was but of little value
to us, yet with respect to the Span-
iards it was the most considerable
capture that fell into our hands in
this part of the world ; for it amounted
to upwards of 400,000 dollars prime
cost at Panama. This ship was
bound to Callao, and had stopped at
Paita in her passage to take in a re-
cruit of water and provisions, and
had not left that place above twenty-
four hours before she fell into our
hands.
I have mentioned that Mr Brett
had received some important intelli-
gence from the prisoners, which he
endeavoured to acquaint the Commo-
dore with immediately. The first
person he received it from (though
upon further examination it was con-
2 Or Marco Marina.
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. II. CH. VI.
finned by the other prisoners) was one
John Williams, an Irishman, whom
he found on board the Spanish vessel.
Williams was a Papist, who worked
his passage from Cadiz, and had
travelled over all the kingdom of
Mexico as a pedlar. He pretended
that by this business he had got 4000
or 5000 dollars ; but that he was em-
barrassed by the priests, who knew he
had money, and was at last stripped
of all he had. He was, indeed, at
present all in rags, being but just got
out of Paita gaol, where he had been
confined for some misdemeanour ; he
expressed great joy upon seeing his
countrymen, and immediately in-
formed them, that a few days before
a vessel came into Paita, where the
master of her informed the Governor
that he had been chased in the offing
by a very large ship, which, from her
size, and the colour of her sails, he
was persuaded must be one of the
English squadron. This we then
conjectured to have been the Glouces-
ter, as we afterwards found it was.
The Governor, upon examining the
master, was fully satisfied of his re-
lation, and immediately sent away
an express to Lima to acquaint the
Viceroy therewith ; and the royal
officer residing at Paita, being appre-
hensive of a visit from the English,
was busily employed in removing the
King's treasure, and his own, to Piura,
a town within land about fourteen
leagues distant. We further learned
from our prisoners, that there was a
very considerable sum of money, 1 be-
longing to some merchants at Lima,
that was now lodged at the custom-
house at Paita ; and that this was in-
tended to be shipped on board a vessel
which was then in the port of Paita,
and was preparing to sail with the
utmost expedition, being bound for
the Bay of Sonsonnate, on the coast
of Mexico, in order to purchase a part
of the cargo of the Manilla ship.
This vessel at Paita was esteemed a
prime sailer, and had just received a
new coat of tallow on her bottom ;
1 According to Thomas's account,
400,000 dollars.
and, in the opinion of the prisoners,
she might be able to sail the succeed-
ing morning.
The character they gave us of this
vessel, on which the money was to
be shipped, left us little reason to
believe that our ship, which had been
in the water near two years, could
have any chance of coming up with
her, if we once suffered her to escape
out of the port. And therefore, as
we were now discovered, and the
coast would be soon alarmed, and as
our cruising in these parts any longer
would answer no purpose, the Com-
modore resolved to surprise the place,
having first minutely informed him-
self 2 of its strength and condition,
and being fully satisfied that there
was little danger of losing many of
our men in the attempt. This sur-
prise of Paita, besides the treasure it
promised us, and its being the only
enterprise it was in our power to
undertake, had these other advan-
tages attending it, that we should in
all probability supply ourselves with
great quantities of live provision, of
which we were at this time in want.
And we should likewise have an op-
portunity of setting our prisoners on
shore, who were now very numerous,
and made a greater consumption of
our food than our stock that remained
was capable of furnishing long. In
all these lights, the attempt was a
most eligible one, and what our neces-
sities, our situation, and every pru-
dential consideration prompted us to.
How it succeeded, and how far it an-
swered our expectations, shall be the
subject of the following Chapter.
CHAPTER VI.
THE town of Paita is situated in the
Latitude of 50 12' S., in a most bar-
ren soil, composed only of sand and
slate ; the extent of it is but small,
containing in all less than 200 fami-
lies. The houses are only ground-
floors, the walls built of split cane and
2 By examining the prisoners.
1741.] PREPARATION MADE
mud, and the roofs thatched with
leaves. These edifices, though ex-
tremely slight, are abundantly suffi-
cient for a climate where rain is con-
sidered as a prodigy, and is not seen
in many years ; so that it is said that
a small quantity of rain falling in this
country in the year 1728, it ruined a
great number of buildings, which
mouldered away, and, as it were,
melted before it. The inhabitants of
Paitaare principally Indians and black
slaves, or at least a mixed breed, the
whites being very few. The port of
Paita, though in reality little more
than a bay, is esteemed the best on
that part of the coast, and is indeed a
veiy secure and commodious anchor-
age. It is greatly frequented by all
vessels coming from the north, since
it is here only that the ships from
Acapulco, Sonsonnate, Realejo, and
Panama can touch and refresh in their
passage to Callao ; and the length of
these voyages (the wind for the greatest
part of the year being full against
them) renders it impossible to perform
them without calling upon the coast
for a recruit of fresh water. It is
true, Paita is situated on so parched
a spot that it does not itself furnish a
drop of fresh water, or any kind of
greens or provisions, except fish and
a few goats ; but there is an Indian
town called Golan, about two or three
leagues distant to the northward,
whence water, maize, greens, fowls,
&c., are brought to Paita on balsas, or
floats, for the convenience of the ships
that touch here ; and cattle are some-
times brought from Piura, a town which
lies about fourteen leagues up in the
country. The water brought from
Colan is whitish, and of a disagree-
able appearance, but is said to be very
wholesome ; for it is pretended by the
inhabitants that it runs through large
woods of sarsaparilla, and that it is
sensibly impregnated therewith. This
port of Paita, besides furnishing the
northern trade bound to Callao with
water and necessaries, is the usual
place where passengers from Acapulco
or Panama, bound to Lima, disembark ;
for as it is 200 leagues from hence to
Callao, the port of Lima, and as the
TO ATTACK PAYTA. 81
wind is generally contrary, the passage
by sea is very tedious and fatiguing :
but by land there is a tolerably good
road parallel to the coast, with many
stations and villages for the accommo-
dation of travellers. The town of
Paita is itself an open place ; its sole
protection and defence is [a small fort
or redoubt near the shore of the bay].
It was of consequence to us to be well
informed of the fabric and strength of
this fort ; and by the examination of
our prisoners we found that there were
eight pieces of cannon mounted in it,
but that it had neither ditch nor out-
work, being only surrounded by a
plain brick wall ; and that the garri-
son consisted of only one weak com-
pany, but the town itself might pos-
sibly arm 300 men more.
Mr Anson, having informed himself
of the strength of the place, resolved
to attempt it that very night. 1 "We
were then about twelve leagues distant
from the shore, far enough to prevent
our being discovered, yet not so far
but that, by making all the sail we
could, we might arrive in the bay
with our ships in the night. How-
ever, the Commodore prudently con-
sidered that this would be an impro-
per method of proceeding, as our ships,
being such large bodies, might be
easily discovered at a distance even in
the night, and might thereby alarm
the inhabitants and give them an op-
portunity of removing their valuable
effects. He therefore, as the strength
of the place did not require our whole
force, resolved to attempt it with our
boats only, ordering the eighteen-
oared barge, and our own and the
Trial's pinnaces, on that service ; and
having picked out fifty-eight men to
man them, well provided with arms
and ammunition, he gave the com-
mand of the expedition to Lieutenant
Brett, and gave him his necessary
orders. And the better to prevent
the disappointment and confusion
Avhich might arise from the dark-
ness of the night, and the ignorance
of the streets and passages of the
place; two of the Spanish pilots
* The 12th of November 1741.
F
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.CH.V1.
were ordered to attend the lieuten-
ant, and to conduct him to the
most convenient landing-place, and
were afterwards to be his guides on
shore. And that we might have the
greater security for their faithful be-
haviour on this occasion, the Commo-
dore took care to assure all our pri-
soners, that if the pilots acted properly
they should all of them be released
and set on shore at this place ; but in
case of any misconduct or treachery,
he threatened them that the pilots
should be instantly shot, and that he
would carry all the rest of the Span-
iards who were on board him prisoners
to England. So that the prisoners
themselves were interested in our suc-
cess ; and therefore we had no reason
to suspect our conductors either of
negligence or perfidy. And on this
occasion I cannot but remark a singu-
lar circumstance of one of the pilots
employed by us in this business. It
seems (as we afterwards learned) he
had been taken by Captain Clipperton
above twenty years before, and had
been forced to lead Clipperton and
his people to the surprise of Truxillo,
a town within land to the southward
of Paita, where, however, he contrived
to alarm his countrymen, and to save
them, though the place was taken.
Now that the only two attempts on
shore, which were made at so long an
interval from each other, should be
guided by the same person, and he,
too, a prisoner both times, and forced
upon the employ contrary to his in-
clination, is an incident so very extra-
ordinary that I could not help taking
notice of it.
During our preparations, the ships
themselves stood towards the port
with all the sail they could make,
being secure that we were yet at too
great a distance to be seen. But
about 10 o'clock at night, the ships
being then within five leagues of tho
place, Lieutenant Brett, with the
boats under his command, put off,
and arrived at the mouth of the bay
without being discovered ; but no
sooner had he entered it than some
of the people on board a vessel riding
at anchor there perceived him, who
instantly put off in their boat, row-
ing towards the fort, shouting and
crying, "The English! The English
dogs ! " by which the whole town was
suddenly alarmed ; and our people
soon observed several lights hurrying
backwards and forwards in the fort,
and other marks of the inhabitants
being in great motion. Lieutenant
Brett on this encouraged his men to
pull briskly up to the shore that they
might give the enemy as little time
as possible to prepare for their defence.
However, before our boats could reacli
the shore, the people in the fort had
got ready some of their cannon, and
pointed them towards the landing-
place ; and though in the darkness of
the night it might be well supposed
that chance had a greater share than
skill in their direction, yet the first
shot passed extremely near one of the
boats, whistling just over the heads
of the crew. This made our people
redouble their efforts, so that they
had readied the shore, and were in
part disembarked, by the time the
second gun fired. As soon as our
men landed, they were conducted by
one of the Spanish pilots to the en-
trance of a narrow street, not above
fifty yards distant from the beach,
where they were covered from the fire
of the fort ; and being formed in the
best manner the shortness of the time
would allow, they immediately march-
ed for the parade, which was a large
square at the end of this street, the
fort being one side of the square and
the Governor's house another. In
this march (though performed with
tolerable regularity) the shouts and
clamours of threescore sailors who
had been confined so long on ship-
board, and were now for the first time
on shore in an enemy's country joy-
ous as they always are when they land,
and animated besides in the present
case with the hopes of an immense
pillage the huzzas, I say, of this
spirited detachment, joined with the
noise of their drums, and favoured by
the night, had augmented their num-
bers, in the opinion of the enemy, to
at least 300 : by which persuasion tho
inhabitants were so greatly intimi-
1741.] FLIGHT OF THE GOVEKNOK OF PAYTA.
dated that they were much more soli-
citous about the means of their flight
than of their resistance. So that
83
though upon entering the parade our
people received a volley from the mer-
chants who owned the treasure then
in the town, and who, with a few
others, had ranged themselves in a
gallery that ran round the Governor's
house, yet that post was immediately
abandoned upon the first fire made by
our people, who were thereby left in
quiet possession of the parade.
On this success Lieutenant Brett
divided his men into two parties,
ordering one of them to surround the
Governor's house, and if possible to
secure the Governor, whilst he himself
with the other marched to the fort
with an intent to force it. But, con-
trary to his expectation, he entered it
without opposition; 1 for the enemy,
on his approach, abandoned it, and
made their escape over the walls. By
this means the whole place was mas-
tered in less than a quarter of an
hour's time from the first landing,
with no other loss than that of one
man killed on the spot, and two
wounded ; 2 one of whom was the Span-
ish pilot of the Teresa, who received a
1 " On our getting possession of the
castle, " says Thomas, ' ' our command-
ing officer very inconsiderately ordered
the guns to be thrown over the walls,
which accordingly was executed ; but
some time after, reflecting on the ill-
consequence which might attend that
proceeding, he ordered two of them to
be got up and remounted. "
2 In Thomas's narrative we are told
more particularly : "We lost one man,
Peter Obrian the Commodore's steward,
who was shot through the breast by a
musket ball ; and had two wounded,
to wit, Arthur Lusk, a quarter-master,
and the Spanish pilot of the Teresa,
whom we had made use of as a guide ;
and I have had it reported from seve-
ral officers then on shore, that our
men ran to the attack, and fired in so
irregular a manner, that it was, and
still remains a doubt, whether those
were not shot by our people rather
than by the enemy."
slight bruise by a ball which grazed dlL.
his wrist. Indeed, another of the
company, the Honourable Mr Keppel,
VUUJ.U*U,Tj *-* v J~A.U.UVIUC*|JUV JJAA iXt/ULJClj
son to the Earl of Albemarle, had a
very narrow escape ; for having on a
jockey cap, one side of the peak was
shaved off close to his temple by a
ball, which, however, did him no other
injury. And now Lieutenant Brett,
after this success, placed a guard at
the fort, and another at the Governor's
house, and appointed sentinels at all
the avenues of the town, both to pre-
vent any surprise from the enemy,
and to secure the effects in the place
from being embezzled. And this be-
ing done, his next care was to seize on
the custom-house where the treasure
lay, and to examine if any of the in-
habitants remained in the town, that
he might know what further precau-
tions it was necessary to take. But
he soon found that the numbers left
behind were no ways formidable : for
the greatest part of them (being in bed
when the place was surprised) had run
away with so much precipitation, that
they had not given themselves time
to put on their clothes. 3 And in this
precipitate rout the Governor was not
the last to secure himself, for he fled
betimes, half-naked, leaving his wife,
a
o
but three or four days, behind him
though she too was afterwards carried
off in her shift by a couple of sentinels,
just as the detachment ordered to in-
vest the house arrived before it. This
escape of the Governor was an unpleas-
ing circumstance, as Mr Anson had
particularly recommended it to Lieu-
tenant Brett to secure his person if
possible, in hopes that by that means
3 " These people, " says Thomas con-
temptuously enough, "having enjoyed
a long peace, and being enervated by
the luxury so customary in those parts,
their arms in a bad condition, and no
person of experience or courage to
head them, it is no wonder that they
made so small a resistance, and were
all driven out of the town in less
than half-an-hour by only forty-nine
men. "
young lady of about seventeen years
f age to whom he had been married
84 ANSON'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [B.II.CH.VI.
that interval. I must observe, that
after the boats were gone off we lay
by till 1 o'clock in the morning, and
we might be able to treat for the ran-
som of the place ; but it seems his
alertness rendered it impossible to
seize him. The few inhabitants who
remained were confined in one of the
churches under a guard, except some
stout Negroes who were found in the
place ; these, instead of being shut up,
were employed the remaining part of
the night to assist in carrying the
treasure from the custom-house and
other places to the fort : however,
there was care taken that they should
be always attended by a file of mus-
keteers.
The transporting the treasure from
the custom-house to the fort was the
principal occupation of Mr Brett's
people after he had got possession of
the place. But the sailors, while
they were thus employed, could not
be prevented from entering the houses
which lay near them, in search of pri-
vate pillage. And, the first things
which occurred to them being the
clothes which the Spaniards in their
flight had left behind them, and which,
according to the custom of the country,
were most of them either embroidered
or laced, our people eagerly seized
these glittering habits, and put them
on over their own dirty trousers and
jackets ; not forgetting, at the same
time, the tie or bag-wig, and laced
hat, which were generally found with
the clothes. When this practice was
once begun, there was no preventing
the whole detachment from imitating
it ; and those who came latest into
the fashion, not finding men's clothes
sufficient to equip themselves, were
obliged to take up with women'sgowns
and petticoats, which (provided there
was finery enough) they made no
scruple of putting on and blending
with their own greasy dress. So that,
when a party of them thus ridiculously
metamorphosed first appeared before
Mr Brett, he was extremely surprised
at their appearance, and could not
immediately be satisfied they were his
own people.
These were the transactions of our
detachment on shore at Paita the first
night : and now to return to what
was done on board the Centurion in
then, supposing our detachment to be
near landing, we made an easy sail for
the bay. About seven in the morning
we began to open the bay, and soon
after we had a view of the town ; and
though we had no reason to doubt of
the success of the enterprise, yet it
was with great joy that we first dis-
covered an infallible signal of the cer-
tainty of our hopes : this was by
means of our perspectives, for through
them we saw an English flag hoisted
on the flagstaff of the fort, which to
us was an incontestible proof that our
people had got possession of the town.
We plied into the bay with as much
expedition as the wind, which then
blew off shore, would permit us, and
at eleven the Trial's boat came on
board us, laden with dollars arid
church-plate ; and the o nicer who
commanded her informed us of the
preceding night's transactions, such as
we have already related them. About
two in the afternoon we came to an
anchor in ten fathoms and a half, at
a mile and a half distance from the
town, and were consequently near
enough to have a more immediate
intercourse with those on shore. And
now we found that Mr Brett had
hitherto gone on in collecting and
removing the treasure without inter-
ruption ; but that the enemy had
rendezvoused from all parts of the
country on a hill at the back of the
town, where they made no inconsider-
able appearance : for, amongst the
rest of their force, there were 200
horse seemingly very well armed and
mounted, and, as we conceived, pro-
perly trained and regimented, being
furnished with trumpets, drums, and
standards. These troops paraded
about the hill with great ostentation,
sounding their military music, and
practising every art to intimidate us
(as our numbers on shore were by this
time not unknown to them), in hopes
that we might be induced by our fears
to abandon the place before the pillage
was completed. But we were not so
ignorant as to believe that this body
1741.1
PAYTA TAKEN.
85
of liorse, which seemed to be what the
enemy principally depended on, would
dare to venture in streets and among
houses, even had their numbers been
three times as great ; and therefore,
notwithstanding their menaces, we
went on, as long as the daylight last-
ed, calmly, in sen ding off the treasure,
and in employing the boats to carry
on board the refreshments, such as
hogs, fowls, &c., which we found here
in great abundance. But at night, to
prevent any surprise, the Commodore
sent on shore a reinforcement, who
posted themselves in all the streets
leading to the parade ; and for their
greater security they traversed the
streets with barricades six feet high :
and the enemy continuing quiet all
night, we at daybreak returned again
to our labour of loading the boats and
sending them off.
By this time we were convinced of
what consequence it would have been
to us had fortune seconded the pru-
dent views of the Commodore, by per-
mitting us to have secured the Gover-
nor. For we found in the place many
storehouses full of valuable effects,
which were useless to us at present,
and such as we could not find room
for on board. But had the Governor
been in our power, lie would in all
probability have treated for a ransom,
which would have been extremely
advantageous both to him and us ;
Whereas he being now at liberty, and
having collected all the force of the
country for many leagues round, and
Laving even got a body of militia from
Piura, he was so elated with his num-
bers, and so fond of his new military
command, that he seemed not to trouble
himself about the fate of his govern-
ment. So that though Mr Anson sent
several messages to him by the inha-
bitants who were in our power, desir-
ing him to enter into a treaty for the
ransom of the town and goods, giving
him at the same time an intimation
that he should be far from insisting
on a rigorous equivalent, but perhaps
might be satisfied with some live cattle
and a few necessaries for the use of the
squadron, and assuring him too, that
if he would not condescend at least J;o
treat, he would set fire to the town
and all the warehouses : yet the gover-
nor was so imprudent and arrogant,
that he despised all these reiterated
applications, and did not deign even
to return the least answer to them.
On the second day of our being in
possession of the place, several Negro
slaves deserted from the enemy on the
hill, and, coming into the town,
voluntarily entered into our service.
One of these was well known to a
gentleman on board, who remembered
him formerly at Panama. And the
Spaniards without the town being in
extreme want of water, many of their
slaves crept into the place by stealth,
and carried away several jars of water
to their masters on the hill ; and
though some of them were seized by
our men in the attempt, yet the thirst
amongst the enemy was so pressing, 1
that they continued this practice till
we left the place. And now, on this
second day, we were assured both by
the deserters and by these prisoners
we took, that the Spaniards on the
hill, who were by this time increased
to a formidable number, had resolved
to storm the town and fort the suc-
ceeding night ; and that one Gordon,
a Scotch Papist, and captain of a ship
in those seas, was to have the com-
mand of this enterprise. But we,
notwithstanding, continued sending
off our boats, and prosecuted our work
without the least hurry or precipita-
tion till the evening; and then a
reinforcement was again sent on shore
by the Commodore, and Lieutenant
Brett doubled his guards at each of
the barricades ; and our posts being
1 Thomas says : "The country there-
abouts being for many miles round
quite barren and sandy, without either
water or any other thing necessary for
life, and the nearest town to them,
named as I think Santa Cruz, whence
relief might be got, being a day and
a half or two days' journey off, the
people who had left the town were in
a starving condition, and we had
melancholy accounts of several dying
among them for want chiefly of water
during our small stay. "
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. B.II.CH.TI.
connected by means of sentinels placed
within call of each other, and the
whole being visited by frequent rounds,
attended with a drum, these marks of
our vigilance, which the enemy could
not be ignorant of, as they could
doubtless hear the drum, if not the
calls of the sentinels ; these marks, I
say, of our vigilance and of our readi-
ness to receive them, cooled their re-
solution, and made them forget the
vaunts of the preceding day ; so that
we passed the second night with as
little molestation as we had done the
first.
"We had finished sending the treasure
on board the Centurion the evening
before ; so that the third morning,
being the 15th of November, the boats
were employed in carrying off the
most valuable part of the effects that
remained in the town. l And the Com-
modore intending to sail this day, he
about 10 o'clock, pursuant to his pro-
mise, sent all his prisoners, amount-
ing to eighty-eight, on shore, giving
orders to Lieutenant Brett to secure
them in one of the churches under a
strict guard till he was ready to embark
his men. Mr Brett was at the same
time ordered to set the whole town on
fire, 2 except the two churches (which
1 " Which," by Thomas's account,
" chiefly consisted of rich brocades,
laced cloths, bales of fine linens and
woollens, britannias, stays, and the
like ; together with a great number
of hogs, some sheep and fowls, cases
of Spanish brandies and wines, a great
quantity of onions, olives, sweet-meats,
and many other things too tedious to
name, all which the sailors hoped
would have been equally divided among
the ships' companions, but they fcmnd
themselves disappointed."
2 The burning of Paita, inflicting
cruel injury not on the Spanish Gov-
ernment but on an unoffending and
industrious community, has been gene-
rally censured as a violation of the
laws of civilised warfare. Earl Stan-
hope, usually slow to blame, says the
act "has imprinted a deep blot on
the glory of Lord Anson's expedi-
tion."
by good fortune stood at some distance
from the other houses), and then he
was to abandon the place and to come
on board. These orders were punctu-
ally complied with ; for Mr Brett
immediately set his men to work to
distribute pitch, tar, and other com-
bustibles (of which great quantities
were found here) into houses situated
in different streets of the town ; so
that, the place being fired in many
quarters at the same time, the destruc-
tion might be more violent and sud-
den, and the enemy, after our depar-
ture, might not be able to extinguish
it. These preparations being made,
he in the next place ordered the can-
non which he found in the fort, to be
nailed up ; 3 and then, setting fire to
those houses which were most wind-
ward, he collected his men, and
marched towards the beach, where
the boats waited to carry them off.
And the part of the beach where he
intended to embark being an open
place without the town, the Spaniards
on the hill, perceiving he was retreat-
ing, resolved to try if they could not
precipitate his departure, and thereby
lay some foundation for their future
boasting. And for this purpose a
small squadron of their horse, consist-
ing of about sixt} T , picked out as I
suppose for this service, marched
down the hill with much seeming
resolution ; so that, had we not been
prepossessed with a juster opinion of
their prowess, we might have sus-
pected that, now we were on the open
brash with no advantage of situation,
they would certainly have charged us.
But we presumed (and we were not
mistaken) that this was mere ostenta-
tion ; for, notwithstanding the pomp
and parade they advanced with, Mr
Brett had no sooner ordered his men
to halt and face about, but the enemy
stopped their career, and never dared
to advance a step farther.
When our people were arrived at
their boats, and were ready to go on
board, they were for some time de-
layed by missing one of their number ;
but being unablo^ by their mutual
Spiked.
1741.]
THE BURNING OF PAYTA.
87
inquiries amongst each other, to in-
form themselves where he was left, or
by what accident he was detained,
they, after considerable delay, re-
solved to get into their boats and to
put off without him. And the last
man was actually embarked, and the
boats just putting off, when they
heard [him calling to them to take
him in. The town was by this time
so thoroughly on fire, and the smoke
covered the beach so effectually, that
they could scarcely see him, though
they heard his voice. The lieuten-
ant instantly ordered one of the boats
to his relief, which found him up to
the chin in water, for he had waded
as far as he durst, being extremely
frightened with the apprehensions of
falling into the hands of an enemy,
enraged, as they doubtless were, with
the pillage and destruction of their
town. On inquiring into the cause
of his staying behind, it was found
that he had taken that morning too
large a dose of brandy, which had
thrown him into so sound a sleep,
that he did not awake till the fire
came near enough to scorch him. He
was strangely amazed on first opening
his eyes, to see the place all on a blaze
on one side, and several Spaniards and
Indians not far from him on the other.
The greatness and suddenness of his
fright instantly reduced him to a state
of sobriety, and gave him sufficient
presence of mind to push through the
thickest of the smoke, as the like-
liest means to escape the enemy ;
and making the best of his way to
the beach, he ran as far into the
water as he durst (for he could not
swim) before he ventured to look
back. . . .
By the time our people had taken
their comrade out of the water, and
were making the best of their way for
the squadron, the flames had taken
possession of every part of the town,
and had got such hold, both by means
of combustibles that had been distri-
buted for that purpose, and by the
slightness of the materials of which
the hoiises were composed and their
aptitude to take fire, that it was
sufficiently apparent no efforts of the
enemy (though they flocked down in
great numbers) could possibly put a
stop to it, or prevent the entire de-
struction of the place, and all the
merchandise contained therein.
Our detachment under Lieutenant
Brett having safely joined the squad-
ron, the Commodore prepared to leave
the place the same evening. He
found, when he first came into the
bay, six vessels of the enemy at
anchor ; one of which was the ship
which, according to our intelligence,
was to have sailed with the treasure
to the coast of Mexico, and which,
as we were persuaded she was a good
sailer, we resolved to take with us.
The others were two snows, a bark,
and two row -galleys of thirty -six
oars a-piece ; these last, as we were
afterwards informed, with many others
of the same kind built at different
ports, were intended to prevent our
landing in the neighbourhood of
Callao ; for the Spaniards, on the
first intelligence of our squadron
and its force, expected that we
would attempt the city of Lima.
The Commodore, having no occasion
for these other vessels, had ordered
the masts of all five of them to be cut
away on his first arrival ; and now,
at his leaving the place, they were
towed out of the harbour, and scuttled
and sunk ; and the command of the
remaining ship, called the Solidad,
being given to Mr Hughes, the lieu-
tenant of the Trial, who had with
him a crew of ten men to navigate
her, the squadron towards midnight
weighed anchor and sailed out of the
bay, being now augmented to six sail,
that is, the Centurion, and the Trial
prize, together with the Cannelo, the
Teresa, the Carmen, and our last
acquired vessel, the Solidad.
And now, before I entirely quit
the account of our transactions at this
place, it may not, perhaps, be impro-
per to give a succinct relation of the
booty we made here, and of the loss
the Spaniards sustained. I have be-
fore observed that there were^ great
quantities of valuable effects in the
town; but, as the greatest part of
them were what we could neither
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. II. OH. VI.
dispose of nor carry away, the total
amount of this merchandise can only
be rudely guessed at. But the Span-
iards, in the representations they made
to the Court of Madrid (as we were
afterwards assured), estimated their
whole loss at a million and a half of
dollars ; and when it is considered
that no small part of the goods we
burned there were of the richest and
most expensive species, as broad-
cloths, silks, cambrics, velvets, &c.J
I cannot but think their valuation
sufficiently moderate. As to our
part, our acquisition, though incon-
siderable in comparison of what we
destroyed, was yet in itself far from
despicable ; for the wrought plate,
dollars, and other coin which fell into
our hands, amounted to upwards of
30,000 sterling, besides several rings,
bracelets, and jewels, whose intrinsic
value we could not then determine ;
and over and above all this, the plun-
der which became the property of the
immediate captors was very great ; so
that upon the whole it was by much
the most important booty we made
upon that coast.
There remains, before I take leave
of this place, another particularity to
be mentioned, which, on account of
the great honour which our national
character in those parts has thence
received, and the reputation which
our Commodore in particular has
thereby acquired, merits a distinct
and circumstantial discussion. It
has been already related that all the
prisoners taken by us in our preced-
ing prizes were put on shore and dis-
charged at this place ; amongst which
there were some persons of consider-
able distinction, particularly a youth
of about seventeen years of age, son of
the Vice-President of the Council of
Chili. As the barbarity of the Buccan-
eers, and the artful use the [Spanish]
ecclesiastics had made of it, had filled
the natives of those countries with the
most terrible ideas of the English cru-
elty, we always found our prisoners, at
their first coming on board us, to be ex-
tremely dejected and under great hor-
ror and anxiety. In particular, this
youth, whom I last mentioned, having
never been from home before, lamented
his captivity in the most moving
manner, regretting in very plaintive
terms his parents, his brothers, his
sisters, andjiis native country, of all
which he was fully persuaded he had
taken his last farewell, believing that
he was now devoted for the remaining
part of his life to an abject and cruel
servitude ; nor was he singular in his
fears, for his companions on board,
and indeed all the Spaniards that
came into our power, had the same
desponding opinion of their situation.
Mr Anson constantly exerted his
utmost endeavours to efface these in-
human impressions they had received
of us ; always taking care that as
many of the principal people among
them as there was room for should
dine at his table by turns ; and giving
the strictest orders, too, that they
should at all times, and in every cir-
cumstance, be treated with the utmost
decency and humanity. But, not-
withstanding this precaution, it was
generally observed that for the first
day or two they did not quit their
fears, but suspected the gentleness of
their usage to be only preparatory to
some unthought-of calamity. How-
ever, being confirmed by time, they
grew perfectly easy in their situation,
and remarkably cheerful, so that it was
often disputable whether or no they
considered their being detained by us
as a misfortune. For the youth I
have above mentioned, who was near
two months on board us, had at last
so far conquered his melancholy sur-
mises, and had taken such an affec-
tion to Mr Anson, and seemed so
much pleased with the manner of life,
totally different from all he had ever
seen before, that it is doubtful to me
whether, if his own opinion had been
taken, he would not have preferred a
voyage to England in the Centurion to
the being set on shore at Paita, where
he was at liberty to return to his
country and his friends.
This conduct of the Commodore to
his prisoners, which was continued
without interruption or deviation,
gave them all the highest idea of his
humanity and benevolence, and in-
1741.]
GENEROUS TREATMENT OF PRISONERS.
duced them likewise (as mankind are
fond of forming general opinions) to
entertain very favourable thoughts of
the whole English nation. But what-
ever they might be disposed to think
of Mr Anson before the taking of the
Teresa, their veneration for him was
prodigiously increased by his conduct
towards those women whom (as I
have already mentioned) lie took in
that vessel. For the leaving them
in the possession of their apartments,
the strict orders given to prevent all
his people on board from approaching
them, and the permitting the pilot to
stay with them as their guardian, were
measures that seemed so different from
what might be expected from an ene-
my and an heretic, that the Spaniards
on board, though they had themselves
experienced his beneficence, were sur-
prised at this new instance of it ; and
the more so, as all this was done with-
out his ever having seen the women,
though the two daughters were both
esteemed handsome, and the youngest
was celebrated for her uncommon
beauty. The women themselves, too,
were so sensible of the obligations
they owed him for the care and atten-
tion with which he had protected
them, that they absolutely refused to
go on shore at Paita till they had
been permitted to wait on him on
board the Centurion, to return him
thanks in person. Indeed, all the
prisoners left us with the strongest
assurances of their grateful remem-
brance of his uncommon treatment.
A Jesuit, in particular, whom the
Commodore had -taken, and who was
an ecclesiastic of some distinction,
could not help expressing himself with
great thankfulness for the civilities
he and his countrymen had found on
board, declaring that he should con-
sider it as his duty to do Mr Anson
justice at all times ; adding, that his
usage of the men prisoners was such
as could never be forgotten, and such
as he could never fail to acknowledge
and recite upon all occasions ; but that
his behaviour to the women was so
extraordinary, and so extremely hon-
ourable, that he doubted all the regard
due to his own ecclesiastical character
would be scarcely sufficient to render
it credible. And, indeed, we were
afterwards informed that both he and
the rest of our prisoners had not been
silent on this head, but had, both at
Lima and other places, given the
greatest encomiums to our Commo-
dore ; the Jesuit in particular, as we
were told, having on his account in-
terpreted in a lax and hypothetical
sense that article of his Church which
asserts the impossibility of heretics
being saved.
And let it not be imagined that the
impression which the Spaniards hence
received to our advantage is a matter
of small import ; for, not to mention
several of our countrymen who have
already felt the good effects of these
prepossessions, the Spaniards are a
nation whose good opinion of us is
doubtless of more consequence than
that of all the world besides. Not
only as the commerce we have former-
ly carried on with them, and perhaps
may again hereafter, is so extremely
valuable, but also as the transacting
it does so immediately depend on the
honour and good faith of those who
are entrusted with its management.
But, however, [even] had no national
conveniencies attended it, the Com-
modore's equity and good temper
would not less have deterred him
from all tyranny and cruelty to those
whom the fortune of war had put into
his hands. I shall only add, that
by his constant attachment to these
humane and prudent maxims he has
acquired a distinguished reputation
amongst the Creole Spaniards which
is not confined merely to the coast
of the South Seas, but is extended
through all the Spanish settlements
in America : so that his name is fre-
quently to be met with in the mouths
of 1 most of the Spanish inhabitants of
that prodigious empire. 2
t J Ed. 1776 : "Was universally men-
tioned with honour and applause by."
2 Byron, who met, during his resi-
dence as a prisoner on parole in Chili,
some of the released captives, says :
" They all spoke in the highest terms
of the kind treatment they had re-
WHEN we got under sail from the
road of Paita (which, as I have already
observed, was about midnight on the
16th of November) we stood to the
westward ; and in the morning the
Commodore gave orders that the whole
squadron should spread themselves,
in order to look out for the Glouces-
ter ; for we now drew near to the
station where Captain Mitchel had
been directed to cruise, and hourly
expected to get sight of him, but the
whole day passed without seeing him.
And now a jealousy which had
taken its rise at Paita, between those
who had been ordered on shore for the
attack and those who had continued
on board, grew to such a height, that
the Commodore, being made acquaint-
ed with it, thought it necessary to
interpose his authority to appease it. 1
The ground of this animosity was
90 ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WOULD. [B.II. CH.VII.
the plunder gotten at Paita, which
CHAPTER VII. those who had acted on shore had
appropriated to themselves, and con-
sidered it as a reward for the risks
they had run and the resolution they
had shown in that service. But those
who had remained on board considered
this as a very partial and unjust pro-
cedure, urging that, had it been left
to their choice, they should have pre-
ferred the acting on shore to the con-
tinuing on board ; that their duty,
while their comrades were on shore,
was extremely fatiguing, for besides
the labour of the day they were con-
stantly under arms all night to secure
the prisoners, whose numbers exceeded
their own, and of whom it was then
necessary to be extremely watchful,
to prevent any attempts they might
have formed in that critical conjunc-
ture ; that upon the whole it could
not be denied but that the presence
of a sufficient force on board was as
necessary to the success of the enter-
prise, as the action of the others on
shore ; and therefore those who had
continued on board insisted that they
could not be deprived of their share
of the plunder, without manifest in-
justice. These were the contests
amongst our men, which were carried
on with great heat on both sides; and
though the plunder in question was a
very trifle in comparison of the trea-
sure taken in the place (in which there
was no doubt but those on board had
an equal right), yet as the obstinacy
of sailors is not always regulated by
the importance of the matter in dis-
pute, the Commodore thought it neces-
sary to put a stop to this ferment be-
times. And accordingly, the morn-
ing after our leaving Paita, he ordered
all hands upon the quarter-deck,
where, addressing himself to those
who had been detached on shore, he
commended their behaviour, and
thanked them for their services on
that occasion ; but then, representing
to them the reasons urged by those
who had continued on board for an
equal distribution of the plunder, he
told them that he thought these rea-
sons very conclusive, and that the
expectations of their comrades were
ceived ; and some of them told us
they were so happy on board the Cen-
turion, that they would not have been
sorry if the Commodore had taken
them with him to England." Still
more remarkable, however, is Captain
Basil Hall's testimony, in his "South
America:" "Lord Anson's proceed-
ings are still traditionally known at
Paita ; and it is curious to observe
that the kindness with which that
sagacious officer invariably treated his
Spanisli prisoners is, at the distance
of eighty years, better known and
more dwelt upon by the inhabitants
of Paita than the capture and wanton
destruction of the town."
1 Thomas tells a very different
story about this division of the spoil :
"The 22d, a division was made of
the plunder of Paita, and the Com-
modore not appearing in that affair,
it was done at the pleasure, and to
the entire satisfaction of five or six
(no doubt) very disinterested officers ;
and, indeed, most things of this na-
ture, during the course of the voyage
being managed with the same discre-
tion and honour, no room was left for
complaining of portion! ar partialities, "
1741.]
THE PRIZE TAKEN BY THE GLOUCESTER.
91
justly founded ; and therefore he or-
dered, that not only the men, but all
the officers likewise, who had been
employed in taking the place, should
produce the whole of their plunder
immediately upon the quarter-deck ;
and that it should be impartially
divided amongst the whole crew, in
proportion to each man's rank and
commission. And to prevent those
who had been in possession of the
plunder from murmuring at this dimi-
nution of their share, the Commodore
added, that as an encouragement to
others who might be hereafter em-
ployed on like services, he would give
his entire share to be distributed
amongst those who had been detached
for the attack of the place. Thus
this troublesome affair, which, if per-
mitted to have gone on, might perhaps
have been attended with mischievous
consequences, was by the Commo-
dore's prudence soon appeased, to the
general satisfaction of the ship's com-
pany ; not but there were some few
whose selfish dispositions were unin-
fluenced by the justice of this pro-
cedure, and who were incapable of
discerning the force of equity, however
glaring, when it tended to deprive
them of any part of what they had
once got into their hands.
This important business employed
the best part of the day after we came
from Paita. And now at night, hav-
ing no sight of the Gloucester, the
Commodore ordered the squadron to
bring to, that we might not pass her
in the dark. The next morning we
again looked out for her, and at ten
we saw a sail, to which we gave chase ;
and at two in the afternoon we came
near enough to her to discover her to
be the Gloucester, with a small vessel
in tow. About an hour after we were
joined by them, and then we learned
that Captain Mitchel, in the whole
time of his cruise, had only taken
two prizes, one of them being a small
snow, 1 whose cargo consisted chiefly
of wine, brandy, and olives in jars,
with about 7000 in specie ; 2 and the
1 Called the Del Oro.
8 Thomas says: "On board this
other a large boat or launch which the
Gloucester's barge came up with near
the shore. The prisoners on board
this vessel alleged that they were very
poor, and that their loading consisted
only of cotton, though the circum-
stances in which the barge surprised
them seemed to insinuate that they
were more opulent than they pretend-
ed to be, for the Gloucester's people
found them at dinner upon pigeon-
pie served up in silver dishes. How-
ever, the officer who commanded the
barge having opened several of the
jars on board to satisfy his curiosity,
and finding nothing in them but cot-
ton, he was inclined to believe the
account the prisoners gave him ; but
the cargo being taken into the Glouces-
ter, and there examined more strictly,
they were agreeably surprised to find
that the whole was a very extraordin-
ary piece of false package, and that
there was concealed amongst the cot-
ton, in every jar, a considerable quan-
tity of double doubloons and dollars
to the amount, in the whole, of near
12,000. This treasure was going to
Paita, and belonged to the same mer-
chants who were the proprietors of
the greatest part of the money we had
taken there ; so that, had this boat
escaped the Gloucester, it is probable
her cargo would have fallen into our
hands. Besides these two prizes which
we have mentioned, the Gloucester's
people told us that they had been in
sight of two or three other ships of
the enemy, which had escaped them ;
and one of them we had reason to be-
lieve, from some of our intelligence,
was of an immense value.
Being now joined by the Gloucester
and her prize, it was resolved that we
prize of the Gloucester were two horses,
which being, I suppose, fat, and pro-
bably better food than their salt beef
or pork, they killed and eat them ;
and this, I imagine, gave ground to
that fiction which one of the spurious
accounts of our voyage has given, of
our eagerly hunting and eating wild
horses, whereas in reality we never
saw nor heard of a wild horse during
our voyage. "
92 ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
should stand to the northwards, and
make the best of our way either to
Cape St Lucas, in California, or to
Cape Corrientes on the coast of Mexico.
Indeed the Commodore, when at Juan
Fernandez, had determined with him-
self to touch in the neighbourhood of
Panama, and to endeavour to get
some correspondence overland with
the fleet imder the command of Ad-
miral Vernon. For, when we de-
parted from England, we left a large
force at Portsmouth, which was in-
tended to be sent to the AVest Indies,
there to be employed in an expedition
against some of the Spanish settle-
ments. 1 And Mr Anson taking it for
granted that this enterprise had suc-
ceeded, and that Porto Bello perhaps
might be then garrisoned by British
troops, he hoped that on his arrival
at the Isthmus he should easily pro-
cure an intercourse with our country-
men on the other side, either by the
Indians, who were greatly disposed in
our favour, or even by the Spaniards
themselves, some of whom, for proper
rewards, might be induced to carry
on this intelligence, which, after it
was once begun, might be continued
with very little difficulty. So that
Mr Anson flattered himself that he
might by this means have received a
reinforcement of men from the other
side, and that, by settling a prudent
plan of operations with our command-
ers in the West Indies, he might
have taken even Panama itself, which
would have given to the British na-
tion the possession of that Isthmus,
whereby we should have been in effect
masters of all the treasures of Peru,
and should have had in our hands an
equivalent for any demands, however
extraordinary, which we might have
been induced to have made on either
of the branches of the House of Bour-
bon. Such were the projects which the
Commodore resolved in his thoughts
at the Island of Juan Fernandez, not-
withstanding the feeble condition to
which he was then reduced. And
indeed, had the success of our force in
the West Indies been answerable to
See Note 3, page 15.
[B.II.CH.VIL
the general expectation, it cannot be
denied but these views would have
been the most prudent that could have
been thought of. But in examining
the papers which were found on board
the Carmelo, the first prize we took,
we learned (though I then omitted to
mention it) that our attempt against
Carthagena had failed, and that there
was no probability that our fleet in
that part of the world would engage
in any new enterprise that would at
all facilitate this plan. And therefore
Mr Anson gave over all hopes of being
reinforced across the Isthmus, and
consequently had no inducement at
present to proceed to Panama, as he
was incapable of attacking the place ;
and there was great reason to believe
that by this time there was a general
embargo on all the coast.
The only feasible measure, then,
which was left us, was to get as soon
as possible to the southern parts of
California, or to the adjacent coast of
Mexico, there to cruise for the Manilla
galleon, which we knew was now at
sea, bound to the port of Acapulco.
And we doubted not to get on that
station time enough to intercept her,
for this ship does not [usually J arrive
at Acapulco till towards the middle ot
January, and we were now but in the
middle of November, and did not con-
ceive that our passage thither would
cost us above a month or five weeks ;
so that we imagined we had near twice
as much time as was necessary for our
purpose. . . .
Having determined to go to Quibo,
we directed our course to the north-
ward, being eight sail in company,
and consequently having the appear-
ance of a very formidable fleet ; and
on the 19th, at day break, we discovered
Cape Blanco, bearing SSE. half E.,
seven miles distant. This cape lies
in the Latitude of 4 15' S.,_and is
always made by ships bound either to
windward or to leeward, so that off
this cape is a most excellent station
to cruise upon the enemy. By thi?
time we found that our last prize, the
Solidad, was far from answering the
character given her of a good sailer ;
and she and the Santa Teresa delay-
1741.] THE ISLAND
ing us consideiably, tie Commodore
ordered them both to "be cleared of
everything that might prove useful
to the rest of the ships, and then to
"be burned. Having given proper in-
structions, and a rendezvous to the
Gloucester and the other prizes, we
proceeded m our course for Quibo ;
and on the 22d, in the morning, saw
the Island of Plata, 1 bearing E., dis-
tant four leagues. Here one of our
prizes was ordered to stand close in
with it, both to discover if there were
any ships between that island and the
continent, and likewise to look out for
a stream of fresh water which was re-
ported to be there, and which would
have saved us the trouble of going to
Quibo ; but she returned without hav-
ing seen any ship or finding any
water. At three in the afternoon,
Point Manta bore SE. by E., seven
miles distant ; and there being a town
of the same name in the neighbour-
hood, Captain Mitchel took this op-
portunity of sending away several of
his prisoners from the Gloucester in
the Spanish launch. The boats were
now daily employed in distributing
provisions on board the Trial and
other prizes to complete their stock
for six months ; and that the Cen-
turion might be the better prepared
to give the Manilla ship (one of which
we were told was of an immense size)
a warm reception, the carpenters were
ordered to fix eight stocks in the
main and fore tops, which were pro-
perly fitted for the mounting of swivel
guns.
On the 25th we had a sight of the
Island of Gallo, bearing ESE. half E.,
four leagues distant ; and hence we
crossed the Bay of Panama with a N W.
course, hoping that this would have
carried us in a direct line to the Island
of Quibo. But we afterwards found
that we ought to have stood more to
the westward ; for the winds in a short
time began to incline to that quarter,
and made it difficult for us to gain
the island.
1 So called, it is said, because here
Sir Francis Drake divided the treasure
Ue had captured in the South Seas.
OF QUIBO. 93
On the 27th, Captain Mitchel hav-
ing finished the clearing of his largest
prize, she was scuttled and set on fire ;
but we still consisted of five ships
and were fortunate enough to find
them all good sailers, so that w
never occasioned any delay to each
other. Being now in a rainy climate,
which we had been long disused to,
we found it necessary to calk the
sides of the Centurion, to prevent the
rain-water from running into her.
On the 3d of December we had a view
of the Island of Quibo ; the east end
of which then bore from us NNW.,
four leagues distant, and the Island
of Quicara WNW., at about the same
distance. Here we struck ground
with sixty-five fathoms of line, and
found the bottom to consist of grey
sand with black specks. "When we
had thus got sight of the land, we
found the wind to hang westerly ; and
therefore, night coming on, we thought
it advisable to stand oiF till morning,
as there are said to be some shoals in
the entrance of the channel. At six
the next morning, Point Mariato bore
NE. half N., three or four leagues
distant. In weathering this point all
the squadron, except the Centurion,
were very near it ; and the Gloucester,
being the leewardmost ship, was forced
to tack and stand to the southward,
so that we lost sight of her. At nine,
the Island Sebaco bore NW. by N.,
four leagues distant ; but the wind
still proving unfavourable, we were
obliged to ply on and off for the suc-
ceeding twenty-four hours, and were
frequently taken aback. However,
at eleven the next morning the wind
happily settled in the SSW., and we
bore away for the SSE. end of the is-
land, and about three in the afternoon
entered Canal Bueno, passing round
a shoal which stretches off about two
miles from the south point of the
island. This Canal Bueno, or Good
Channel, is at least six miles in
breadth ; and as we had the wind
large, we kept in a good depth of
water, generally from twenty-eight to
thirty- three fathoms, and came not
within a mile and a half distance of
the breakers ; though in all proba-
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. IT. CH. VIII.
bility, if it bad been necesscary, we
might have ventured much nearer
without incurring the least danger.
At seven in the evening we came to
an anchor in thirty-three fathoms
muddy ground ; the south point of
the island bearing SE. by S., a re-
markable high part of the Island W.
by N., and the Island Sebaco E.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE next morning, after our coining
to an anchor, an officer was despatched
on shore to discover the watering-
place, who having found it, returned
before noon ; and then we sent the
long-boat for a load of water, and at
the same time we weighed and stood
farther in with our ships. At two
we came again to an anchor in twenty-
two fathoms, with a bottom of rough
gravel intermixed with broken shells,
the watering-place now bearing from
us NW. half N. , only three quarters
of a mile distant. This Island of
Quibo is extremely convenient for
wooding and watering ; for the trees
grow close to the high-water mark,
and a large rapid stream of fresh
water runs over the sandy beach into
the sea : so that we were little more
than two days in laying in all the
wood and water we wanted. . . .
Whilst the ship continued here at
anchor, the Commodore, attended by
some of his officers, went in a boat to
examine a bay which lay to the north-
ward ; and they afterwards ranged all
along the eastern side of the island.
And in the places where they put on
shore in the course of his expedition,
they generally found the soil to be ex-
tremely rich, andmetwith great plenty
of excellent water. In particular, near
the NE. point of the island they dis-
covered a natural cascade which sur-
passed, as they conceived, everything
of this kind which human art or
industry has hitherto produced. It
was a river of transparent water, about
forty yards wide, which ran down a
declivity of near 150 yards in length.
The channel it ran in was very irreg-
ular ; for it was entirely formed of
rock, both its sides and bottom being
made up of large detached blocks ;
and by these the course of the water
was frequently interrupted : for in
some places it ran sloping with a
rapid but uniform motion, while in
other parts it tumbled over the ledges
of rocks with a perpendicular descent.
All the neighbourhood of this stream
was a fine wood ; and even the huge
masses of rock which overhung the
water, and which, by their various
projections, formed the inequalities
of the channel, were covered with
lofty forest trees. Whilst the Com-
modore, and those who were with
him, were attentively viewing this
place, and remarking the different
blendings of the water, the rocks, and
the wood, there came in sight (as it
were with an intent still to heighten
and animate the prospect) a prodigious
flight of macaws, which, hovering
over this spot, and often wheeling and
playing on the wing about it, afforded
a most brilliant appearance by the
glittering of the sun on their varie-
gated plumage ; so that some of the
spectators cannot refrain from a kind
of transport when they recount the
complicated beauties which occurred
in this extraordinary water-fall.
In this expedition, which the boat
made along the eastern side of the
island, though they met with no in-
habitants, yet they saw many huts
upon the shore, and great heaps of
shells of fine mother-of-pearl scattered
up and down in different places.
These were the remains left by the
pearl fishers from Panama, who often
frequent this place in the summer
season ; for the pearl oysters, which
are to be met with everywhere in the
Bay of Panama, are so plenty at
Quibo, that by advancing a very little
way into the sea, you might stoop
down and reach them from the bottom.
They are usually very large, and out
of curiosity we opened some of them
with a view of tasting them, but we
found them extremely tough and un-
palatable. . . .
Though the pearl oyster was in-
1741.]
FROM QTJIBO TO THE COAST OF MEXICO.
capable of being eaten, yet the sea at
this place furnished us with another
dainty in the greatest plenty and per-
fection. This was the turtle, of which
we took here what quantity we pleased.
There are generally reckoned four
species of turtle, that is, the trunk
turtle, the loggerhead, the hawksbill,
and the green turtle. The two first
are rank and unwholesome ; the
hawksbill (which furnishes the tor-
toise-shell) is but indifferent food,
though better than the other two ;
but the green turtle is generally
esteemed, by the greatest part of those
who are acquainted with its taste, to
be the most delicious of all eatables ;
and that it is a most wholesome food
we are amply convinced by our own
experience. For we fed on this last
species, or the green turtle, for near
four months, and consequently, had
it been in any degree noxious, its ill
effects could not possibly have escaped
us. ...
In three days' time we had com-
pleted our business at this place, and
were extremely impatient to put to sea,
that we might arrive in time enough
on the coast of Mexico to intercept
the Manilla galleon. But the wind
being contrary detained us a night,
and the next day, when we got into
the ofh'ng (which we did through the
same channel by which we entered)
we were obliged to keep hovering
about the island in hopes of getting
sight of the Gloucester, which, as I
have in the last Chapter mentioned,
was separated from us on our first
arrival. It was the 9th of December,
in the morning, when we put to sea ;
and continuing to the southward of
the island, looking out for the Glou-
cester, we, on the 10th, at five in the
afternoon, discerned a small sail to
the northward of us, to which we
gave chase, and coming up with her
took her. She proved to be a bark
from Panama, bound to Cheripe, an
inconsiderable village on the contin-
ent, and was called the Jesu Nazer-
eno. She had nothing on board but
some oakum, about a ton of rock salt,
and between 30 and 40 in specie,
most of it consisting of small silver
95
money intended for purchasing a car-
go of provisions at Cheripe.
On the 1 2th of December we were
at last relieved from the perplexity
we had suffered by the separation of
the Gloucester ; for on that day she
joined us, and informed us that in
tacking to the southward, on our first
arrival, she had sprung her fore-top-
mast, which had disabled her from
working to windward, and prevented
her from joining us sooner. And now
we scuttled and sunk the Jesu Nazar-
eno, the prize we took last ; and hav-
ing the greatest impatience to get into
a proper station for the galleon, we
stood all together to the westward,
leaving the Island of Quibo (notwith-
standing all the impediments we met
with) in about nine days after our
first coming in sight of it.
CHAPTER IX.
ON the 12th of December we stood
from Quibo to the westward ; and the
same day the Commodore delivered
fresh instructions to the captains of
the men-of-war, and the commanders
of our prizes, appointing them the
rendezvous they were to make, and
the courses they were to steer in case
of a separation. And first they were
directed to use all possible despatch
in getting to the northward of the
harbour of Acapulco, where they were
to endeavour to fall in with the land
between the Latitudes of 18 and 19;
thence they were to beat up the coast,
at eight or ten leagues' distance from
the shore, till they came abreast of
Cape Corrientes, in the Latitude of
20 20'. "When they arrived there,
they were to continue cruising on that
station till the 14th of February ;
and then they were to proceed to the
middle island of the Tres Marias, in
the Latitude of 21 25', bearing from
Cape Corrientes NW. by N., twenty-
five leagues distant. And if at this
island they did not meet the Com-
modore, they were there to recruit
their wood and water, and then to
make the best of their way to the
ARSON'S VOYAGE HOUND THE WORLD. [B. II. On. IX.
Island of Macao, on the coast of
China. These orders being distri-
buted to all the ships, we had little
doubt of arriving soon upon our in-
tended station, as we expected, upon
increasing our offing from Quibo, to
fall in with the regular trade- wind.
But, to our extreme vexation, we
were baffled for near a month, either
with tempestuous weather from the
western quarter, or Avith dead calms
and heavy rains, attended with a
sultry air ; so that it was the 25th of
December before we got a sight of the
Island of Cocos, which, by our reck-
oning was only 100 leagues from the
continent ; and we had the mortifica-
tion to make so little way that we did
not lose sight of it again in five days.
This island we found to be in the
Latitude of 5 20' N. It has a high
hummock towards the western part,
which descends gradually, and at last
terminates in a low point to the east-
ward. From the Island of Cocos we
stood W. by N., and were till the
9th of January in running 100 leagues
more. We had at first flattered our-
selves that the uncertain weather and
western gales we met with were owing
.to the neighbourhood of the continent,
from which, as we got more distant,
we expected every day to be relieved
by falling in with the eastern trade-
wind. But as our hopes were so long
baffled, and our patience quite ex-
hausted, we began at length to de-
spair of succeeding in the great
purpose we had in view, that of
intercepting the Manilla galleon ;
and this produced a general dejection
amongst us, as we had at first con-
sidered this project as almost infal-
lible, and had indulged ourselves in
the most boundless hopes of the
advantages we should thence receive.
However, our despondency was at
last somewhat alleviated by a favour-
able change of the wind ; for on the
9th of January a gale for the first
time sprung up from the NE., and on
this wo took the Carmelo in tow, as
the Gloucester did the Carmen, making
all the sail we could to improve the
advantage, for we still suspected that
it was only a temporary gale, which
would not last long ; but the next
day we had the satisfaction to find
that the wind did not only continue
in the same quarter, but blew with so
much briskness and steadiness, that
we now no longer doubted of its be-
ing the true trade-wind. And as we
advanced apace towards our station,
our hopes began to revive, and our
former despair by degrees gave place
to more sanguine prejudices ; for
though the customary season of the
arrival of the galleon at Acapulco was
already elapsed, yet we were by this
time unreasonable enough to flatter
ourselves that some accidental delay
might, for our advantage, lengthen out
her passage beyond its usual limits.
When we got into the trade-wind,
we found no alteration in it till the
17th of January, when we were ad-
vanced to the Latitude of 12 50' ; but
on that day it shifted to the west-
ward of N. This change Ave imputed
to our having hauled up too soon,
though Ave then esteemed ourselves
full seventy leagues from the coast,
which plainly shows that the trade-
Avind does not take place but at a
considerable distance from the con-
tinent. After this the Avind Avas not
so favourable to us as it had been ;
however, Ave still continued to ad-
vance, and on the 26th of January,
being then to the northward of Aca-
pulco, Ave tacked and stood to the
eastward, with a view of making the
land. In the preceding fortnight we
caught some turtle on the surface
of the water, and several dolphins,
bonitos, and albicores. One day, as
one of the sail-makers' mates was
fishing from the end of the jib-boom,
he lost his hold, and dropped into the
sea ; and the ship, which was then
going at the rate of six or seven knots,
Avent directly over him. But, as Ave
had the Carmelo in tow, AVC instantly
called out to the people on board her,
Avho threw him over several ends of
ropes, one of Avhich ho fortunately
caught hold of, and tAvisting it round
his arm, they hauled him into the
ship Avithout his having received any
other injury than a wrench in his
arm, of Avhich he soon recovered.
1742.]
MISLED BY A LIGHT ON SHORE.
When, on the 26th of January, we
stood to the eastward, we expected by
our reckonings to have fallen in with
the land on the 28th ; but though the
weather was perfectly clear, we had no
sight of it at sunset, and therefore we
continued on our course, not doubting
but we should see it by the next morn-
ing. About ten at night we discov-
ered a light on the larboard - bow,
bearing from us NNE. The Trial's
prize, too, which was about a mile
ahead of us, made a signal at the
same time for seeing a sail ; and as
we had none of us any doubt but
what we saw was a ship's light, we
were all extremely animated with a
firm persuasion that it was the Manilla
galleon, which had been so long the
object of our wishes. And what added
to our alacrity was our expectation of
meeting with two of them instead of
one, for we took it for granted that
the light in view was carried in the
top of one ship for a direction to her
consort. We immediately cast off the
Carmelo, and pressed forward with all
our canvas, making a signal for the
Gloucester to do the same. Thus we
chased the light, keeping all our hands
at their respective quarters, under an
expectation of engaging in the next
half hour, as we sometimes conceived
the chase to be about a mile distant,
and at other times to be within reach
of our guns ; and some on board us
positively averred that besides the
light they could plainly discern her
sails. The Commodore himself was so
fully persuaded that we should be soon
alongside of her, that he sent for his
first lieutenant, who commanded be-
tween decks, and directed him to see all
the great guns loaded with two round-
shot for the first broadside, and afterthat
with one round-shot and one grape ;
strictly charging him, at the same time,
not to suffer a gun to be fired till he, the
Commodore, should give orders, which
he informed the lieutenant would not
be till we arrived within pistol-shot
of the enemy. In this constant and
eager attention we continued all night,
always presuming that another quarter
of an hour would bring us up with
this Manilla ship, whose wealth, with
hat of her supposed consort, we now
sstimated by round millions. But
when the morning broke, and day-
ight came on, we were most strangely
and vexatiously disappointed by find-
ing that the light which had occasioned
all this bustle and expectancy was
only a fire on the shore. Indeed, the
circumstances of this deception are so
extraordinary as to be scarcely cred-
ible ; for by our run during the night,
and the distance of the land in the
morning, there was no doubt to bo
made but this fire, when we first dis-
sovered it, was about twenty-five
Leagues from us : and yet I believe
there was no person on board who
doubted of its being a ship's light, or
of its being near at hand. It was,
indeed, upon a very high mountain,
and continued burning for sevei'al days
afterwards ; it was not a volcano, but
rather, as I suppose, stubble or heath set
on fire for some purpose of agriculture.
At sun-rising, after this mortifying
delusion, we found ourselves about
nine leagues off the land, which ex-
tended from the NW. to E. half N.
On this land we observed two remark-
able hummocks, such as are usually
called paps, which bore N. from us ;
these a Spanish pilot and two Indians,
who were the only persons amongst us
that pretended to have traded in this
part of the world, affirmed to be over
the harbour of Acapulco. Indeed, we
very much doubted their knowledge
of the coast ; for we found these paps
to be in the Latitude of 17 56', where-
as those over Acapulco are said to be
in 17 only ; and we afterwards found
our suspicions of their skill to be well-
grounded. 1 However, they were very
confident, and assured us that the
height of the mountains was itself an
infallible mark of the harbour ; the
coast, as they pretended (though falsely)
being generally low to the eastward
and westward of it.
And now, being in the track of the
Manilla galleon, it was a great doubt
with us (as it was near the end of
January) whether she was or was not
1 See Dampier's description of the
place, Chapter IX.
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cn.IX.
98
arrived. But, examining our prisoners
about it, they assured us that she was
sometimes known to come in after the
middle of February ; and they endea-
voured to persuade us that the fire we
had seen on shore was a proof that she
was as yet at sea, it being customary,
as they said, to make use of these fires
as signals for her direction when she
continued longer out than ordinary.
On this information, strengthened by
our propensity to believe them in a
matter which so pleasingly nattered
our wishes, we resolved to cruise for
her for some days ; and we accordingly
spread our ships at the distance of
twelve leagues from the coast, in such
a manner that it was impossible she
should pass us unobserved. However,
not seeing her soon, we were at inter-
vals inclined to suspect that she had
gained her port already ; and as we
now began to want a harbour to refresh
our people, the uncertainty of our pre-
sent situation gave us great uneasi-
ness, and we were very solicitous to get
some positive intelligence, which might
either set us at liberty to consult our
necessities, if the galleon was arrived,
or might animate us to continue on
our present cruise with cheerfulness,
if she was not. With this view the
Commodore, after examining our pri-
soners very particularly, resolved to
send a boat, under colour of the night,
into the harbour of Acapulco, to see
if the Manilla ship was there or not,
one of the Indians being very positive
that this might be done without the
boat itself being discovered. To exe-
cute this project, the barge was de-
spatched the 6th of February, with a
sufficient crew and two officers, who
took with them a Spanish pilot, and
the Indian who had insisted on the
practicability of this measure, and had
undertaken to conduct it. Our barge
did not return to us again till the llth,
when the officers acquainted Mr Anson
that, agreeable to our suspicion, there
was nothing like a harbour in the place
where the Spanish pilots had at first
asserted Acapulco to lie ; that, when
they had satisfied themselves in this
particular, they steered to the east-
ward in hopes of discovering it, and
had coasted along shore thirty-two
leagues ; that in this whole range
they met chiefly with sandy beaches
of a great length, over which the sea
broke Avith so much violence that it
was impossible for a boat to land ; that
at the end of their run they could just
discover two paps at a very great dis-
tance to the eastward, which from
their appearance and their latitude
they concluded to be those in the
neighbourhood of Acapulco ; but that,
not having a sufficient quantity of
fresh water and provision for their
passage thither and back again, they
were obliged to return to the Commo-
dore, to acquaint him with their dis-
appointment. On this intelligence we
all made sail to the eastward, in order
to get into the neighbourhood of that
port ; the Commodore resolving to
send the barge a second time upon the
same enterprise when we were arrived
within a moderate distance. And the
next day, which was the 12th of Feb-
ruary, we being by that time consider-
ably advanced, the barge was again
despatched, and particular instructions
given to the officers to preserve them-
selves from being seen from the shore.
On the 13th, we espied a high land to
the eastward, which we first imagined
to be that over the harbour of Acapulco;
but we afterwards found that it was
the high land of Seguateneo, 1 where
there is a small harbour of which we
shall have occasion to make more
ample mention hereafter. And now,
having waited six days without any
news of our barge, we began to be
uneasy for her safety ; but on the
seventh day, that is, on the 19th of
February, she returned. The officers
informed the Commodore that they had
discovered the harbour of Acapulco,
which they esteemed to bear from us
ESE. at least fifty leagues distant; that
on the 17th, about two in the morn-
ing, they were got within the island
that lies at the mouth of the harbour,
and yet neither the Spanish pilot nor
the Indian who were with them could
give them any information where they
1 Chequetan ; see Chapter XII.
1742.]
NEWS OF THE MANILLA GALLEON.
then were ; but that, while they were,
lying upon their oars in suspense what
to do, being ignorant that they were
then at the very place they sought for,
they discerned a small light upon the
surface of the water, on which they
instantly plied their paddles, and
moving as silently as possible towards
it, they found it to be in a fishing
canoe, which they surprised, with
three Negroes that belonged to it. It
seems the Negroes at first attempted
to jump overboard, and being so near
the land, they would easily have
swam on shore ; but they were pre-
vented by presenting a piece at them,
on which they readily submitted, and
were taken into the barge. The officers
further added, that they had imme-
diately turned the canoe adrift against
the face of a rock, where it would
inevitably be dashed to pieces by the
fury of the sea ; this they did to de-
ceive those who perhaps might be sent
from the town to search after the
canoe ; for, upon seeing several pieces
of a wreck, they would immediately
conclude that the people on board her
had been drowned, and would have
no suspicion of their having fallen into
our hands. When the crew of the
barge had taken this precaution, they
exerted their utmost strength in pull-
ing out to sea, and by dawn of day
had gained such an offing as rendered
it impossible for them to be seen from
the coast.
And now having got the three
Negroes in our possession, who were
not ignorant of the transactions at
Acapulco, we were soon satisfied about
the most material points which had
long kept us in suspense. And on
examination we found that we were
indeed disappointed in our expecta-
tion of intercepting the galleon be-
fore her arrival at Acapulco ; but we
learned other circumstances which
still revived our hopes, and which,
we then conceived, would* more than
balance the opportunity we had already
lost. For though our Negro pri-
soners informed us that the galleon
arrived at Acapulco on our 9th of
January, which was about twenty days
before we fell in with this coast, yet
they at the same time told us that the
galleon had delivered her cargo and
was taking in water and provisions
for her return, and that the Viceroy
of Mexico had by proclamation fixed
her departure from Acapulco to the
14th of March, N.S. This last news
was most joyfully received by us, as
we had no doubt but she must cer-
tainly fall into our hands, and as it
was much more eligible to seize her
on her return than it would have been
to have taken her before her arrival,
as the specie for which she had sold
her cargo, and which she would now
have on board, would be prodigiously
more to be esteemed by us than the
cargo itself, great part of which would
have perished on our hands ; and no part
of it could have been disposed of by us
at so advantageous a mart as Acapulco.
Thus we were a second time en-
gaged in an eager expectation of meet-
ing with this Manilla ship, which, by
the fame of its wealth, we had been
taught to consider as the most desir-
able prize that was to be met with in
any part of the globe. As all our
future projects will be in some sort
regulated with a view to the possession
of this celebrated galleon, and as the
commerce which is carried on by
means of these vessels between the
city of Manilla and the port of Aca-
pulco is perhaps the most valuable, in
proportion to its quantity, of any[in
the known world, I shall endeavour
in the ensuing Chapter to give as dis-
tinct an account as I can of all the
particulars relating thereto ; both as
it is a matter in which I conceive the
public to be in some degree interested,
and as I flatter myself that, from the
materials which have fallen into my
hands, I am enabled to describe it
with more distinctness than has hith-
erto been done, at least in our lan-
guage.
CHAPTER X. 1
THOUGH Spain did not [by the voyage
of Magellan] acquire the property of
1 The historical portion of this
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. II. Cir. X.
100
auy of the Spice Islands, yet the dis-
covery made, in his expedition, of the
Philippine Islands, was thought too
considerable to be neglected, for these
were not far distant from those places
which produced spices, and were very
well situated for the Chinese trade,
and for the commerce of other parts
of India ; and therefore a communica-
tion was soon established and care-
fully supported between these islands
and the Spanish colonies on the coast
of Peru. So that the city of Manilla
(which was built on the Island of
Luconia, the chief of the Philippines)
soon became the mart for all Indian
commodities, which were brought up
by the inhabitants, and were an-
nually sent to the South Seas to
be there vended on their account;
and the returns of this commerce to
Manilla being principally made in
silver, the place by degrees grew
extremely opulent and considerable,
and its trade so far increased as to
engage the attention of the Court
of Spain, and to be frequently
controlled and regulated by royal
edicts.
In the infancy of this trade, it was
carried on from the port of Callao to
the city of Manilla, in which voyage
the trade-wind continually favoured
them ; so that, notwithstanding these
places were distant between three and
four thousand leagues, yet the voyage
was often made in little more than
two months. But then the return
from Manilla was extremely trouble-
some and tedious, and is said to have
sometimes taken them up above a
twelvemonth, which, if they pretended
to ply up within the limits of the
trade-wind, is not at all to be won-
dered at ; and it is asserted that in
their first voyages they were so im-
prudent and unskilful as to attempt
this course. However, that route was
soon laid aside by the advice, as it is
said, of a Jesuit, who persuaded them
Chapter, relating to the old feud be-
tween the Spanish and Portuguese on
the score of their discoveries, and to
the origin of the trade, has been left
out.
to steer to the northward till they got
clear of the trade-winds, and then, by
the favour of the westerly winds,
which generally prevail in high lati-
tudes, to stretch away for the coast of
California. This has been the prac-
tice for at least 160 years past ; for
Sir Thomas Cavendish, in the year
1586, engaged off the south end of
California a vessel bound from Manilla
to the American coast. 1 And it was
in compliance with this new plan of
navigation, and to shorten the run
both backwards and forwards, that
the staple 2 of this commerce to and
from Manilla was removed from Callao,
on the coast of Peru, to the port of
Acapulco, on the coast of Mexico,
where it continues fixed at this time.
The trade carried on from Manilla
to China, and different parts of India,
is principally for such commodities
as are intended to supply the king-
doms of Mexico and Peru. These are,
spices ; all sorts of Chinese silks and
manufactures, particularly silk stock-
ings, of which I have heard that no
less than 50,000 pairs were the usual
number shipped on board the annual
ship ; vast quantities of Indian stuffs
as calicoes and chintzes, which are
much worn in America ; together with
other minuter articles as goldsmiths'
work, &c. , which is principally done
at the city of Manilla itself by the
Chinese; for it is said there are at
least 20,000 Chinese who constantly
reside there, either as servants, manu-
facturers, or brokers. All these dif-
ferent commodities are collected at
Manilla, thence to be transported an-
nually in one or more ships to the
port of Acapulco. But this trade to
Acapulco is not laid open to all the
inhabitants of Manilla, but is confined
by very particular regulations, some-
what analogous to those by which the
1 The Santa Anna, of 700 tons, the
Admiral of the South Seas, bearing a
cargo valued at 122,000 pesos. From
Cape St Lucas, after capturing the
Manilla ship, Cavendish sailed to the
Ladroncs in forty-five days.
2 The place of trade established by
decree or ordinance.
1742.] THE TRACK OF THE
trade of the register ships from Cadiz
to the West Indies is restrained. The
ships employed herein are found by
the King of Spain, who pays the offi-
cers and crew; and the tonnage is
divided into a certain number of bales,
all of the same size. These are dis-
tributed amongst the convents at Man-
illa, but principally to the Jesuits, as
a donation for the support of their
missions for the propagation of the
Catholic faith ; and these convents
have hereby a right to embark such a
quantity of goods on board the Manilla
ship as the tonnage of their bales
amounts to ; or, if they choose not to
be concerned in trade themselves, they
have the power of selling this privi-
lege to others. And as the merchants
to whom they grant their shares are
often unprovided of a stock, it is usual
for the convents to lend them consi-
derable sums of money on bottomry.
The trade is by the royal edicts limited
to a certain value, which the annual
cargo ought not to exceed. Some
Spanish manuscripts I have seen men-
tion this limitation to be 600,000 dol-
lars ; but the annual cargo does cer-
tainly surpass this sum ; and though
it may be difficult to fix its exact
value, yet from many comparisons I
conclude that the return cannot be
greatly short of 3,000,000 dollars.
This trade from Manilla to Acapulco
and back again is usually carried on
in one or at most two annual ships,
which set sail from Manilla about July,
arrive at Acapulco in the December,
January, or February following, and,
having there disposed of their effects,
return for Manilla some time in March,
where they generally arrive in June ;
so that the whole voyage takes up
very near an entire year. For this
reason, though there is often no more
than one ship employed at a time, yet
there is always one ready for the sea
when the other arrives ; and therefore
the commerce at Manilla are provided
with three or four stout ships, that,
in case of any accident, the trade may
not be suspended. The largest of
these ships, whose name I have not
learned, is described as little less than
one of our first-rate men-of-war, and
MANILLA GALLEON. 101
indeed she must bo of an enormous
size, for it is known, that when she
was employed with other ships from
the same port to cruise for our China
trade, she had no less than 1200 men
on board. Their other ships, though
far inferior in bulk to this, are yet
stout, large vessels, of the burthen of
1200 tons and upwards, and usually
carry from 350 to 600 hands, passen-
gers included, with fifty odd guns.
As these are all King's ships, com-
missioned and paid by him, there is
usually one of the captains who is
styled the General, and who carries
the royal standard of Spain at the
main -topgallant masthead.
The ship having received her cargo
on board, and being fitted for the sea,
generally weighs from the mole of
Cabite 1 about L the middle of July,
taking the advantage of the westerly
monsoon, which then sets in, to carry
them to sea. The getting through
the Boccadero 2 to the eastward must
be a troublesome navigation ; and, in
fact, it is sometimes the end of August
before they get clear of the land.
When they have got through this pass-
age, and are clear of the islands, they
stand to the northward of the east,
in order to get into the Latitude of
thirty odd degrees, when they expect
to meet with westerly winds, before
which they run away for the coast of
California. 3 It is most remarkable,
that by the concurrent testimony of
all the Spanish navigators, there is
not) one port, nor even a tolerable
road, as yet found out betwixt the
Philippine Islands and the coast of
California and Mexico ; so that from
the time the Manilla ship first loses
1 The port of Manilla, about two
leagues to the southward of the city.
2 Luzon, or Luconia, is separated
from Mindoro by the strait of that
name, about five miles broad ; and
from Samar by the "Embocadero de
San Bernardino," the common passage
for vessels navigating the Pacific on
their way to China.
3 Compare Dampier's account of
the navigation in Chapter IX.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.ILCu.X.
102
sight of land, she never lets go her
anchor till she arrives on the coast of
California, and very often not till she
gets to its southernmost extremity.
And therefore, as this voyage is rarely
of less than six months' continuance,
and the ship is deep laden with mer-
chandise and crowded with people, it
may appear wonderful how they can
be supplied with a stock of fresh water
for so long a time ; and indeed their
method of procuring it is extremely
singular. 1 . . .
The Manilla ship, having stood so
far to the northward as to meet with
a westerly wind, stretches away nearly
in the same latitude for the coast of
California ; and when she has run
into the Longitude of 96 from Cape
Espiritu Santo, she generally meets
with a plant floating on the sea, which,
being called porra? by the Spaniards,
is, I presume, a species of sea-leek.
On the sight of this plant they esteem
themselves sufficiently near the Cali-
fornian shore, and immediately stand
to the southward ; and they rely so
much on this circumstance, that on
the first discovery of the plant the
whole ship's company chant a solemn
Te Deum, esteeming the difficulties
and hazards of their passage to be
now at an end ; and they constantly
correct their longitude thereby, with-
out ever coming within sight of land.
After falling in with these signs, as
1 In allusion to the custom of the
Spaniards in the South Seas carrying
a great quantity of water jars hung on
the shrouds and stays of the vessel,
and in this way conserving the water
during the voyage. They depended
for a fresh supply on the rains which
fell, and whicli they caught in mats
hung all over the deck, from which
it was led into the jars by means of
split bamboos.
* " Puerro " is the Spanish for
leek; but "porra" is a word, though
generally used in a tropical sense,
sufficiently near the other to have
been quite honestly used in Anson's
time to serve the same meaning ; and
"porreta" signifies the green leaf of
onions or gaiiick.
they denominate them, they steer to
the southward, without endeavouring
to fall in with the coast till they have
run into lower latitude ; for as there
are many islands and some shoals
adjacent to California, the extreme
caution of the Spanish navigators
makes them very apprehensive of be-
ing engaged with the land. However,
when they draw near its southern ex-
tremity, they venture to haul in, both
for the sake of making Cape St Lucas
to ascertain their reckoning, and also
to receive intelligence from the Indian
inhabitants whether or no there are
any enemies on the coast ; and this
last circumstance, which is a par-
ticular article in the captain's in-
structions, makes it necessaiy to
mention the late proceedings of
the Jesuits amongst the Californian
Indians.
Since the first discovery of Cali-
fornia there have been various wan-
dering missionaries who have visited
it at different times, though to little
purpose ; but of late years the Jesuits,
encouraged and supported by a large
donation from the Marquis da Yalero,
a most munificent bigot, have fixed
themselves upon the place and have
established a very considerable mis-
sion. Their principal settlement lies
just within Cape St Lucas, where
they have collected a great number
of savages, and have endeavoured to
inure them to agriculture and other
mechanic arts. And their efforts
have not been altogether ineffectual ;
for they have planted vines at their
settlements with very good success,
so that they already make a consider-
able quantity of wine, resembling in
flavour the inferior sorts of Madeira,
which begins to be esteemed in the
neighbouring kingdom of Mexico. The
Jesuits, then, being thus firmly rooted
on California, they have already ex-
tended their jurisdiction quite across
the country from sea to sea, and are
endeavouring to spread their influence
farther to the northward, with which
view they have made several expedi-
tions up the gulf between California
and Mexico, in order to discover the
nature of the adjacent countries, ali
1742.] TREASURE CONVEYED
which, they hope hereafter to bring
under their power. And being thus
occupied in advancing the interests of
their Society, it is no wonder if some
share of attention is engaged about
the security of the Manilla ship, in
which their convents at Manilla are
so deeply concerned. For this pur-
pose there are refreshments, as fruits,
wine, water, &c., constantly kept in
readiness for her ; and there is besides
care taken at Cape St Lucas to look
out for any ship of the enemy which
might be cruising there to intercept
her; this being a station where she
is constantly expected, and where she
has been often waited for and fought
with, though generally with little
success. In consequence, then, of
the measures mutually settled between
the Jesuits of Manilla and their
brethren at California, the captain of
the galleon is ordered to fall in with
the land to the northward of Cape
St Lucas, where the inhabitants are
directed, on sight of the vessel, to
make the proper signals with fires ;
and on discovering these fires the cap-
tain is to send his launch on shore
with twenty men, well-armed, who
are to carry with them the letters
from the convents at Manilla to the
Californian missionaries, and are to
bring back the refreshments which
will be prepared for them, and like-
wise intelligence whether or no there
are any enemies on the coast. And
if the captain finds, from the account
which is sent him, that he has no-
thing to fear, he is directed to proceed
for Cape St Lucas, and thence to Cape
Corrientes ; after which he is to coast
it along for the port of Acapulco.
The most usual time of the arrival
of the galleon at Acapulco is towards
the middle of January ; but this
navigation is so uncertain that she
sometimes gets in a month sooner,
and at other times has been detained
at sea above a month longer. The
port of Acapulco is by much the
securest and finest in all the north-
ern parts of the Pacific Ocean ; being,
as it were, a basin surrounded with
very high mountains : but the town
is a most wretched place, and ex-
BY MANILLA GALLEON. 103
tremely unhealthy, for the air about
it is so pent up by the hills,
that it has scarcely any circulation.
The place is, besides, destitute of
fresh water, except what is brought
from a considerable distance ; and is
in all respects so inconvenient, that
except at the time of the mart, whilst
the Manilla galleon is in the port, it
is almost deserted. When the galleon
arrives in this port, she is generally
moored on its western side, and her
cargo is delivered with all possible
expedition. And now the town of
Acapulco, from almost a solitude, is
immediately thronged with merchants
from all parts of the kingdom of
Mexico. The cargo being landed and
disposed of, the silver and the goods
intended for Manilla are taken on
board, together with provisions and
water, and the ship prepares to put
to sea with the utmost expedition.
There is indeed no time to be lost ;
for it is an express order to the cap-
tain to be out of the port of Acapulco,
on his return, before the first day of
April, N.S.
And having mentioned the goods
intended for Manilla, I must observe
that the principal return is always
made in silver, and consequently the
rest of the cargo is but of little ac-
count ; the other articles, besides the
silver, being some cochineal, and a
few sweetmeats, the produce of the
American settlements, together with
European millinery ware for the wo-
men at Manilla, and some Spanish
wines, such as tent and sherry, which
are intended for the use of their
priests in the administration of the
sacrament. And this difference in
the cargo of the ship to and from
Manilla occasions a very remarkable
variety in the manner of equipping
the ship for these two different voy-
ages. For the galleon, when she sets
sail from Manilla, being deep laden
with a variety of bulky goods, has
not the conveniency of mounting her
lower tier of guns, but carries them
in her hold till she draws near Cape
St Lucas, and is apprehensive of an
enemy. Her hands, too, are as few
as is consistent with the safety of the
ANSON'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cn.X.
104
ship, that she may bo less pestered
with the stowage of provisions. But,
oil her return from Acapulco, as her
cargo lies in less room, her lower tier
is (or ought to be) always mounted
before she leaves the port ; and her
crew is augmented with a supply of
sailors, and with one or two com-
panies of foot, which are intended to
reinforce the garrison at Manilla.
And there being, besides, many mer-
chants who take their passage to
Manilla on board the galleon, her
whole number of hands on her return
is usually little short of six hundred,
all which are easily provided for by
reason of the small stowage necessary
for the silver.
The galleon being thus fitted for
her return, the captain, on leaving
the port of Acapulco, steers for the
Latitude of 13 or 14, and runs on
that parallel till he gets sight of the
Island of Guam, one of the Ladrones.
In this run the captain is particularly
directed to be careful of the shoals of
St Bartholomew, and of the Island of
Gasparico. 1 He is also told in his
instructions that, to prevent his pass-
ing the Ladrones in the dark, there
are orders given that through all the
month of June fires shall be lighted
every night on the highest part of
Guam and Rota, and kept in till the
morning. At Guam there is a small
Spanish garrison, (as will be more par-
ticularly mentioned hereafter) pur-
posely intended to secure that place
for the refreshment of the galleon, and
1 In Anson's Chart San Bartolomeo
is laid down as a considerable island,
in about Latitude 13 N., Longitude
159 E. The position nearly corre-
sponds with that of some of the smaller
islands, north of Torres, belonging to
the Caroline group. Gaspar Rico,
not shown in Anson's Chart, is in
about Latitude 12 30' N., Longitude
171 30' E. But the two islands
specially signalled out for caution
are no more than a speck among the
hundreds of isles which for fully thirty
degrees of longitude the Centurion
passed to the northward in her voyage
to the Ladrones.
to yield her all the assistance in their
power. However, the danger of the
road at Guam is so great, that though
the galleon is ordered to call there,
yet she rarely stays above a day or
two ; but getting her water and re-
freshments on board as soon as pos-
sible, she steers away directly for Cape
Espiritu Santo, on the Island of
Samal. 2 Here the captain is again
ordered to look out for signals ; and
he is told that sentinels will be posted
not only on that cape, but likewise
in Catanduanas, Butusan, Birribor-
ongo, and on the Island of Batan.
These sentinels are instructed to make
a fire when they discover the ship,
whicli the captain is carefully to ob-
serve. For if, after this first fire is
extinguished, he perceives that four
or more are lighted up again, he is
then to conclude that there are enemies
on the coast ; and on this he is im-
mediately to endeavour to speak with
the sentinel on shore, and to procure
from him more particular intelligence
of their force, and of the station they
cruise in ; pursuant to which he is to
regulate his conduct, and to endea-
vour to gain some secure port amongst
those islands, without coming in sight
of the enemy ; and in case he should
be discovered when in port, and should
be apprehensive of an attack, he is
then to land his treasure, and to take
some of his artillery on shore for its
defence, not neglecting to send fre-
quent and particular accounts to the
city of Manilla of all that passes.
But if, after the first fire on shore,
the captain observes that two others
only are made by the sentinels, he is
then to conclude that there is nothing
to fear ; and he is to pursue his course
without interruption, and to make the
best of his way to the port of Cabite,
\\hich is the port to the city of Man-
illa, and the constant station for all
the ships employed in this commerce
to Acapulco.
2 Or Samar ; an island of consi-
derable size, lying to the north of
Mindanao, about the centre of the
Archipelago, with its point farthest
advanced towards the east.
1742.]
I HAVE
RETURN OF ffHE BARGE FROM ACAPULCO. 1 05
order of it was thus : The Centurion
CHAPTER XI.
tlie
already mentioned in
ninth Chapter, that the return of our
barge from the port of Acapulco,
where she had surprised three Negro
fishermen, gave us inexpressible satis-
faction; as we learned from our pri-
soners that the galleon was then pre-
paring to put to sea, and that her
departure was fixed, by an edict of
the Viceroy of Mexico, to the 14th of
March N.S., that is, to the 3d of
March according to our reckoning.
What related to this Manilla ship
being the matter to which we were
most attentive, it was necessarily the
first article of our examination ; but
having satisfied ourselves upon this
head, we then indulged our curiosity
in inquiring after other news ; when
the prisoners informed us, that they
had received intelligence at Acapulco
of our having plundered and burned
the town of Paita ; and that on this
occasion the Governor of Acapulco had
augmented the fortifications of the
place, and had taken several precau-
tions to prevent us from forcing our
way into the harbour ; that in par-
ticular he had placed a guard on the
island which lies at the harbour's
mouth, and that this guard had been
withdrawn but two nights before the
arrival of our barge : so that had the
barge succeeded in her first attempt,
or had she arrived at the port the
second time two days sooner, she
could scarcely have avoided being
seized on, or if she had escaped it
must have been with the loss of the
greatest part of her crew, as she would
have been under the fire of the guard
before she had known her danger.
And now, on the 1st of March, we
made the high lands usually called
the paps, over Acapulco, and got with
all possible expedition into the situa-
tion prescribed by the Commodore's
orders. The distribution of our squad
ron on this occasion, both for the in-
tercepting the galleon and for the
avoiding a discovery from the shore,
was so very judicious that it wel"
merits to be distinctly described. The
>rought the paps over the harbour to
>ear NNE., at fifteen leagues' distance,
.vhich was a sufficient offing to pre-
sent our being seen by the enemy.
To the westward of the Centurion there
vas stationed the Carmelo, and to the
eastward were the Trial prize, the Glou-
cester, and the Carmen. These were
all ranged in a circular line, and each
ship was three leagues distant from
;he next ; so that the Carmelo and
;he Carmen, which were the two ex-
tremes, were twelve leagues distant
irorn each other. And as the galleon
ould without doubt be discerned at
six leagues' distance from either ex-
tremity, the whole sweep of our squad-
ron, within which nothing could pass
undiscovered, was at least twenty-four
Leagues in extent ; and yet we were
so connected by our signals as to
be easily and speedily informed of
what was seen in any part of the line.
And to render this disposition still
more complete, and to prevent even
the possibility of the galleon's escap-
ing us in the night, the two cutters
belonging to the Centurion and the
Gloucester were both manned and sent
in-shore, and were ordered to lie all day
at the distance of four or five leagues
from the entrance of the port, where,
by reason of their smallness, they
could not possibly be discovered ; but
in the night they were directed to
stand nearer to the harbour's mouth,
and, as the light of the morning came
on, they were to return back again to
their day posts. When the cutters
should first discover the Manilla ship
one of them was ordered to return to
the squadron, and to make a signal
whether the galleon stood to the east-
ward or to the westward ; whilst the
other was to follow the galleon at a
distance, and, if it grew dark, was to
direct the squadron in their chase by
showing false fires.
Besides the care we had taken to
prevent the galleon from passing by
us unobserved, we had not been in-
attentive to the means of engaging
her to advantage when we came up
with her ; for, considering the thin-
ness of our hands, and the vaunting
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.CH.Xf.
106
accounts given by the Spaniards of
her size, her guns, and her strength,
this was a consideration not to be
neglected. As we supposed that none
of our ships but the Centurion and
the Gloucester were capable of lying
alongside of her, we took on board
the Centurion all the hands belonging
to the Carmelo and the Carmen, ex-
cept what were just sufficient to navi-
gate those ships ; and Captain Saun-
ders was ordered to send from the
Trial prize ten Englishmen and as
many Negroes to reinforce the crew of
the Gloucester. And for the encour-
agement of our Negroes, of whom we
had a considerable number on board,
we promised them that on their good
behaviour they should all have their
freedom; and as they had been almost
every day trained to the management
of the great guns for the two preced-
ing months, they were very well quali-
fied to be of service to us ; and from
their hopes of liberty, and in return
for the usage they had met with
amongst us, they seemed disposed to
exert themselves to the utmost of their
power.
And now, being thus prepared for
the reception of the galleon, we ex-
pected with the utmost impatience
the so of ten -mentioned 3d of March,
the day fixed for her departure, And
on that day we were all of us most
eagerly engaged in looking out towards
Acapulco : and we were so strangely
prepossessed with the certainty of our
intelligence, and with an assurance of
her corning out of port, that some or
other on board us were constantly
imagining that they discovered one of
our cutters returning with a signal.
But to our extreme vexation both this
day anu. the succeeding night passed
over without any news of the galleon.
However, we did not yet despair, but
were all heartily disposed to flatter
ourselves that some unforeseen acci-
dent had intervened which might have
put off her departure for a few days ;
and suggestions of this kind occurred
in plenty, as we knew that the time
fixed by the Viceroy for her sailing
was often prolonged on the petition
of the merchants of Mexico, Thus
we kept up our hopes, and did no*
abate of our vigilance ; and as tho
7th of March was Sunday, the begin-
ning of Passion Week, which is ob-
served by the Papists with great strict-
ness and a total cessation from all
kinds of labour, so that no ship is
permitted to stir out of port during
the whole week, this quieted our ap-
prehensions for some days, and dis-
posed us not to expect the galleon till
the week following. On the Friday
in this week our cutters returned to
us, and the officers on board them
were very confident that the galleon
was still in port, for that she could
not possibly have come out but they
must have seen her. On the Monday
morning succeeding Passion Week
that is, on the 15th of March the
cutters were again despatched to their
old station, and our hopes were once
more indulged in as sanguine prepos-
sessions as before ; but in a week's
time our eagerness was greatly abated,
and a general dejection and despon-
dency took place in its room. It is
true there were some few amongst us
who still kept up their spirits, and
were very ingenious in finding out
reasons to satisfy themselves that the
disappointment we had hitherto met
with had only been occasioned by a
casual delay of the galleon, which a
few days would remove, and not by
a total suspension of her departure for
the whole season. But these specula-
tions were not relished by the gener-
ality of our people ; for they were
persuaded that the enemy had by
some accident discovered our being
upon the coast, and had therefore laid
an embargo on the galleon till the
next year. And indeed this persua-
sion was but too well founded ; for
we afterwards learned that our barge,
when sent on the discovery of the port
of Acapulco, had been seen from the
shore, and that this circumstance (no
embarkations but canoes ever fre-
quenting that coast) was to them a
sufficient proof of the neighbourhood
of our squadron ; on which they stop-
ped the galleon till the succeeding
year. . . .
When we had taken up the cutters,
1742.] IN THE HARBOUR
all the ships being joined, the Com-
modore made a signal to speak with
their commanders ; and upon inquiry
into the stock of fresh water remain-
ing on board the squadron, it was
found to be so very slender, that we
were under a necessity of quitting our
station to procure a fresh supply.
And consulting what place was the
properest for this purpose, it was
agreed that the harbour of Seguataneo
or Chequetan, being the nearest to us,
was on that account the most eligible ;
and it was therefore immediately re-
solved to make the best of our way
thither. And that, even while we
were recruiting our water, we might
not totally abandon our views upon
the galleon, which perhaps, upon cer-
tain intelligence of our being employed
at Chequetan, might venture to slip
out to sea, our cutter, under the com-
mand of Mr Hughes, the lieutenant
of the Trial prize, was ordered to
cruise off the port of Acapulco for
twenty-four days; that, if the gal-
leon should set sail in that inter-
val, we might be speedily informed
of it. In pursuance of these resolu-
tions, we endeavoured to ply to the
westward, to gain our intended port,
but were often interrupted in our pro-
gress by calms and adverse currents.
In these intervals we employed our-
selves in taking out the most valuable
part of the cargoes of the Carmelo and
Carmen prizes, which two ships we
intended to destroy as soon as we had
tolerably cleared them. By the 1st
of April we were so far advanced
towards Seguataneo, that we thought
it expedient to send out two boats,
that they might range along the coast,
and discover the watering-place. They
were gone some days, and, our water
being now very short, it was a parti-
cular felicity to us that we met with
daily supplies of turtle ; for had we been
entirely confined to salt provisions we
must have suffered extremely in so
warm a climate. Indeed, our present
circumstances were sufficiently alarm-
ing, and gave the most considerate
amongst us as much concern as any
of the numerous perils we had hitherto
encountered ; for our boats, as we
OF CHEQUETAN. 107
conceived by their not returning, had
not as yet discovered a place proper
to water at, and by the leakage of
our casks and other accidents we had
not ten days' water on board the whole
^uadron; so that, from the known
difficulty of procuring water on this
coast, and the little reliance we had
on the Buccaneer writers (the only
guides we had to trust to), we were
apprehensive of being soon exposed
to a calamity, the most terrible of any
in the long, disheartening catalogue of
the distresses of a sea-faring life.
But these gloomy suggestions were
soon happily ended ; for our boats
returned on the 5th of April, having
discovered a place proper for our
purpose about seven miles to the
westward of the rocks of Seguataneo,
which, by the description they gave
of it, appeared to be the port called by
Dampier the harbour of Chequetan.
The success of our boats was highly
agreeable to us ; and they were or-
dered out again the next day to sound
the harbour and its entrance, which
they had represented as very narrow.
At their return they reported the
place to be free from any danger ; so
that on the 7th we stood in, and that
evening came to an anchor in eleven
fathoms. The Gloucester came to an
anchor at the same time with us ; but
the Carmelo and the Carmen having
fallen to leeward, the Trial prize was
ordered to join them, and to bring
them in, which in two or three days
she effected. Thus, after a four
months' continuance at sea from the
leaving of Quibo, and having but six
days' water on board, we arrived in
the harbour of Chequetan.
CHAPTER XII.
THE harbour of Chequetan lies in the
Latitude of 17 36' K, and is about
thirty leagues to the westward of Aca-
pulco. It is easy to be discovered by
any ship that will keep well in with
the land, especially by such as range
down coast from Acapulco, and will
attend to the following particulars.
108 ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cii.XIII.
There is a beach of sand, which ex-
tends eighteen leagues from the har-
bour of Acapulco to the westward,
against which the sea breaks with
such violence that it is impossible to
land in any part of it ; but yet the
ground is so clean, that ships, in the
fair season, may anchor in great safety
at the distance of a mile or two from
the shore. The land adjacent to this
beach is generally low, full of villages,
and planted with a great number of
trees ; and on the tops of some small
eminences there are several look-out
towers, so that the face of the country
affords a very agreeable prospect. . . .
And on this occasion I cannot help
mentioning another adventure which
happened to some of our people in
the Bay of Petaplan, as it may help
to give the reader a just idea of the
temper of the inhabitants of this part
of the world. Some time after our
arrival atChequetan, Lieutenant Brett
was sent by the Commodore, with
two of our boats under his command,
to examine the coast to the eastward,
particularly to make observations on
the bay and watering-place of Peta-
plan. As Mr Brett, with one of
the boats, was preparing to go on
shore towards the hill of Petaplan,
he, accidentally looking across the
bay, perceived on the opposite strand
three small squadrons of horse par-
ading upon the beach, and seeming
to advance towards the place where
he proposed to land. On sight of
this, he immediately put off the boat,
though he had but sixteen men with
him, and stood over the bay towards
them ; and he soon came near enough
to perceive that they were mounted on
very sightly horses, and were armed
with carbines and lances. On seeing
him make towards them, they formed
upon the beach, and seemed resolved
to dispute his landing, firing several
distant shots at him as he drew near ;
till at last, the boat being arrived
within a reasonable distance of the
most advanced squadron, Mr Brett
ordered his people to fire, upon which
this resolute cavalry instantly ran in
groat confusion into the wood through
a small opening. In this precipitate
flight one of their horses fell down and
threw his rider ; but whether he was
wounded or not we could not learn,
for both man and horse soon got up
again and followed the rest into tho
wood. In the meantime the other
two squadrons, who were drawn up
at a great distance behind, out of the
reach of our shot, were calm specta-
tors of the rout of their comrades, for
they had halted on our first approach,
and never advanced afterwards. It
was doubtless fortunate for our people
that the enemy acted with so little
prudence, and exerted so little spirit ;
for had they concealed themselves till
our men had landed, it is scarcely
possible but the whole boat's crew
must have fallen into their hands, since
the Spaniards were not much short
of 200, and the whole number with
Mr Brett only amounted to sixteen.
However, the discovery of so consi-
derable a force collected in this Bay
of Petaplan obliged us constantly to
keep a boat or two before it ; for w(
were apprehensive that the cutter,
which we had left to cruise off Aca-
pulco, might on her return be sur-
prised by the enemy, if she did not
receive timely information of her
danger. . . .
CHAPTER XIII.
THE next morning after our coming
to an anchor in the harbour of Che-
qtietan, we sent about ninety of our
men well armed on shore, forty of
whom were ordered to march into the
country, as has been mentioned, and
the remaining fifty were employed to
cover the watering-place and to pre-
vent any interruption from the natives.
Here we completed the unloading of
the Carmelo and Carmen, which we had
begun at sea at least we took out of
them the indigo, cacao, and cochineal,
with some iron for ballast, which were
all the goods we intended to preserve,
though they did not amount to a
tenth of their cargoes. Here, too, it
was agreed after a mature consultation
to destroy the Trial's prize, as well as
1742.]
A FRENCHMAN SEIZED BY INDIANS.
109
the Carmelo and Carmen, whose fate
had been before resolved on. Indeed
the ship was in good repair and fit for
the sea ; but as the whole numbers on
board our squadron did not amount
to the complement of a fourth-rate
man-of-war, we found it was impos-
sible to divide them into three ships
without rendering them incapable of
navigating in safety in the tempestuous
weather we had reason to expect on
the coast of China, where we supposed
we should arrive about the time of the
change of the monsoons. These con-
siderations determined the Commodore
to destroy the Trial prize, and to re-
inforce the Gloucester with the greatest
part of her crew. And in consequence
of this resolve, all the stores en board
the Trial prize were removed into the
other ships; and the prize herself,
with the Carmelo and Carmen, were
prepared for scuttling with all the ex-
pedition we were masters of. But the
great difficulties we were under in lay-
ing in a store of water (which have
been already touched on), together
with the necessary repairs of our rig-
ging and other unavoidable occupa-
tions, took us up so much time, and
found us such unexpected employment,
that it was near the end of April be-
fore we were in a condition to leave
the place.
During our stay here there hap-
pened an incident which, as it proved
the means of convincing our friends
in England of our safety, which for
some time they had despaired of and
were then in doubt about, I shall beg
leave particularly to recite. I have
observed in the preceding Chapter
that from this harbour of Chequetan
there was but one pathway, which led
through the woods into the country.
This we found much beaten, and were
thence convinced that it was well
known to the inhabitants. As it passed
by the spring-head, and was the only
avenue by which the Spaniards could
approach us, we, at some distance be-
yond the spring-head, felled several
large trees, and laid them, one upon
the other across the path ; and at this
barricade we constantly kept a guard ;
and we, besides, ordered our men em-
ployed in watering to have their arms
ready, and, in case of any alarm, to
march instantly to this spot. And
though our principal intention was to
prevent our being disturbed by any
sudden attack of the enemy's horse,
yet it answered another purpose which
was not in itself less important this
was to hinder our own. people from
straggling singly into the country,
where we had reason to believe they
would be surprised by the Spaniards,
who would doubtless be extremely
solicitous to pick up some of them
in hopes of getting intelligence of our
future designs. To avoid this incon-
venience, the strictest orders were
given to the sentinels to let no person
whatever pass beyond their post. But,
notwithstanding this precaution, we
missed one Lewis Leger, who was the
Commodore's cook ; and as he was a
Frenchman, and suspected to be a
Papist, it was by some imagined that
he had deserted with a view of betray-
ing all that he knew to the enemy ;
but this appeared by the event to be
an ill-grounded surmise, for it was
afterwards known that he had been
taken by some Indians, who carried
him prisoner to Acapulco, whence he
was transferred to Mexico, and then
to Veru Cruz, where he was shipped
on board a vessel bound to Old Spain.
And the vessel being obliged by some
accident to put into Lisbon, Leger
escaped on shore, and was by the
British Consul sent thence to Eng-
land, where he brought the first au-
thentic account of the safety of the
Commodore, and of what he had done
in the South Seas. The relation he
gave of his own seizure was, that he
had rambled into the woods at some
distance from the barricade where he
had first attempted to pass, but had
been stopped and threatened to be
punished that his principal view was
to get a quantity of limes for his mas-
ter's store ; and that in this occupa-
tion he was surprised unawares by
four Indians, who stripped him naked,
and carried him in that condition to
Acapulco, exposed to the scorching
heat of the sun, which at that time
of the year shone with its greatest
110 ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.Cii.XIII.
violence. And afterwards at Mexico,
his treatment in prison was sufficiently
severe, and the whole course of his
captivity was a continued instance of
the hatred which the Spaniards bear
to all those who endeavour to disturb
them in the peaceable possession of
the coasts of the South Seas. Indeed,
Leger's fortune was, upon the whole,
extremely singular; for after the
hazards he had run in the Commo-
dore's squadron, and the severities he
had suffered in his long confinement
amongst the enemy, a more fatal dis-
aster attended him on his return to
England. For though, when he ar-
rived in London, some of Mr Anson's
friends interested themselves in re-
lieving him from the poverty to which
his captivity had reduced him, yet he
did not long enjoy the benefit of their
humanity, for he was killed in an in-
significant night brawl, the cause of
which could scarcely be discovered.
And here I must observe that
though the enemy never appeared in
sight during our stay in this harbour,
yet we perceived that there were large
parties of them encamped in the woods
about us ; for we could see their smokes,
and could thence determine that they
were posted in a circular line surround-
ing us at a distance ; and just before
our coming away they seemed, by the
increase of their fires, to have received
a considerable reinforcement.
Towards the latter end of April, the
unloading of our three prizes, our
wooding and watering, and, in short,
all our proposed employments at the
harbour of Chequetan were completed ;
so that on the 27th the Trial's prize,
the Carmelo and the Carmen all
which we here intended to destroy
were towed on shore and scuttled, and
a quantity of combustible materials
were distributed in their upper works ;
and next morning the Centurion and
the Gloucester weighed anchor, but as
there was but little wind, and that not
in their favour, they were obliged to
warp out of the harbour. When they
had reached the offing, one of the
boats was despatched back again to
set fire to our prize, which was ac-
cordingly executed. And a canoe was
left fixed to a grapnel in the middle
of the harbour, with a bottle in it
well corked, enclosing a letter to Mr
Hughes, who commanded the cutter
which was ordered to cruise before the
port of Acapulco when we came off
that station. And on this occasion I
must mention more particularly than
I have yet done the views of the
Commodore in leaving the cutter be-
fore that port.
When we were necessitated to make
for Chequetan to take in our water,
Mr Anson considered that our being
in that harbour would soon be known
at Acapulco ; and therefore he hoped,
that on the intelligence of our being
employed in port, the galleon might
put to sea, especially as Chequetan
is so very remote from the course
generally steered by the galleon. He
therefore ordered the cutter to cruise
twenty-four days off the port of Aca-
pulco; and her commander was di-
rected, on perceiving the galleon under
sail, to make the best of his way to
the Commodore at Chequetan. As
the Centurion was doubtless a much
better sailer than the galleon, Mr
Anson, in this case, resolved to have
got to sea as soon as possible, and to
have pursued the galleon across the
Pacific Ocean ; and supposing he
should not have met with her in his
passage (which, considering that he
would have kept nearly the same
parallel, was not very improbable) yet
he was certain of arriving off Cape
Espiritu Santo, on the Island of Samal,
before her ; and that being the first
land she makes on her return to th
Philippines, we could not have failed
to have fallen in with her by cruising
a few days in that station. But the
Viceroy of Mexico ruined this project
by keeping the galleon in the port of
Acapulco all that year.
The letter left in the canoe for Mr
Hughes, the commander of the cutter
(the time of whose return was now
considerably elapsed), directed him to
go back immediately to his former
station before Acapulco, where he
would find Mr Anson, who resolved
to cruise for him there for a certain
number of days ; after which it was
1742.]
DISAPPEARANCE OF A CUTTER.
Ill
added, that the Commodore would
return to the southward to join the
rest of the squadron. This last
article was inserted to deceive the
Spaniards, if they got possession of
the canoe (as we afterwards learned
they did), but could not impose on
Mr Hughes, who well knew that the
Commodore had no squadron to join,
nor any intention of steering back to
Peru.
Being now in the offing of Cheque-
tan, bound across the vast Pacific
Ocean in our way to China, we were
impatient to run off the coast as soon
as possible ; for as the stormy season
was approaching apace, and as we
had no further views in the American
seas, we had hoped that nothing
would have prevented us from stand-
ing to the westward the moment we
got out of the harbour of Chequetan.
And it was no small mortification to
us that our necessary employment
there had detained us so much longer
than we expected ; and now we were
further detained by the absence of
the cutter, and the standing towards
Acapulco in search of her. Indeed,
is the time of her cruise had been
jxpired for near a fortnight, we sus-
pected that she had been discovered
from the shore, and that the Gover-
nor of Acapulco had thereupon sent
out a force to seize her, which, as
she carried but six hands, was no
very difficult enterprise. However,
this being only conjecture, the Com-
modore as soon as he was got clear of
the harbour of Chequetan, stood
along the coast to the eastward in
search of her. And to prevent her
from passing by us in the dark, we
brought to every night, and the Glou-
cester, whose station was a league
within us towards the shore, carried
a light, which the cutter could not
but perceive if she kept along shore,
as we supposed she would do ; and
as a further security, the Centurion
and the Gloucester alternately showed
two false fires every half -hour.
By Sunday, the 2d of May, we were
advanced within three leagues of
Acapulco ; and having seen nothing
of our boat, we gave her over for lost,
which, besides the compassionate con-
cern for our shipmates, and for what
it was apprehended they might have
suffered, was in itself a misfortune
which in our present scarcity of hands
we were all greatly interested in.
For^the crew of the cutter, consisting
of six men and the lieutenant, were
the very flower of our people, pur-
posely picked out for this service,
and known to be, every one of them,
of tried and approved resolution, and
as skilful seamen as ever trod a deck.
However, as it was the general belief
among us that they were taken and
carried into Acapulco, the Commo-
dore's prudence suggested a project
which we hoped would recover them.
This was founded on our having
many Spanish and Indian prisoners
in our possession, and a number of
sick Negroes, who could be of no ser-
vice to us in the navigating of the
ship. The Commodore therefore
wrote a letter the same day to the
Governor of Acapulco, telling him
that he would release them all, pro-
vided ^ the Governor returned the
cutter's crew j and the letter was de-
spatched the same afternoon by a
Spanish officer, of whose honour we
had a good opinion, and whc vas
furnished with a launch belonging to
one of our prizes, and a crew of six
other prisoners, who all gave their
parole for their return. The officer,
too, besides the Commodore's letter,
carried with him a joint petition
signed by all the rest of the prisoners,
beseeching his Excellency to acquiesce
in the terms proposed for their liberty.
From a consideration of the number
of our prisoners, and the quality of
some of them, we did not doubt but
the Governor would readily comply
with Mr Anson's proposal ; and there-
fore we kept plying on and off the
whole night, intending to keep well
in^with the land, that we might re-
ceive an answer at the limited time,
which was the next day, being
Monday. But both on the Monday
and Tuesday we were driven so far
off shore that we could not hope to
receive any answer ; and on the "Wed-
nesday morning we found ourselves
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.II.CH.XIII.
112
fourteen leagues from the harbour of
Acapulco ; but, as the wind was now
favourable, we pressed forwards with
all our sail, and did not doubt of
getting in with the land in a few
hours.
Whilst we were thus standing in,
the man at the mast-head called out
that he saw a boat under sail at a
considerable distance to the south-
eastward. This we took for granted
was the answer of the Governor to
the Commodore's message, and we
instantly edged towards it ; but when
we drew nearer we found to our un-
speakable joy that it was our own
cutter. While she was still at a
distance, we imagined that she had
been discharged out of the port of
Acapulco by the Governor ; but
when she drew nearer, the wan and
meagre countenances of the crew, the
length of their beards, and the feeble
and hollow tone of their voices, con-
vinced us that they had suffered
much greater hardships than could
be expected from even the severities
of a Spanish prison. They were
obliged to be helped into the ship,
and were immediately put to bed ;
and with rest, and nourishing diet,
which they were plentifully supplied
with from the Commodore's table,
they recovered their health and
vigour apace. And now we learned
that they had kept the sea the whole
time of their absence, which was
above six weeks ; that when they
finished their cruise before Acapulco,
and had just begun to ply to the
westward in order to join the squad-
ron, a strong adverse current had
forced them down the coast to the
eastward in spite of all their efforts ;
that at length, their water being all
expended, they were obliged to search
the coast farther on to the eastward,
in quest of some convenient landing-
place, where they might get a fresh
supply ; that in this distress they
ran upwards of eighty leagues to lee-
ward, and found everywhere so large
a surf, that there was not the least
possibility of their landing ; that they
days in this dreadful
no other means left them to allay
their thirst than sucking the blood
of the turtle which they caught ; and
at last, giving up all hopes of relief,
the heat of the climate, too, aug-
menting their necessities, and render-
ing their sufferings insupportable,
they abandoned themselves to despair,
fully persuaded that they should
perish by the most terrible of all
deaths. But they were soon after
happily relieved by a most unex-
pected incident, for there fell so
heavy a rain, that by spreading their
sails horizontally, and by putting
bullets in the centre of them to draw
them to a point, they caught as much
water as filled all their casks ; imme-
diately upon this fortunate supply,
they stood to the westward in quest
of the Commodore ; and, being now
luckily favoured by a strong current,
they joined us in less than fifty hours
from the time they stood to the west-
ward, after having been absent from
us full forty-three days. Those who
have an idea of the inconsiderable
size of a cutter belonging to a sixty-
gun ship (being only an open boat
about twenty-two feet in length), and
who will attend to the various acci-
dents to which she was exposed dur-
ing a six weeks' continuance alone in
the open ocean, on so impracticable
and dangerous a coast, will readily
own that her return to us at last,
after all the difficulties whicli she
actually experienced, and the hazards
to which she was each hour exposed,
may be considered as little short of
miraculous. I cannot finish the
article of this cutter without remark-
ing how little reliance navigators
ought to have on the accounts of the
Buccaneer writers. For though, in
this run of hers eighty leagues to the
eastward of Acapulco, she found no
place where it was possible for a boat
to land, yet those writers have not been
ashamed to feign harbours and con-
venient watering-places within these
limits, thereby exposing such as
should confide in their relations to
the risk of being destroyed by thirst.
And now, having received our cut-
situation, without wate 1 :, and having j ter, the sole object of our coming a
1742.] RELEASE OF
second time before Acapulco, the
Commodore resolved not to lose a
moment's time longer, but to run off
the coast with the utmost expedition ;
both as the stormy season on the
coast of Mexico was now approaching
apace, and as we were apprehensive
of having the westerly monsoon to
struggle with when we came upon
the coast of China. And therefore
he no longer stood towards Acapulco,
as he now wanted no answer from the
Governor ; but yet he resolved not to
deprive his prisoners of the liberty
which he had promised them, so that
they were all immediately embarked
in two launches which belonged to
our prizes, those from the Centurion
in one launch, and those from the
Gloucester in the other. The launches
were well equipped with masts,
sails, and oars ; and, lest the wind
might prove unfavourable, they had
a stock of water and provisions
put on board them sufficient for four-
teen days. There were discharged
thirty-nine persons from on board the
Centurion, and eighteen from the
Gloucester, the greatest part of them
Spaniards, the rest Indians and sick
Negroes ; but as our crews were very
weak, we kept the Mulattoes and
some of the stoutest of the Negroes,
with a few Indians, to assist us, but
we dismissed every Spanish prisoner
whatever. 1 We have since learned
that these two launches arrived safe at
Acapulco, where the prisoners could
not enough extol the humanity with
which they had been treated ; and
that the Governor, before their arrival,
had returned a very obliging answer
to the Commodore's letter, and had
attended it with a present of two
boats laden with the choicest refresh-
ments and provisions which were to
be got at Acapulco ; but that these
boats, not having found our ships,
were at length obliged to put back
again after having thrown all their
PRISONERS.
113
1 "About four in the evening they
left us," says Thomas, " having first,
though enemies, observed the custom
of seafaring people at parting, and
wished us a prosperous voyage."
provisions overboard in a storm which
threatened their destruction.
The sending away our prisoners was
our last transaction on the American
coast, for no sooner had we parted
with them than we and the Gloucester
made sail to the SW., proposing to
get a good offing from the land, where
we hoped in a few days to meet with
the regular trade- wind, which the ac-
counts of former navigators had re-
presented as much brisker and steadier
in this ocean than in any other part
of the globe. For it has been es-
teemed no uncommon passage to
run from hence to the easternmost
parts of Asia in two months, and
we flattered ourselves that we were
as capable of making an expedi-
tious passage as any ships that had
ever run this course before us ; so
that we hoped soon to gain the coast
of China-, for which we were now
bound. And conformable to the gene-
ral idea of this navigation given by
former voyagers, we considered it as
free from all kinds of embarrassment
of bad weather, fatigue, or sickness :
and consequently we undertook it with
alacrity, especially as it was no con-
temptible step towards our arrival at
our native country, for which many
of us by this time began to have great
longings. Thus, on the 6th of May,
we for the last time lost sight of the
mountains of Mexico, persuaded that
in a few weeks we should arrive at the
River of Canton in China, where we
expected to meet with many English
ships and numbers of our countrymen,
and hoped to enjoy the advantages of
an amicable, well-frequented port, in-
habited by a polished people, and
abounding with the conveniences and
indulgences of a civilised life, bless-
ings which now for near twenty
months had never been once in our
power. 2
2 In the original, a Fourteenth
Chapter of Book II. is devoted to a
disquisition, entitled "Abrief Account
of what might have been expected
from our squadron had it arrived in
the South Seas in good time;" b^^
apart from the unprofitablene^^-i; our
1U
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.Cii.I.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
WHEN, on the 6tli of May 1742, we
left the coast of America, we stood to
the SW. with a view of meeting with
the NE. trade- wind, which the accounts
of former writers made us expect at
seventy or eighty leagues' distance
from the land. We had, besides, an-
other reason for standing to the south-
ward, which was the getting into the
Latitude of 13 or 14 N., that being
the parallel where the Pacific Ocean
is most usually crossed, and conse-
quently where the navigation is esteem-
ed the safest. This last purpose we
had soon answered, being in a day or
two sufficiently advanced to the south.
At the same time, we were also farther
from the shore than we had presumed
was necessary for falling in with the
trade-wind ; but in this particular we
were most grievously disappointed, for
the wind still continued to the west-
ward, or at best variable. As the
getting into the NE. trade was to us
a matter of the last consequence, we
stood more to the southward, and
made many experiments to meet with
it ; but all our efforts were for a long
time unsuccessful, so that it was seven
weeks from our leaving the coast be-
fore we got into the true trade-wind.
This was an interval in which we be-
lieved we should well nigh have reach-
ed the easternmost parts of Asia ; but
we were so baffled with the contrary
and variable winds which for all that
time perplexed us, that we were not
as yet advanced above a fourth part of
the way. The delay alone would have
been a sufficient mortification, but
cussing a probability subject to so
many "conditions that the Narrator
could not contemplate, it will appear
to the reader that quite enough has
been said, both in the opening Chap-
ter and throughout the whole narra-
tive, to show wherein and how the
situulron came short of its intents.
there were other circumstances attend-
ing it which rendered this situation
not less terrible, and our apprehen-
sions perhaps still greater, than in any
of our past distresses. For our two
ships were by this time extremely
crazy ; and many days had not passed
before we discovered a spring in the
foremast of the Centurion, which
rounded about twenty-six inches of
its circumference, and which was
judged to be at least four inches
deep. And no sooner had our car-
penters secured this with fishing it,
but the Gloucester made a signal
of distress ; and we learned that she
had a dangerous spring in her main-
mast twelve feet below the trussel-
trees, 1 so that she could not carry
any sail upon it. Our carpenters,
on a strict examination of this mast,
found it so very rotten and decayed
that they judged it necessary to
cut it down as low as it appeared to
have been injured, and by this it was
reduced to nothing but a stump,
which served only as a step to the
topmast. These accidents augmented
our delay and occasioned us great
anxiety about our future security, for
on our leaving the coast of Mexico the
sciirvy had begun to make its appear-
ance again amongst our people, though
from our departure from Juan Fernan-
dez we had till then enjoyed a most
uninterrupted state of health. We
too well knew the effects of this dis-
ease from our former fatal experience,
to suppose that anything but a speedy
passage could secure the greater part
of our crew from perishing by it ; and
as, after being seven weeks at sea,
there did not appear any reasons that
could persuade us we were nearer the
1 Or trestle-trees ; " two strong
pieces of timber placed horizontally
and fore-and-aft on opposite sides of a
mast-head, to support the cross-trees
and top, and also for the fid of tho
mast above to rest on."
1742.] APPEARANCE OF SCURVY AMONGST THE CREW. 115
trade- wind than when we first set out,
there was no ground for us to suppose
but our passage would prove at least
three times as long as we at first ex-
pected ; and consequently we had the
melancholy prospect either of dying
by the scurvy or perishing with the
ship for want of hands to navigate
her. Indeed some amongst us were
at first willing to believe that in this
warm climate, so different from what
we felt in passing round Cape Horn,
the violence of this disease and its
fatality might be in some degree miti-
gated, as it had not been unusual to
suppose that its particular virulence
in that passage was in a great measure
owing to the severity of the weather.
But the havoc of the distemper in our
present circumstances soon convinced
us of the falsity of this speculation,
as it likewise exploded some other
opinions which usually pass current
about the cause and nature of this
disease. 1 Our surgeon 2 (who, during
our passage round Cape Horn, had
ascribed the mortality we suffered to
the severity of the climate) exerted
himself in the present run to the
utmost, and at last declared that all
his measures were totally ineffectual,
1 Some observations on the general
medical treatment of the disease, and
on the effect of certain specifics tried
on some of the crew, have been here
omitted. Speaking of the scurvy,
Thomas strives to remove the prevalent
notion that it attacks none but the
lazy ; whereas experience in the voy-
age proved the direct contrary, the
most laborious, active, stirring per-
sons being oftenest seized with the
disease, and the continuance of their
labour, instead of curing, only helped
to kill them the sooner. Nor, he
adds, does the scurvy generally in-
cline people to indolence till it has
come to such a height that at the
least motion the sufferer is ready to
faint.
2 Mr Henry Ettrick, originally of
the Wager ; he succeeded Mr Thomas
Walter, the first surgeon of the Cen-
turion, who died off the coast of
Brazil.
and did not in the least avail his
patients. 3
When we reached the trade- wind,
and it settled between the north and
the east, yet it seldom blew with so
much strength but the Centurion
might have carried all her small sails
abroad with the greatest safety ; so
that now, had we been a single ship,
we might have run down our longi-
tude apace, and have reached the La-
drones soon enough to have recovered
great numbers of our men who after-
wards perished. But the Gloucester,
by the loss of her mainmast, sailed so
very heavily that we had seldom any
more than our topsails set, and yet
were frequently obliged to lie to for
her ; and, I conceive, that in the
whole we lost little less than a month
by our attendance upon her, in con-
sequence of the various mischances
she encountered. In all this run, it
was remarkable that we were rarely
many days together without seeing
great numbers of birds, which is a
proof that there are many islands, or
at least rocks, scattered all along at
no very considerable distance from
our track. 4 Some indeed there are
3 About the middle of June, Thomas
remarks that abundance of scorbutic
symptoms, such as blackness in the
skin, hard nodes in the flesh, short-
ness of breath, and a general lassitude
and weakness of all the parts, began
to prevail almost universally among
the people. Towards the end of July
he writes: "About this time our
people began to die very fast, and I
believe above five parts out of six of
the ship's company were ill and ex-
pected to follow in a short time.
Those whose breath was anyways af-
fected, dropped off immediately ; but
those who were attacked first in the
more remote parts of the body, lan-
guished generally a month or six
weeks, the distemper advancing in the
meantime towards the lungs by a very
regular and sensible approach."
4 More recent discoveries have fully
borne out this sagacious conjecture.
Thomas records, early in July : "We
had, not only now, but for almost our
116
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.Cu.I.
marked in Spanish charts ; but the
frequency of the birds seems to evince
that there are many more than have
been hitherto discovered ; for the
greatest part of the birds, we ob-
served, were such as are known to
roost on shore ; and the manner of
their appearance sufficiently made out
that they came from some distant
haunt every morning, and returned
thither again in the evening ; for we
never saw them early or late, and the
hour of their arrival and departure
gradually varied, which we supposed
was occasioned by our running nearer
their haunts or getting farther from
them.
The trade-wind continued to favour
us without any fluctuation from the
end of June till towards the end of
July. But on the 26th of July,
whole passage, abundance of birds of
prey, also flying fish, which are their
proper food, and vast quantities of
skip-jacks, albicores, &c., whereof we
took a great number, which contri-
buted much to our refreshment after
the loss of the tortoises, that gene-
rally leave all ships about twenty or
thirty leagues off the land. I think
this the more worthy of notice, be-
cause Dampier, Rogers, Cook, Cowley,
and most other voyagers, some of
whom have been not only once, but
several times on this voyage, have
reported that they never saw a fish
or fowl in this whole run. For my
part, I readily believe and conclude,
that this difference in our observa-
tions and accounts is really occasioned
by the different seasons of the year in
which we happened to perform this
passage ; it being a known truth, and
confirmed by the experience of thou-
sands in all ages, that most fish have
their different seasons for their differ-
ent rendezvouses. The 10th, we saw
three gannets, or, as they call them
in Scotland, solan geese, being, by
what I can learn from the most in-
telligent of that nation whom I have
conversed with, and who often have
opportunity to observe them in several
different parts, of one and the same
species."
being then, as we esteemed, about
300 leagues distant from the La-
drones, we met with a westerly wind,
which did not come about again to
the eastward in four days' time. This
was a most dispiriting incident, as it
at once damped all our hopes of speedy
relief, especially, too, as it was at-
tended with a vexatious accident to
the Gloucester ; for in one part of
these four days the wind flattened to
a calm, and the ships rolled very deep,
by which means the Gloucester's fore-
cap split, and her topmast came by
the board and broke her foreyard
direcjtly in the slings. 1 As she was
hereby rendered incapable of mak-
ing any sail for some time, we were
obliged, as soon as a gale sprung up, to
take her in tow ; and near twenty of
the healthiest and ablest of our seamen
were taken from the business of our
own ship, and were employed for eight
or ten days together on board the Glou-
cester in repairing her damages. But
these things, mortifying as we thought
them, were but the beginning of our
disasters ; for scarce had our people
finished their business in the Glouces-
ter, before we met with a most violent
storm in the western board, which
obliged us to lie to. In the begin-
ning of this storm our ship sprung a
leak, and let in so much water, that
all our people, officers included, were
employed continually in working the
pumps. And the next day we had
the vexation to see the Gloucester
1 Anson records in his Official Re-
port : "On the 15th of June the
Gloucester found her mainmast sprung
at the head, which, upon examina-
tion, was discovered to be entirely
rotten. On the 29th of July the
Gloucester carried away her foretop-
mast and foreyard. My ship's com-
pany are now miserably afflicted with
the scurvy, the ship very leaky, the
men and officers that were well being
only able to make one spell at the
pump." "This is all," observes Sir
John Barrow, "that Anson says of
the second attack of this afflicting
malady ; but, coming from the Com-
modore, it speaks volumes!"
1742.]
with her topmast once more by the
board ; and whilst we were viewing
her with great concern for this new
distress, we saw her maintop-mast,
which had hitherto served as a jury
mainmast, share the same fate. This
completed our misfortunes, and ren-
dered them without resource ; for we
knew the Gloucester's crew were so
few and feeble that without our assist-
DISTRESS OF THE GLOUCESTER. 117
a leak by the sternpost being loose
and working with every roll of the
ship, and by two beams amidships
being broken in the orlop, no part of
which the carpenters reported was
possible to be repaired at sea ; that
both officers and men had worked
twenty -four hours at the pump with-
out intermission, and were at length
so fatigued that they could continue
ance they could not be relieved ; and
our sick were now so far increased,
and those that remained in health so
continually fatigued with the addi-
tional duty of our pumps, that it was
impossible for us to lend them any
aid. Indeed we were not as yet fully
apprised of the deplorable situation
of the Gloucester's crew ; for when
the storm abated (which during its
continuance prevented all communi-
cation with them) the Gloucester bore
up under our stern, and Captain
Mitchel informed the Commodore
that besides the loss of his masts,
which was all that had appeared to
us, the ship had then no less than
seven feet of water in her hold, al-
though his officers and men had been
kept constantly at the pump for the
last twenty-four hours.
This last circumstance was indeed
a most terrible accumulation to the
other extraordinary distresses of the
Gloucester, and required, if possible,
the most speedy and vigorous assist-
ance, which Captain Mitchel begged
the Commodore to send him. But
the debility of our people, and our
own immediate preservation, rendered
it impossible for the Commodore to
comply with his request. All that
could be done was to send our boat
on board for a more particular condi-
tion of the ship ; and it was soon sus-
pected that the taking her people on
board us, and then destroying her,
was the only measure that could be
prosecuted in the present emergency,
Doth for the security of their lives
and of our own. Our boat soon re-
turned with a representation of the
state of the Gloucester, and of her
several defects, signed by Captain
Mitchel and all his officers ; by
which it appeared that *Le had sprang
their labour no longer, but had been
forced to desist, with seven feet of
water in the hold, which covered their
casks, so that they could neither come
at fresh water nor provision ; that
they had no mast standing except the
foremast, the mizzenmast, and the
mizzentop-mast, nor had they any
spare masts to get up in the room of
those they had lost ; that the ship
was besides extremely decayed in
every part, for her knees and clamps
were all worked quite loose, and her
upper works in general were so loose
that the quarter-deck was ready to
drop down ; and that her crew was
greatly reduced, for there remained
alive on board her no more than
seventy -seven men, eighteen boys,
and two prisoners, officers included ;
and that of this whole number only
sixteen men and eleven boys were cap-
able of keeping the deck, and several
of these very infirm.
The Commodore, on the perusal of
this melancholy representation, pre-
sently ordered them a supply of water
and provisions, of which they seemed
to be in immediate want, and at the
same time sent his own carpenter on
board them to examine into the truth
of every particular ; and it being
found, on the strictest inquiry, that
the preceding account was in no in-
stance exaggerated, it plainly appeared
that there was no possibility of pre-
serving the Gloucester any longer, as
her leaks were irreparable, and the
united hands on board both ships, cap-
able of working, would not be able to
free her, even if our own ship should
not employ any part of them. What
then could be resolved on, when it
was the utmost we ourselves could do
to manage our own pumps ? Indeed,
there was no room for deliberation ;
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.Cn.L
118
the only step to be taken was the saving
the lives of the few that remained on
board the Gloucester, and getting out
of her as much as was possible before
she was destroyed. And therefore the
Commodore immediately sent an order
to Captain Mitchel, as the weather
was now calm and favourable, to send
his people on board the Centurion as
expeditiously as he could, and to take
out such stores as he could get at
whilst the ship could be kept above
water. And as our leak required
less attention whilst the present easy
weather continued, we sent our boats,
with as many men as we could spare,
to Captain Mitchel's assistance.
The removing the Gloucester's
people on board us, and the getting
out such stores as could most easily
be come at, gave us full employment
for two days. Mr Anson was ex-
tremely desirous to have got two of
her cables and an anchor, but the ship
rolled so much, and the men were so
excessively fatigued, that they were
incapable of effecting it ; nay, it was
even with the greatest difficulty that
the prize-money which the Gloucester
had taken in the South Seas was se-
cured and sent on board the Centurion.
However, the prize-goods on board
her, which amounted to several thou-
sand pounds in value, and were prin-
cipally the Centurion's property, were
entirely lost ; nor could any more
provision be got out than five casks
of flour, three of which were spoiled
by the salt water. Their sick men,
amounting to near seventy, were re-
moved into boats with as much care
as the circumstances of that time
would permit ; but three or four of
them expired as they were hoisting
them into the Centurion.
It was the 15th of August, in the
evening, before the Gloucester was
cleared of everything that was pro-
posed to be removed ; and though the
hold was now almost full of water,
yet as the carpenters were of opinion
that she might still swim for some
time if the calm should continue and
the water become smooth, she was set
on fire ; for we knew not how near we
might now be to the Island of Guam,
which was in the possession of our
enemies, and the wreck of such a ship
would have been to them no con-
temptible acquisition. When she was
set on fire, Captain Mitchel and his
officers left her, and came on board
the Centurion ; and we immediately
stood from the wreck, not without
some apprehensions (as we had now
only a light breeze) that, if she blew
up soon, the concussion of the air
might damage our rigging ; but she
fortunately burned, though very
fiercely, the whole night, her guns fir-
ing successively as the flames reached
them. And it was six in the morn-
ing, when we were about four leagues
distant, before she blew up ; the report
she made upon this occasion was but
a small one, but there was an exceed-
ing black pillar of smoke, which shot
up into the air to a very considerable
height. Thus perished his Majesty's
ship the Gloucester. . . .
The 23d, at daybreak, we were
cheered with the discovery of two
islands in the western board. This
gave us all great joy, and raised our
drooping spirits ; for before this a
universal dejection had seized us, and
we almost despaired of ever seeing
land again. The nearest of these
islands we afterwards found to be
Anatacan. We judged it to be full
fifteen leagues from us, and it seemed
to be high land, though of an indiffer-
ent length. The other was the Island
of Serigan, and had rather the appear-
ance of a high rock than a place we
could hope to anchor at. We were
extremely impatient to get in with
the nearest island, where we expected
to meet with anchoring ground, and
an opportunity of refreshing our sick;
but the wind proved so variable all
day, and there was so little of it, that
we advanced towards it but slowly.
However, by the next morning we
were got so far to the westward that
we were in view of a third island,
which was that of Paxaros, though
marked in the chart only as a rock.
This was small and very low land,
and we had passed within less than a
mile of it in the night without seeing
it. And now at noon, being within
1742.] ISLAND OF
four miles of the Island of Anatacan,
the boat was sent away to examine
the anchoring ground and the produce
of the place ; and we were not a little
solicitous for her return, as we then
conceived our fate to depend upon
the report we should receive ; for the
other two islands were obviously
enough incapable of furnishing us
with any assistance, and we knew not
then that there were any others which
we could reach. In the evening the
boat came back, and the crew informed
us that there was no place for a ship
to anchor, the bottom being every-
where foul ground, and all, except
one small spot, not less than fifty
fathoms in depth ; that on that spot
there was thirty fathoms, though not
above half-a-mile from the shore ; and
that the bank was steep and could not
be depended on. They further told
us that they had landed on the island,
but with some difficulty, on account
of the greatness of the swell ; that
they found the ground was everywhere
covered with a kind of cane or rush ;
but that they met with no water, and
did not believe the place to be in-
habited, though the soil was good,
and abounded with groves of cocoa-
nut trees.
This account of the impossibility of
anchoring at this island occasioned a
general melancholy on board, for we
considered it as little less than the
prelude to our destruction ; and our
despondency was increased by a dis-
appointment we met with the suc-
ceeding night ; for, as we were plying
under topsails, with an intention of
getting nearer to the island and of
sending our boat on shore to load with
cocoa-nuts for the refreshment of our
sick, the wind proved squally, and
blew so strong off shore that we were
driven so far to the southward that
we dared not to send off our boat.
And now the only possible circum-
stance that could secure the few that
remained alive from perishing was the
accidental falling in with some other
of the Ladrone Islands better pre-
pared for our accommodation ; and
as our knowledge of these islands was
extremely imperfect, we were to trust
ANATACAN. 119
entirely to chance for our guidance ;
only, as they are all of them usually
laid down near the same meridian,
and we had conceived those we had
already seen to be part of them, we
concluded to stand to the southward
as the most probable means of falling
in with the next. Thus, with the
most gloomy persuasion of our ap-
proaching destruction, we stood from
the Island of Anatacan, having all of
us the strongest apprehensions (and
those not ill founded) either of dying
of the scurvy or of perishing with the
ship, which, for want of hands to
work her pumps, might in a short
time be expected to founder.
CHAPTER II.
IT was the 26th of August 1742, in
the morning, when we lost sight of
Anatacau. The next morning we dis-
covered three other islands to the
eastward, which were from ten to
fourteen leagues from us. These were,
as we afterwards learned, the islands
of Saypan, Tinian, and Aguigan. We
immediately steered towards Tinian,
which was the middlemost of the
three ; but had so much of calms and
light airs, that though we were helped
forwards by the currents, yet next
day at daybreak we were at least five
leagues distant from it. However,
we kept on our course, and about ten
in the morning we perceived a proa
under sail to the southward, between
Tinian and Aguigan. As we imagined
from hence that these islands were
inhabited, and knew that the Span-
iards had always a force at Guam, we
took the necessary precautions for our
own security and for preventing the
enemy from taking advantage of our pre-
sent wretched circumstances, of which
they would be sufficiently informed by
the manner of our working the ship. We
therefore mustered all our hands who
were capable of standing to their arms,
and loaded our upper and quarter deck
guns with grape shot ; and that we
might the more readily procure some
intelligence of the state of these islands,
120 AKSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.I1I.CH.II.
we showed Spanish colours and hoisted | here, the Spaniards at Guam made
a red flag at the foretop-mast head, to
give our ship the appearance of the
Manilla galleon, hoping thereby to
decoy some of the inhabitants on board
us. Thus preparing ourselves, and
standing towards the land, we were
near enough at three in the afternoon
to send the cutter in-shore to find out
a proper berth for the ship ; and we
soon perceived that a proa came off
the shore to meet the cutter, fully
persuaded, as we afterwards found,
that we were the Manilla ship. As
we saw the cutter returning back with
the proa in tow, we immediately sent
the pinnace to receive the proa and
the prisoners, and to bring them on
board, that the cutter might proceed
on her errand. The pinnace came
back with a Spaniard and four In-
dians, 1 who were the people taken in
the proa. The Spaniard was imme-
diately examined as to the produce
and circumstances of this Island of
Tinian, and his account of it surpassed
even our most sanguine hopes ; for he
informed us that it was uninhabited,
which, in our present defenceless con-
dition, was an advantage not to be
despised, especially as it wanted but
few of the conveniences that could be
expected in the most cultivated coun-
trv ; for he assured us that there was
great plenty of very good water, and
that there were an incredible number
of cattle, hogs, and poultry running
wild on the island, all of them excel-
lent in their kind ; that the woods
produced sweet and sour oranges,
limes, lemons, and cocoa-nuts in great
plenty, besides a fruit peculiar to these
islands (called by Dampier bread-
fruit 2 ) ; that, from the quantity and
goodness of the provisions produced
1 Thomas says : " One of those In-
dians was a carpenter by trade, and
his father was one of the principal
builders at Manilla. This young man
having been ill used by the Governor
at Guam, voluntarily entered with us,
and became one of our carpenter's
crew, and proved a very useful handy
fellow."
In Chapter X.
use of it as a store for supplying the
garrison ; that he himself was a ser-
geant of that garrison, and was sent
here with twenty-two Indians to jerk
beef, which he was to load for Guam
on board a small bark of about fifteen
tons, which lay at anchor near the
shore.
This account was received by us
with inexpressible joy. Part of it we
were ourselves able to verify on the
spot, as we were by this time near
enough to discover several numerous
herds of cattle feeding in different
places of the island ; and we did not
anyways doubt the rest of his rela-
tion, as the appearance of the shore
prejudiced us greatly in its favour,
and made us hope that not only our
necessities might be there fully re-
lieved and our diseased recovered, but
that, amidst those pleasing scenes
which were then in view, we might
procure ourselves some amusement
and relaxation after the numerous
fatigues we had undergone. For the
prospect of the country did by no
means resemble that of an uninhabit-
ed arid uncultivated place, but had
much more the air of a magnificent
plantation, where large lawns and
stately woods had been laid out to-
gether with great skill, and where the
whole had been so artfully combined,
and so judiciously adapted to the
slopes of the hills and the inequalities
of the ground, as to produce a most
striking effect, and to do honour to
the invention of the contriver. Thus
(an. event not unlike what we had
already seen) we were forced upon the
most desirable and salutary measures
by accidents which at first sight we
considered as the greatest of misfor-
tunes ; for had we not been driven by
the contrary winds and currents to
the northward of our course (a circum-
stance which at that time gave us the
most terrible apprehensions), woshould
probability never have arrived
at this delightful island, and conse-
quently we should have missed that
place where alone all our wants could
be most amply relieved, our sick re-
covered, and our enfeebled crew once
1742.]
THE ISLAND OF
121
more refreshed and enabled to put
again to sea.
The Spanish sergeant, from whom
we received the account of the island,
having informed us that there were
some Indians on shore under his com-
mand employed in jerking beef, and
that there was a bark at anchor to
take it on board, we were desirous if
possible to prevent the Indians from
escaping, who doubtless would have
given the Governor of Guam intelli-
gence of our arrival ; and we therefore
immediately despatched the pinnace
to secure the bark, which the ser-
geant told us was the only embarka-
tion on the place. And then, about
eight in the evening, we let go our
anchor, in twenty-two fathoms, and
though it was almost calm, and what-
ever vigour and spirit was to be found
on board was doubtless exerted to the
utmost onthispleasingoccasion, when,
after having kept the sea for some
months, we were going to take posses-
sion of this little paradise, yet we were
full five hours in furling our sails. It
is true, we were somewhat weakened
by the crews of the cutter and pin-
nace which were sent on shore ; but
it is not less true that, including those
absent with the boats and some Negro
and Indian prisoners, all the hands
we could muster capable of standing
at a gun amounted to no more than
seventy-one, most of which number
too were incapable of duty ; but on the
greatest emergencies this was all the
force we could collect, in our present
enfeebled condition, from the united
crews of the Centurion, the Glouces-
ter, and the Trial, which, when we
departed from England, consisted al-
together of near 1000 hands.
When we had furled our sails, the
remaining part of the night was allow-
ed to our people for their repose, to
recover them from the fatigue they
had undergone ; and in the morning
a party was sent on shore well-armed,
of which I myself was one, to make
ourselves masters of the landing-place,
as we were not certain what opposition
might be made by the Indians on the
island. We landed without difficulty,
*gr the Indians having perceived, by
our seizure of the bark the night before,
that we were enemies, they immedi-
ately fled into the woody parts of the
island. We found on shore many huts
which they had inhabited, and which
saved us both the time and trouble of
erecting tents. One of these huts,
which the Indians made use of for a
store-house, was very large, being
twenty yards long and fifteen broad ;
this we immediately cleared of some
bales of jerked beef which we found
in it, and converted it into an hospital
for our sick, who, as soon as the place
was ready to receive them, were brought
on shore, being in all 128. Numbers
of these were so very helpless, that
we were obliged to carry them from
the boats to the hospital upon our
shoulders, in which humane employ-
ment (as before at Juan Fernandez)
the Commodore himself and every one
of his officers were engaged without
distinction ; l and, notwithstanding the
great debility and other dying aspects
of the greatest part of our sick, it is
almost incredible how; soon they began
to feel the salutary influence of the
land. For though we buried twenty-
one men on this and the preceding
day, (yet we did not lose above ten men
more during our whole two months'
stay here ; and in general our diseased
received so much benefit from the
fruits of the island, particularly the
fruits of the acid kind, that in a week's
time there were but few who were not
so far recovered as to be able to move
about without help.
This island [of Tinian] lies in Lati-
tude 50 8' N., and Longitude from
Acapulco 114 50' W. Its length is
about twelve miles, and its breadth
about half as much ; it extending
from the SSW. to NNE. The soil
is everywhere dry and healthy, and
somewhat sandy, which, being less
disposed than other soils to a rank
1 "And indeed," says Thomas,
"they were almost the only persons
on board capable of performing this
service ; the healthiest seamen being
so much enfeebled, that they had
but just strength enough left to help
themselves."
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.Cii.11.
122
and over-luxuriant vegetation, occa-
sions the meadows and the bottoms
of the woods to be much neater and
smoother than is customary in hot
climates. The land rises by easy
slopes, from the very beach where we
watered, to the middle of the island ;
though the general course of its ascent
is often interrupted and traversed by
gentle descents and valleys ; and the
inequalities that are formed by the
different combinations of these grad-
ual swellings of the ground are most
beautifully diversified with large lawns,
which are covered with a very fine
trefoil, intermixed with a variety of
flowers, and are skirted by woods of
tall and well-spread trees, most of
them celebrated either for their aspect
or their fruit. The turf of the lawns
is quite clean and even, and the bot-
toms of the woods in many places clear
of all bushes and underwoods ; and
the woods themselves usually termi-
nate on the lawns with a regular out-
line, not broken nor confused with
straggling trees, but appearing as
uniform as if laid out by art. . . .
I must now observe that all these
advantages were greatly enhanced by
the healthiness of its climate, by the
almost constant breezes which prevail
there, and by the frequent showers
which fall, and which, though of a
very short and almost momentary
duration, are extremely grateful and
refreshing, and are perhaps one cause
of the salubrity of the air and of the
extraordinary influence it was ob-
served to have upon us in increasing
and invigorating our appetites and
digestion. This was so remarkable,
that those amongst our officers who
were at all other times spare and
temperate eaters, who besides a slight
breakfast made but one moderate re-
past a-day, were here in appearance
transformed into gluttons ; for instead
of one reasonable flesh-meal, they were
now scarcely satisfied with three, and
each of them so prodigious in quan-
tity as would at another time have
produced a fever or a surfeit. And
yet our digestion so well corresponded
with the keenness ^of our appetites,
that we were neither disordered nor
even loaded by this repletion; for
after having, according to the custom
of the island, made a large beef break-
fast, it was not long before we began
to consider the approach of dinner as
a very desirable though somewhat
tardy incident. . . .
Our first undertaking after our
arrival was the removal of our sick
on shore, as has been mentioned.
Whilst we were thus employed, four
of the Indians on shore, being part of
the Spanish sergeant's detachment,
came and surrendered themselves to
us ; so that with those we took in the
proa, we had now eight of them in
our custody. One of the four who
submitted undertook to show us the
most convenient place for killing
cattle, and two of our men were or-
dered to attend him on that service ;
but one of them unwarily trusting
the Indian with his firelock and pis-
tol, the Indian escaped with them
into the woods. His countrymen,
who remained behind, were apprehen-
sive of suffering for this perfidy of
their comrade, and therefore begged
leave to send one of their own party
into the country, who they engaged
should both bring back the arms and
persuade the whole detachment from
Guam to"submit to us. The Commo-
dore granted their request, and one
of them was despatched on this er-
rand, who returned next day and
brought back the firelock and pistol,
but assured us he had met with them
in a pathway in the wood, and pro-
tested that he had not been able to
meet with any one of his countrymen.
This report had so little the air of
truth, that we suspected there was
some treachery carrying on; and there-
fore, to prevent any future communi-
cation amongst them, we immediately
ordered all the Indians who were in
our power on board the ship, and did
not permit them to return any more
on shore.
Towards the middle of September
several of our sick were tolerably re-
covered b) T their residence on shore ;
and, on the 12th of September aJl
those who were so far relieved since
their arrival as to be capable of doing
1742.]
A VIOLENT STORM.
123
duty were sent on board the ship.
And then the Commodore, who was
himself ill of the scurvy, had a tent
erected for him on shore, where he
went with the view of staying a few
days for the recovery of his health;
being convinced, by the general ex-
perience of his people, that no other
method but living on the land was to
be trusted to for the removal of this
dreadful malady. The place where
his tent was pitched on this occasion,
was near the well whence we got all
our water, and was indeed a most
elegant spot. As the crew on board
were now reinforced by the recovered
hands returned from the island, we
began to send our casks on shore to
be fitted up, which till now could not
be done, for the coopers were not well
enough to work. "We likewise weighed
our anchors, that we might examine
our cables, which we suspected had
by this time received considerable
damage. And as the new moon was
now approaching, when we appre-
hended violent gales, the Commodore,
for our greater security, ordered that
part of the cables next to the anchors
to be armed with the chains of the
fire-grapnels ; and they were besides
cackled twenty fathoms from the
anchors, and seven fathoms from the
service, with a good rounding of a
4 ^-incn hawser ; and to all these pre-
cautions we added that of lowering
the main and fore yards close down,
that in case of blowing weather the
wind might have less power upon the
ship to make her ride a-straiu.
Thus effectually prepared, as we
conceived, we expected the new moon,
which was the 18th of September;
and riding safe that and the three
succeeding days (though the weather
proved very squally and uncertain),
we flattered ourselves (for I was then
on board) that the prudence of our
measures had secured us from all ac-
cidents. But on the 22d the wind
blew from the eastward with such
fury that we soon despaired of riding
out the storm ; and therefore we should
have been extremely glad that the
Commodore and the rest of our people
on shore, which were the greatest part
of our hands, had been on board with
us, since our only hopes of safety
seemed to depend on our putting im-
mediately to sea. But all communi-
cation with the shore was now effec-
tually cut off, for there was no possi-
bility that a boat could live, so that
we were necessitated to ride it out
till our cables parted. Indeed it was
not long before this happened, for the
small bower parted at five in the
afternoon, and the ship swung off to
the best bower ; and as the night
came on, the violence of the wind still
increased. But, notwithstanding its
inexpressible fury, the tide ran with
so much rapidity as to prevail over
it ; for the tide, having set to the
northward in the beginning of the
storm, turned suddenly to the south-
ward about six in the evening, and
forced the ship before it in despite of
the storm, which blew upon the beam .
And now the sea broke most surpris-
ingly all around us, and a large
tumbling swell threatened to poop
us ; the long-boat, which was at this
time moored astern, was on a sudden
canted so high that it broke the tran-
som of the Commodore's gallery, whose
cabin was on the quarter-deck, and
would doubtless have risen as high as
the taffrail had it not been for this
stroke which stove the boat all to
pieces ; but the poor boat-keeper,
though extremely bruised, was saved
almost by miracle. About eight the
tide slackened, but the wind did not
abate ; so that at eleven the best
bower cable, by which alone we rode,
parted. Our sheet anchor, which was
the only one we had left, was in-
stantly cut from the bow ; but before
it could reach the bottom we were
driven from twenty-two into thirty-
five fathoms ; and after we had veered
away one whole cable, and two -thirds
of another, we could not find ground
with sixty fathoms of line. This was
a plain indication that the anchor lay
near the edge of the bank, and could
not hold us [long].
In this pressing danger, Mr Sau-
marez, our first lieutenant, who now
commanded on board, ordered several
guns to be fired and lights to be
124 ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
of no other vessel
shown, as a signal to the Commodore
of our distress ; and in a short time
after, it being then about 1 o'clock,
and the night excessively dark, a
strong gust, attended with rain and
lightning, drove us off the bank and
forced us out to sea, leaving behind
us on the island Mr Anson, with
many more of our officers, and great
part of our crew, amounting in the
whole to 113 persons. Thus were we
all, both at sea and on shore, reduced
to the utmost despair by this cata-
strophe ; those on shore conceiving
they had no means left them ever to
leave the island, and we on board
utterly unprepared to struggle with
the fury of the seas and winds we
were now exposed to, and expecting
each moment to be our last.
CHAPTER III.
THE storm which drove the Centurion
to sea blew with too much turbulence
to permit either the Commodore or
any of the people on shore from hear-
ing the guns which she fired as sig-
nals of distress, and the frequent
glare of the lightning had prevented
the explosions from being observed :
so that when at daybreak it was per-
ceived from the shore that the ship
was missing, there was the utmost
consternation amongst them. For
much the greatest part of them im-
mediately concluded that she was
lost, and entreated the Commodore
that the boat might be sent round the
island to look for the wreck ; and those
who believed her safe had scarcely
any expectation that she would ever
be able to make the island again ; for
the wind continued to blow strong
at east, and they knew how poorly
she was manned and provided for
struggling with so tempestuous a gale.
And if the Centurion was lost, or
should be incapable of returning,
there appeared in either case no pos-
sibility of their ever getting off the
island ; for they were at least 600
leagues from Macao, which was their
nearest port ; and they were masters
[B.m.ciUii.
than the small
Spanish bark, of about fifteen tons,
which they seized at their first arrival,
and which would riot even hold a
fourth part of their number. And
the chance of their being taken off
the island by the casual arrival of
any other ship was altogether desper-
ate, as perhaps no European ship had
ever anchored here before, and it were
madness to expect that like incidents
should send another here in 100 ages
to come ; so that their desponding
thoughts could only suggest to them
the melancholy prospect of spending
the remainder of their days on this
island, and bidding adieu for ever to
their country, their friends, their fami-
lies, and all their domestic endear-
ments. Nor was this the worst they
had to fear : for they had reason to
expect that the Governor of Guam,
when he should be informed of their
situation, might send a force sufficient
to overpower them and to remove
them to that island ; and then the
most favourable treatment they could
hope for would be to be detained
prisoners for life ; since, from the
known policy and cruelty of the
Spaniards in their distant settle-
ments, it was rather to be expected
that the Governor, if he once had
them in his power, would make their
want of commissions (all of them being
on board the Centurion) a pretext for
treating them as pirates, and for de-
priving them of their lives with in-
famy. 1
In the midst of these gloomy re-
flections Mr Anson had doubtless his
share of disquietude, but he always
kept up his usual composure and
steadiness ; and having soon projected
1 As in 1575, John Oxenham, or
Oxnam, who had accompanied Drake
in his expedition to the West Indies,
was put to death by the Governor of
Panama, with all his companions,
because he had undertaken a daring
but ultimately calamitous privateer-
ing expedition without any commis-
sion from his sovereign. Oxenham
was the first Englishman who ever
navigated the Pacific Ocean,
1742.]
THE CENTURION DRIVEN SEAWARD.
125
a scheme for extricating himself and
his men from their present anxious
situation, he first communicated it
to some of the most intelligent per-
sons about him ; and having satisfied
himself that it was practicable, he
then endeavoured to animate his
people to a speedy and vigorous pro-
secution of it. With this view he
represented to them how little foun-
dation there was for their apprehen-
sions of the Centurion's being lost ;
that he should have hoped they had
been all of them better acquainted
with sea affairs than to give way to
the impression of so chimerical a
fright, and that he doubted not but,
if they would seriously consider what
such a ship was capable of enduring,
they would confess that there was not
the least probability of her having
perished ; that he was not without
hopes that she might return in a few
days, but if she did not, the worst
that could be supposed was that she
was driven so far to the leeward of
the island that she could not regain
it, and that she would consequently
be obliged to bear away for Macao on
the coast of China; that, as it was
necessary to be prepared against all
events, he had, in this case, con-
sidered of a method of carrying them
off the island, and joining their old
ship the Centurion again at Macao ;
that this method was to haul the
Spanish bark on shore, to saw her
asunder, and to lengthen her twelve
feet, which would enlarge her to near
forty tons burthen, and would enable
her to carry them all to China ; that
he had consulted the carpenters, and
they had agreed that this proposal
was very feasible, and that nothing
was wanting to execute it but the
united resolution and industry of the
whole body. He added that for his
own part he would share the fatigue
and labour Avith them, and would
expect no more from any man than
what he, the Commodore himself,
was ready to submit to ; and con-
cluded with representing to them the
importance of saving time, and that,
in order to be the better prepared for
all events, it was necessary to set to
work immediately and to take it for
granted that the Centurion would not
be able to put back (which was indeed
the Commodore's secret opinion) ;
since, if she did return, they should
only throw away a few days' applica-
tion j but, if she did not, their situa-
tion, and the season of the year, re-
quired their utmost despatch.
These remonstrances, though not
without effect, did not immediately
operate so powerfully as Mr Anson
could have wished. He indeed raised
their spirits by showing them the
possibility of their getting away, of
which they had before despaired ; but
then, from their confidence of this
resource ; they grew less apprehensive
of their situation, gave a greater scope
to their hopes, and flattered themselves
that the Centurion would return and
prevent the execution of the Commo-
dore's scheme, which they could easily
foresee would be a work of consider-
able labour. By this means it was
some days before they were all of them
heartily engaged in the project ; but
at last, being in general convinced of
the impossibility of the ship's return,
they set themselves zealously to the
different tasks allotted them, and were
as industrious and as eager as their
commander could desire, 1 punctually
assembling at daybreak at the rendez-
vous, whence they were distributed to
their different employments, which
they followed with unusual vigour till
night came on.
And here I must interrupt the
course of this transaction for a moment
to relate an incident which for some
time gave Mr Anson more concern
than all the preceding disasters. A
few days after the ship was driven off,
some of the people on shore cried out,
"A sail ! " This spread a general joy,
every one supposing that it was the
ship returning ; but presently a second
sail was descried, which quite de-
1 And the Commodore, Thomas
says, encouraged their diligence by
his example ; for being always at work
by daybreak himself, it was thought a
disgrace to be idle when their "chief
was employed.
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. III. On. III.
126
stroyed their conjecture, and made it
difficult to guess what they were.
The Commodore eagerly turned his
glass towards them, and saw they
were two boats ; on which it imme-
diately occurred to him that the Cen-
turion was gone to the bottom, and
that these were her two boats coming
back with the remains of her people;
and this sudden and unexpected sug-
gestion wrought on him so powerfully
that, to conceal his emotion, he was
obliged (without speaking to any one)
instantly to retire to his tent, where
he passed some bitter moments in the
firm belief that the ship was lost, and
that now all his views of further
distressing the enemy, and of still
signalising his expedition by some
important exploit, were at an end.
But he was soon relieved from these
disturbing thoughts by discovering
that the two boats in the offing were
Indian proas ; and perceiving that
they stood towards the shore, he di-
rected every appearance that could
give them any suspicion to be removed,
and concealed his people in the adja-
cent thickets, prepared to secure the
Indians when they should land. But
after the proas had stood in within a
quarter of a mile of the land, they
suddenly stopped short, and, remain-
ing there motionless fornear two hours,
they then made sail again and stood
to the southward.
But to return to the projected en-
largement of the bark. If we examine
how they were prepared for going
through with this undertaking, on
which their safety depended, we shall
find that, independent of other matters
which were of as much importance,
the lengthening of the bark alone was
attended with great difficulty. In-
deed, in a proper place, where all the
necessary materials and tools were to
be had, the embarrassment would have
been much less ; but some of these
tools were to be made, and many of
the materials were wanting ; and it
required no small degree of invention
to supply all these deficiencies. And
when the hull of the bark should be
completed, this was but one article ;
and there were many others of equal
weight, which were to be well consi-
dered. These were the rigging it, the
victualling it, and lastly, the navigat-
ing it for the space of six or seven
hundred leagues, through unknown
seas, where no one of the company had
ever passed before. In some of these
particulars such obstacles occurred,
that without the intervention of very
extraordinary and unexpected acci-
dents the possibility of the whole enter-
prise would have fallen to the ground,
and their utmost industry and efforts
must have been fruitless. 1 . . .
And now, all these obstacles being
in some degree removed (which were
always as much as possible concealed
from the vulgar, 2 that they might not
grow remiss with the apprehension of
labouring to no purpose), the work
proceeded very successfully and vig-
orously. The necessary ironwork was
in great forwardness, and the timbers
and planks (which, though not the
most exquisite performances of the
sawyer's art, were yet sufficient for the
purpose) were all prepared ; so that on
the 6th of October, being the four-
teenth day from the departure of the
ship, they hauled the bark on shore,
and, onthetwosucceedingdays she was
sawn asunder (though with great care
not to cut her planks), and her two
parts were separated the proper dis-
tance from each other ; and, the ma-
1 Both carpenters and smiths were
here hard at work in the enlargement
of the bark, Anson himself lending a
hand in the sawing of trees into plank.
When the equipment of the vessel wag
being proceeded with, they made the
disheartening discovery that they were
without a compass by which to steer,
but in about eight days from the de-
parture of the Centurion, they were
relieved from their perplexity, by the
discovery of a small one in a chest be-
longing to the Spanish bark.
2 From the general knowledge of
the company on shore. Thomas says,
' ' The alacrity with which the business
was carried on left no room for reflec-
tion amongthe common sailors, though
their superiors were not without their
fears."
1742.]
RETURN OF THE CENTURION.
127
terials being all ready beforehand,
they the next day, being the 9th of
October, went on with great des-
patch in their proposed enlargement of
her. And by this time they had all
their future operations so fairly in
view, and were so much masters of
them, that they were able to determine
when the whole would be finished,
and had accordingly fixed the 5th of
November for the day of their putting
to sea. But their projects and labours
were now drawing to a speedier and
happier conclusion ; for on the llth
of October, in the afternoon, one of,
the Gloucester's men, being upon a
hill in the middle of the island, per-
ceived the Centurion at a distance, and
running down with his utmost speed
towards the landing-place, he in the
way saw some of his comrades, to
whom he hallooed out with great
ecstasy, "The ship! The ship!" This
being heard by Mr Gordon, a lieuten-
ant of marines, who was convinced by
the fellow's transport that his report
was true, Mr Gordon ran towards the
place where the Commodore and his
people were at work, and being fresh
and in breath easily outstripped the
Gloucester's man, and got before him
to the Commodore ; who, on hearing
this happy and unexpected news,
threw down his axe with which he
was then at work, and by his joy
broke through for the first time the
equable and unvaried character which
he had hitherto preserved. The others
who were with him instantly ran down
to the seaside in a kind of frenzy,
eager to feast themselves with a sight
they had so ardently wished for, and
of which they had now for a consider-
able time despaired. By five in the
evening the Centurion was visible in
the offing to them all ; and, a boat
being sent off with eighteen men to
reinforce her, and with fresh meat and
fruits for the refreshment of her crew,
she the next afternoon happily came to
an anchor in the road, where the Com-
modore immediately came on board
her, and was received by us with the
sincerest and heartiest acclamations.
For from the following short recital
of the fears, the dangers, and fatigues
we in the ship underwent during our
nineteen days' absence from Tinian, it
maybe easily conceived that a harbour,
refreshments, repose, and the joining
of our Commander and shipmates,
were not less pleasing to UK than our
return was to them.
CHAPTER IV.
Tim Centurion being now once more
safely arrived at Tinian, to the
mutual respite of the labours of our
divided crew, it is high time that the
reader, after the relation already
given of the projects and employment
of those left on shore, should be ap-
prised of the fatigues and distresses
to which we, who were driven off to
sea, were exposed during the long in-
terval of nineteen days that we were
absent from the island.
It has been already mentioned,
that it was the 22d of September,
about 1 o'clock in an extreme dark
night, when by the united violence
of a prodigious storm, and an exceed-
ing rapid tide, we were driven from
our anchors and forced to sea. Our
condition then was truly deplorable ;
we were in a leaky ship, with three
cables in our hawses, to one of which
hung our only remaining anchor ; we
had not a gun on board lashed, nor
a port barred in ; our shrouds were
loose, and our topmasts unrigged,
and we had struck our fore and main
yards close down before the storm
came on, so that there were no sails we
could set except our mizzen. In this
dreadful extremity we could muster no
more strength on board to navigate
the ship than 108 hands, several
Negroes and Indians included. This
was scarcely the fourth part of our
complement ; and of these the greater
number were either boys, or such as,
being lately recovered from the scurvy,
had not yet arrived at half their for-
mer vigour. No sooner were we at
sea, but by the violence of the storm,
and the working of the ship, we made
a great quantity of water through
our hawse-holes, ports, and scuppers,
12S
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. IlI.Cn. IV.
which, added to the constant effect of
our leak, rendered our pumps alone a
sufficient employment for us all. But
though this leakage, by being a short
time neglected, would inevitably end
in our destruction, yet we had other
dangers then impending, which occa-
sioned this to be regarded as a second-
ary consideration only. For we all ima-
gined that we were driving directly on
the neighbouring island of Aguigan,
which was about two leagues distant ;
and as we had lowered our main and
fore yards close down, we had no sails
we could set but the mizzen, which
was altogether insufficient to carry us
clear of this instant peril. "We there-
fore immediately applied ourselves to
work, endeavouring by the utmost of
our efforts to heave up the main and
fore yards, in hopes that, if we could
but be enabled to make use of our
lower canvas, we might possibly
weather the island, and thereby save
ourselves from this impending ship-
wreck. But after full three hours'
ineffectual labour the jeers broke, and
the men being quite jaded, we were
obliged by mere debility to desist,
and quietly to expect our fate, which
we then conceived to be unavoidable.
For we imagined ourselves by this
time to be driven just upon the shore,
and the night was so extremely dark,
that we expected to discover the
island no otherwise than by striking
upon it ; so that the belief of our de-
struction, and the uncertainty of the
point of time when it would take
place, occasioned us to pass several
hours under the most serious appre-
hensions, that each succeeding mo-
ment would send us to the bottom.
Nor did these continued terrors of in-
stantly striking and sinking end but
with the daybreak ; when we with
great transport perceived that the
island we had thus dreaded was at a
considerable distance, and that a
strong northern current had been the
cause of our preservation.
The turbulent \reather which forced
ns from Tinian did not begin to abate
till three days after ; and then we
swayed up the foreyard, and began
to heave up the mainyard, but the
jeers broke and killed one of our
men, and prevented us at that time
from proceeding. The next day, being
the 26th of September, was a day of
most severe fatigue to us all ; for it
must be remembered that in these
exigencies no rank or office exempted
any person from the manual applica-
tion and bodily labour of a common
sailor. The business of this day was
no less than an attempt to heave up
the sheet-anchor, which we had
hitherto dragged at our bows with
two cables an end. This was a work
of great importance to our future pre-
servation ; for, not to mention the
impediment to our navigation, and
the hazard it would be to our ship if
we attempted to make sail with the
anchor in its present situation, we
had this most interesting considera-
tion to animate us, that it was the
only anchor we had left, and, with-
out securing it, we should be under
the utmost difficulties and hazards
whenever we made the land again ;
and therefore, being all of us fully
apprised of the consequence of this
enterprise, we laboured at it with the
severest application for full twelve
hours, when we had indeed made a
considerable progress, having brought
the anchor in sight. But it then
growing dark, and we being exces-
sively fatigued, we were obliged to
desist, and to leave the work un-
finished till the next morning, when,
by the benefit of a night's rest, we
completed it, and hung the anchor at
our bow.
It was the 27th of September, in
the morning, that is, five days after
our departure, when we thus secured
our anchor ; and the same day we got
up our mainyard. And having now
conquered in some degree the distress
and disorder which we were neces-
sarily involved in at our first driving
out to sea, and being enabled to make
use of our canvas, we set our courses,
and for the first time stood to the
eastward, in hopes of regaining the
Island of Tinian, and joining our
Commodore in a few days ; for we
were then, by our accounts, only
forty-seven leagues to the south-west
1742.]
EMPLOYMENT AT TINIAN.
129
of Tinian, so that on the 1st day of
October, having then run the dis-
tance necessary for making the island
according to our reckoning, we were
in full expectation of seeing it ; but
we were unhappily disappointed, and
were thereby convinced that a cur-
rent had driven us to the westward.
And as we could not judge how much
we might hereby have deviated, and
consequently how long we might still
expect to be at sea, we had great
apprehensions that our stock of
water might prove deficient ; for we
were doubtful about the quantity we
had on board, and found many of our
casks so decayed as to be half leaked
out. However, we were delivered from
our uncertainty the next day, by
having a sight of the Island of Guam,
by which we discovered that the
currents had driven us forty-four
leagues to the westward of our ac-
counts. This sight of land having
satisfied us of our situation, we kept
plying to the eastward, though with
excessive labour ; for the wind con-
tinuing fixed in the eastern board, we
were obliged to tack often, and our
crew were so weak, that without the
assistance of every man on board, it
was not in our power to put the ship
about. This severe employment
lasted till the llth of r k October, being
the nineteenth day from our depar-
ture, when, arriving in the offing of
Tinian, we were reinforced from the
shore, as has been already mentioned ;
and on the evening of the same day
we, to our inexpressible joy, came to
an anchor in the road, thereby pro-
curing to our shipmates on shore,
as well as to ourselves, a cessation
from the fatigues and apprehensions
which this disastrous incident had
given rise to.
CHAPTER V.
WHEN the Commodore came on board
the Centurion on her return to Tinian,
as already mentioned, he resolved to
btay no longer at the island than was
absolutely necessary to complete our
stock of water, a work which we im-
mediately set ourselves about. But
the loss of our long-boat, which was
staved against our poop when we were
driven out to sea, put us to great in-
conveniences in getting our water on
board, for we were obliged to raft off
all our casks, and the tide ran so
strong that, besides the frequent de-
lays and difficulties it occasioned, we
more than once lost the whole raft.
Nor was this our only misfortune, for
on the 14th of October, being but the
third day after our arrival, a sudden
gust of wind brought home our anchor,
forced us off the bank, and drove the
ship out to sea a second time. The
Commodore, it is true, and the prin-
cipal officers, were now on board ; but
we had near seventy men on shore
who had been employed in filling
our water and procuring provisions.
These had with them our two cutters,
but as they were too many for the
cutters to bring off at once, we sent
the eighteen-oared barge to assist
them, and at the same time made a
signal for all that could to embark.
The two cutters soon came off to us
full of men, but forty of the company
who were employed in killing cattle
in the wood and in bringing them
down to the landing-place were left
behind; and though the eighteen-
oared barge was left for their convey-
ance, yet, as the ship soon drove to a
considerable distance, it was not in
their power to join us. However, as
the weather was favourable, and our
crew was now stronger than when we
were first driven out, we in about five
days' time returned again to an anchor
at Tinian, and relieved those we had
left behind us from their second fears
of being deserted by their ship.
On our arrival wo found that the
Spanish bark, the old object of their
hopes, had undergone a new metamor-
phosis. For those we had left on
shore began to despair of our return,
and conceiving that the lengthening
the bark as formerly proposed was
both a toilsome and unnecessary mea-
sure, considering the small number
they consisted of, they had resolved
to join her again and to restore her to
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.CH.V.
130
her first state ; and in this scheme
they had made some progress, for they
had brought the two parts together,
and would have soon completed her
had not our coming back put a period
to their labours and disquietudes.
These people we had left behind in-
formed us that, just before we were
seen in the offing, two proas had stood
in very near the shore, and had con-
tinued there for some time ; but on
the appearance of our ship they
crowded away, and were presently
out of sight. And on this occasion I
must mention an incident which,
though it happened during the first
absence of the ship, was then omitted
to avoid interrupting the course of the
narration.
It has been already observed that a
part of the detachment sent to this
island under the command of the
Spanish sergeant lay concealed in the
woods, and we were the less solicitous
to find them out as our prisoners all
assured us that it was impossible for
them to get off, and consequently that
it was impossible for them to send any
intelligence about us to Guam. But
when the Centurion drove out to sea
and left the Commodore on shore, he
one day, attended by some of his
officers, endeavoured to make the tour
of the island. In this expedition,
being on a rising ground, they per-
ceived in the valley beneath them the
appearance of a small thicket which,
by observing more nicely, they found
had a progressive motion ; this at first
surprised them, but they soon dis-
covered that it was no more than
several large cocoa bushes which were
dragged along the ground by persons
concealed beneath them. They im-
mediately concluded that these were
some of the sergeant's party (which
was indeed true), and therefore the
Commodore and his people made after
them in hopes of finding out their re-
treat. The Indians soon perceived
they were discovered, and hurried
. away with precipitation ; but Mr An-
son was so near them that he did not
lose eight of them till they arrived at
their cell, which he and his officers
entering found to be abandoned, there
being a passage from it down a preci-
pice contrived for the convenience of
flight. They found here an old fire-
lock or two, but no other arms. How-
ever, there was a great quantity of
provisions, particularly salted spare-
ribs of pork, which were excellent ;
and from what our people saw here,
they concluded that the extraordinary
appetite which they had found at this
island was not confined to themselves
alone ; for it being about noon, the In-
dians had laid out a very plentiful re-
past, considering their numbers, and
had -their bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts
prepared ready for eating, and in a man-
ner which plainly evinced that with
them too a good meal was neither an
uncommon nor an unheeded article.
The Commodore having in vain en-
deavoured to discover the path by
which the Indians had escaped, he
and his officers contented themselves
with sitting down to the dinner which
was thus luckily fitted to their present
appetites ; after which they returned
back to their old habitation, displeased
at missing the Indians, as they hoped
to have engaged them in our service
if they could have had any conference
with them. But, notwithstanding
what our prisoners had asserted, we
were afterwards assured that these
Indians were carried off to Guam long
before we left the place.
On our coming to an anchor again,
after our second driving off to sea, we
laboured indefatigably in getting in
our water; 1 and having by the 20th
of October completed it to fifty tuns,
which we supposed would be sufficient
for our passage to Macao, we on the
next day sent one of each mess on
shore to gather as large a quantity of
oranges, lemons, cocoa-nuts, and other
1 "In which service," says the use-
ful Thomas, "two of our men em-
ployed in the well unfortunately per-
ished ; for the sides of the well being
loose earth, by the carelessness of
those above in not properly attending
the filling, the bank gave way by the
weight of a heavy cask, and both that
and the bank fell in upon them to-
gether."
J742.J
FROM TINIAN TO MACAO.
131
fruits of the island, as they possibly
could for trie use of themselves and
messmates when at sea. And these
purveyors returning 011 board us on
the evening of the same day, we then
set fire to the bark and proa, hoisted
in our boats, and got under sail,
steering away for the south end of the
Island of Formosa, and taking our
leave for the third and last time of the
Island of Tinian, an island which,
whether we consider the excellence of
its productions, the beauty of its ap-
pearance, the elegance of its woods
and lawns, the healthiness of its air,
or the adventures it gave rise to, may
in all these views be truly styled
romantic. 1
CHAPTER VI.
I HAVE already mentioned that on
the 21st of October, in the evening,
we took our leave of the Island of
Tinian, steering the proper course for
Macao in China. The eastern mon-
soon was now, we reckoned, fairly
settled ; and we had a constant gale
blowing right upon our stern ; so that
we generally ran from forty to fifty
leagues a day. But we had a large
hollow sea pursuing us, which occa-
sioned the ship to labour much ;
whence we received great damage
in our rigging, which was grown
very rotten, and our leak was aug-
mented ; but happily for us our
people were now in full health, so
that there were no complaints of
fatigue, but all went through their
attendance on the pumps, and every
other duty of the ship, with ease and
cheerfulness.
Having now no other but our sheet-
anchor left, except our prize anchors,
which were stowed in the hold, and
were too light to be depended on, we
1 A description of the Ladrones,
and of the wonderfully fast-sailing
proas of the inhabitants, is omitted.
Dampier gives an interesting account
of Guam and of the proas in his Tenth
Chapter.
were under great concern how we
should manage on the coast of China,
where we were all entire strangers,
and where we should doubtless be fre-
quently under the necessity of coming
to an anchor. Our sheet-anchor being
obviously much too heavy for a coast-
ing anchor, it was at length resolved
to fix two of our largest prize an-
chors into one stock, and to place
between their shanks two guns, four-
pounders, which was accordingly exe-
cuted, and it was to serve as a best
bower. And a third prize-anchor
being in like manner joined with our
stream-anchor, with guns between
them, we thereby made a small bower,
so that, besides our sheet-anchor, we
had again two others at our bows,
one of which weighed 3900 and the
other 2900 pounds.
The 3d of November, about three
in the afternoon, we saw an island,
which at first we imagined to be the
Island of Botel Tobago Xima, but on
our nearer approach we found it to be
much smaller than that is usually re-
presented ; and about an hour after
we saw another island five or six miles
farther to the westward. As no chart,
nor any journal we had seen, took
notice of any other island to the east-
ward of Formosa than Botel Tobago
Xima ; and as we had no observation
of our latitude at noon, we were in
some perplexity, being apprehensive
that an extraordinary current had
driven us into the neighbourhood of
the Bashee Islands ; and therefore
when night came on we brought to,
and continued in this posture till the
next morning, which, proving dark
and cloudy, for some time prolonged
our uncertainty ; but it cleared up
about nine o'clock, when we again
discerned the two islands above men-
tioned ; we then pressed forwards to
the westward, and by eleven got a
sight of the southern part of the Is-
land of Formosa. This satisfied us
that the second island we saw was
Botel Tobago Xima, and the first a
small island or rock lying five or six
miles due east from it, which not
being mentioned by any of our books
or charts, was the occasion of our
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. .[B.III.Cii. VI.
132
fears. While we were passing by
these rocks of Vele Rete, there was
an outcry of fire on the forecastle ;
this occasioned a general alarm, and
the whole crew instantly nocked to-
gether in the utmost confusion, so
that the officers found it difficult for
some time to appease the uproar. But
having at last reduced the people to
order, it was perceived that the fire
proceeded from the furnace ; and pull-
ing down the brick-work, it was ex-
tinguished with great facility, for it
had taken its rise from the bricks,
which, being overheated, had begun
to communicate the fire to the adja-
cent weod-work. In the evening we
were surprised with a view of what
we at first sight conceived to have
been breakers, but on a stricter exa-
mination we found them to be only a
freat number of fires on the Island of
'ormosa. These, we imagined, were
intended by the inhabitants of that
island as signals for us to touch there ;
lut that suited not our views, we being
impatient to reach the port of Macao
as soon as possible. From Formosa
*ve steered WNW., and sometimes
still more northerly, proposing to fall
in with the coast of China to the east-
ward of Pedro Blanco ; for the rock so
called is usually esteemed an excellent
direction for ships bound to Macao.
We continued this course till the fol-
lowing night, and then frequently
brought to, to try if we were in
soundings ; but it was the 5th of
November, at nine in the morning,
before we struck ground, and then we
had forty-two fathoms, and a bottom
of grey sand mixed Avith shells. When
we had got about twenty miles farther
WNW., we had thirty-five fathoms,
and the same bottom, from whence our
soundings gradually decreased from
thidy-nve to twenty-five fathoms ;
but soon after, to our great surprise,
they jumped back again to thirty
fathoms. This was an alteration we
could not very well account for, 1 since
all the charts laid down regular sound-
1 In recent maps a sandbank is laid
down at this part of the Centurion's
course,
ings everywhere to the northward of
Pedro Blanco ; and for this reason we
kept a very careful look-out, and
altered our course to NNW., and hav-
ing run thirty-five miles in this direc-
tion our soundings again gradually
diminished to twenty-two fathoms,
and we at last, about midnight, got
sight of the mainland of China, bear-
ing N. by W., four leagues distant.
We then brought the ship to, with
her head to the sea, proposing to wait
for the morning ; and before sunriso
we were surprised to find ourselves in
the midst of an incredible number of
fishing-boats, Avhich seemed to cover
the surface of the sea as far as the
eye_ could reach. I may well style
their number incredible, since I can-
not believe, upon the lowest estimate,
that there were so few as 6000 ; most
of them manned with five hands, and
none with less than three. Nor was
this swarm of fishing vessels peculiar
to this spot ; for, as we ran on to the
westward, we found them as abundant
on every part of the coast. We at
first doubted not but we should pro-
cure a pilot from them to carry us to
Macao ; but though many of them
came close to the ship, and we endea-
voured to tempt them by showing
them a number of dollars, a most
alluring bait for Chinese of all ranks
and professions, yet we could not en-
tice them on board us ; though I pre-
sume the only difficulty was their not
comprehending what we wanted them
to do, for we could have no commu-
nication with them but by signs.
Indeed we often pronounced the word
Macao ; but this we had reason to
suppose they understood in a different
sense ; for in return they sometimes
held up fish to us, and we afterwards
learned that the Chinese name for fish
is of a somewhat similar sound. But
what surprised us most was the in-
attention and want of curiosity which
we observed in this herd of fishermen.
A ship like ours had doubtless never
been in those seas before ; perhaps
there might not be one amongst all
the Chinese employed in this fishery
Avho had ever seen any European
vessel ; so that we might reasonably
1742.]
A FLEET OF CHINESE FISHING-BOATS.
133
have expected to have been considered
by them as a very uncommon and ex-
traordinary object. But though many
of their vessels came close to the ship,
yet they did not appear to be at all
interested about us, nor did they
deviate in the least from their course
to regard us ; which insensibility,
especially in maritime persons, about
a matter in their own profession, is
scarcely to be credited, did not the
general behaviour of the Chinese in
other instances furnish us with con-
tinual proofs of a similar turn of mind.
It may perhaps be doubted whether
this cast of temper be the effect of
nature or education ; but in either
case it is an incontestible symptom of
a mean and contemptible disposition,
and is alone a sufficient confutation
of the extravagant panegyrics which
many hypothetical writers have be-
stowed on the ingenuity and capacity
of this nation. 1 Not being able to
procure any information from the
Chinese fishermen about our proper
course to Macao, it was necessary for
us to rely entirely on our own judg-
ment ; and concluding from our lati-
tude, which was 22 42' N., and from
our soundings, which were only seven-
teen or eighteen fathoms, that we were
yet to the eastward of Pedro Blanco,
we stood to the westward.
It was on the 5th of November at
midnight when we first made the
coast of China ; and the next day
about 2 o'clock, as we were standing
to the westward within two leagues
of the coast, and still surrounded by
fishing-vessels in as great numbers as
at first, we perceived that a boat ahead
of us waved a red flag, and blew a
horn. This we considered as a signal
made to us either to warn us of some
1 Mr "Walter evidently was strongly
prejudiced against the Chinese ; but
he knew too little about them to trace
the conduct of the fishermen to what
was probably its true source the con-
tempt of the people for everything
foreign, and the exclusive policy of
the authorities, under whose vigilant
control the fishermen obviously plied
their trade.
shoal or to inform us that they would
supply us with a pilot, and in this
belief we immediately sent our cutter
to the boat to know their intentions ;
but we were soon made sensible of
our mistake, and found that this
boat was the commodore of the whole
fishery, and that the signal she had
made was to order them all to leave
off fishing and to return in shore,
which we saw them instantly obey.
On this disappointment we kept on
our course, and soon after passed by
two very small rocks which lay four
or five miles distant from the shore ;
but night came on before we got sight
of Pedro Blanco, and we therefore
brought to till the morning, when we
had the satisfaction to discover it.
It is a rock of a small circumference,
but of a moderate height, and both in
shape and colour resembles a sugar-
loaf, and is about seven or eight miles
from the shore. "We passed within a
mile and a half of it, and left it be-
tween us and the land, still keeping
on to the westward ; and the next
day, being the 7th, we were abreast
of a chain of islands which stretched
from east to west. These, as we after-
wards found, were called the Islands
of Lema ; the) r are rocky and barren,
and are in all, small and great, fifteen
or sixteen ; and there are besides a
great number of other islands between
them and the mainland of China.
These islands we left on the starboard
side, passing within four miles of them,
where we had twenty-four fathoms
water. We were still surrounded by
fishing-boats ; and we once more sent
the cutter on board one of them to
endeavour to procure a pilot, but could
not prevail ; however, one of the
Chinese directed us by signs to sail
round the westernmost of the islands
or rocks of Lema, and then to haul
up. "We followed this direction, and
in the evening came to an anchor in
eighteen fathoms.
After having continued at anchor
all night, we on the 9th, at four in
the morning, sent our cutter to sound
the channel where we proposed to
pass; but before the return of the
cutter a Chinese pilot put on board
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.IILCn. VII.
134
us, and told us in broken Portuguese
he would carry us to Macao for thirty
dollars. These were immediately paid
him, and we then weighed and made
sail ; and soon after several other
pilots came on board us, who, to re-
commend themselves, produced certi-
ficates from the captains of several
ships they had piloted in; but we
continued the ship under the man-
agement of the Chinese who came first
on board. By this time we learned
that we were not far distant from
Macao, and that there were in the
River of Canton, at the mouth of
which Macao lies, eleven European
ships, of which four were English.
Our pilot carried us between the
Islands of Bamboo and Cabouce ; but
the winds hanging in the northern
board, and the tides often setting
strongly against iis, we were obliged
to come frequently to an anchor, so
that we did not get through between
the two islands till the 12th of No-
vember at two in the morning. In
passing through, our depth of water
was from twelve to fourteen fathoms,
and as we still steered onNW. half W. ,
between a number of other islands,
our soundings underwent little or
no variation till towards the even-
ing, when they increased to seventeen
fathoms, in which depth (the wind
dying away) we anchored not far from
the Island of Lantoon, which is the
largest of all this range of islands.
At seven in the morning we weighed
again, and steering WSW. and SW.
by W., we at 10 o'clock happily an-
chored in Macao road, in five fathoms
water, the city of Macao bearing W.
by N., three leagues distant; the
peak of Lantoon E. by N., and the
Grand Ladrone S. by E., each of
them about five leagues distant. Thus,
after a fatiguing cruise of above two
years' continuance, we once more
arrived in an amicable port in a
civilised country, where the conveni-
ences of life were in great plenty;
where the naval stores, which we
now extremely wanted, could be in
some degree procured ; where we ex-
pected the inexpressible satisfaction
of receiving letters from our rela-
tions and friends ; and where our
countrymen who were lately arrived
from England would be capable of
answering the numerous inquiries wo
were prepared to make both about
public and private occurrences, and
to relate to us many particulars which,
whether of importance or not, would
be listened to by us with the utmost
attention, after the long suspension
of our correspondence with our coun-
try to which the nature of our under-
taking had hitherto subjected us.
CHAPTER VII.
THE city of Macao, in the road of
which we came to an anchor on the 1 2th
of November, is a Portuguese settle-
ment situated in an island at the mouth
of the River of Canton. It was for-
merly a very rich and populous city,
and capable of defending itself against
the power of the adjacent Chinese
Governors, but at present it is much
fallen from its ancient splendour ; for
though it is inhabited by Portuguese,
and has a Governor nominated by
the King of Portugal, yet it subsists
merely by the sufferance of the Chinese,
who can starve the place and dispos-
sess the Portuguese whenever they
please. This obliges the Governor of
Macao to behave with great circum-
spection, and carefully to avoid every
circumstance that may give offence to
the Chinese. The River of Canton,
at the mouth of which this city lies,
is the only Chinese port frequented
by European ships ; and this river is
indeed a more commodious harbour
on many accounts than Macao. But
the peculiar customs of the Chinese,
only adapted to the entertainment of
trading ships, and the apprehensions
of the Commodore lest he should
embroil the East India Company with
the Regency of Canton if he should
insist on being treated upon a differ-
ent footing than the merchantmen,
made him resolve to go first to Macao
before he ventured into the port of
Canton. Indeed, had not this reason
prevailed with him, he himself had
1742.]
PROCEEDINGS AT MACAO.
135
nothing to fear ; for it is certain that
he might have entered the port of
Canton, and might have continued
there as long as he pleased, and after-
wards have left it again, although
the whole power of the Chinese em-
pire had been brought together to
oppose him.
The Commodore, not to depart from
his usual prudence, no sooner came
to an anchor in Macao road than he
despatched an officer with his compli-
ments to the Portuguese Governor of
Macao, requesting Ms Excellency by
the same officer to advise him in what
manner it would be proper to act to
avoid offending the Chinese, which,
as there were then four of our ships
in their power at Canton, was a mat-
ter worthy of attention. The difficulty
which the Commodore principally ap-
prehended related to the duty usually
paid by all ships in the Eiver of Can-
ton, according to their tonnage. For
as men-of-war are exempted in every
foreign harbour from all manner of
port charges, the Commodore thought
it would be derogatory to the honour
of his country to submit to this duty
in China; and therefore he desired
the advice of the Governor of Macao,
who, being a European, could not be
ignorant of the privileges claimed by a
British man-of-war, and consequently
might be expected to give us the best
lights for avoiding this perplexity.
Our boat returned in the evening with
two officers sent by the Governor, who
informed the Commodore that it was
the Governor's opinion that if the
Centurion ventured into the River of
Canton, the duty would certainly be
demanded ; and therefore, if the
Commodore approved of it, he would
send him a pilot who should conduct
us into another safe harbour, called
the Typa, 1 which was everyway com-
modious for careening the ship (an
operation we were resolved to begin
iipon as soon as possible), and where
the above-mentioned duty would in
all probability be never asked for.
1 The Island of Typa, directly to the
south of Macao, at the mouth of the
This proposal the Commodore agreed
to, and in the morning we weighed
anchor, and, under the direction of
the Portuguese pilot, steered for the
intended harbour. As we entered
two islands, which form the eastern
passage to it, we found our soundings
decreased to three fathoms and a half.
But the pilot assuring us that this
was the least depth we should meet
with, we continued our course, till at
length the ship stuck fast in the mud,
with only eighteen feet water abaft ;
and, the tide of ebb making, the
water sewed 2 to sixteen feet, but the
ship remained perfectly upright. We
then sounded all round us, and finding
the water deepened to the northward,
we carried out our small bower with
two hawsers an-end, and at the re-
turn of the tide of flood hove the ship
afloat ; and a small breeze springing
up at the same instant, we set the
fore-topsail, and slipping the hawser
ran into the harbour, where we
moored in about five fathoms water.
This harbour of the Typa is formed
by a number of islands, and is about
six miles distant from Macao. Here
we saluted the Castle of Macao with
eleven guns, which were returned by
an equal number.
The next day the Commodore paid
a visit in person to the Governor, and
was saluted at his landing by eleven
guns, which were returned by the
Centurion. Mr Anson's business in
this visit was to solicit the Governor
and
stores as were
necessary to refit the ship. The Go-
vernor seemed really inclined to do
us all the service he could, and assured
the Commodore, in a friendly man-
ner, that he would privately give us
all the assistance in his power ; but
he, at the same time, frankly owned
that he dared not openly furnish us
with anything we demanded, unless
we first procured an order for it from
the Viceroy of Canton ; > for that lie
neither received provisions for his
garrison, nor any other necessaries,
to grant us a supply of provisions,
to furnish us with such stores as
2 Sank away from the ship with the
out-going tide.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.IlI.Cfl. VII.
136
but by permission from the Chinese
Government ; and as they took care
only to furnish him from day to day,
he was indeed no other than their
vassal, whom they could at all times
compel to submit to their own terms,
only by laying an embargo on kis
provisions.
On this declaration of the Governor,
Mr Anson resolved himself to go to
Canton to procure a license from the
Viceroy, and he accordingly hired a
Chinese boat for himself and his at-
tendants ; but just as he was ready
to embark, the "hoppo," or Chinese
custom-house officer at Macao, refused
to grant a permit to the boat, and or-
dered the watermen not to proceed at
their peril. The Commodore at first en-
deavoured to prevail with the "hoppo"
to withdraw his injunction and to
grant a permit ; and the Governor of
Macao employed his interest with the
" hoppo " to the same purpose. Mr
Anson, seeing the officer inflexible,
told him the next day, that if he
longer refused to grant the permit,
he would man and arm his own boats
to carry him thither; asking the
" hoppo," at the same time, who he
imagined would dare to oppose him.
This threat immediately brought
about what his entreaties had laboured
for in vain ; the permit was granted,
and Mr Anson went to Canton. On
his arrival there, he consulted with
the supercargoes and officers of the
English ships how to procure an
order from the Viceroy for the neces-
saries he wanted ; but in this he had
reason to suppose that the advice
they gave him, though doubtless well
intended, was yet not the most pru-
dent ; for as it is the custom with
these gentlemen never to apply to
the supreme magistrate himself, what-
ever difficulties they labour under,
but to transact all matters relating to
the Government by the mediation, of
the principal Chinese merchants, Mr
Anson was advised to follow the same
method upon this occasion ; the Eng-
lish promising (in which they were
doubtless sincere) to exert all their
interest to engage the merchants in
his favour. And when the Chin we
merchants were applied to, they readily
undertook the management of it, and
promised to answer for its success ;
but after near a month's delay, and re-
iterated excuses, during which interval
they pretended to be often upon the
point of completing the business, they
at last (being pressed, and measures
being taken for delivering a letter to
the Viceroy) threw off the mask, and
declared they neither had applied to
the Viceroy, nor could they, for he
was too great a man, they said, for
them to approach on any occasion.
And not contented Vith having them-
selves thus grossly deceived the Com-
modore, they now used all their per-
suasion with the English at Canton
to prevent them from intermeddling
with anything that regarded him, re-
presenting to them that it would in
all probability embroil them with the
Government, and occasion them a
great deal of unnecessary trouble ;
which groundless insinuations had,
indeed, but too much weight with
those they were applied to.
It may be difficult to assign a
reason for this perfidious conduct of
the Chinese merchants. Interest,
indeed, is known to exert a boundless
influence over the inhabitants of that
empire ; but how their interest could
be affected in the present case is not
easy to discover, unless they appre-
hended that the presence of a ship of
force might damp their Manilla trade,
and therefore acted in this manner
with a view of forcing the Commo-
dore to Batavia ; but it might be as
natural in this light to suppose that
they would have been eager to have
got him despatched. I therefore
rather impute their behaviour to the
unparalleled pusillanimity of the
nation, and to the awe they are
under of the Government ; for as
such a ship as the Centurion, fitted
for war only, had never been seen in
those parts before, she was the horror
of these dastards, and the merchants
were in some degree terrified even
with the idea of her, and could not
think ^ of applying to the Viceroy
(who is doubtless fond of all oppor-
tunities of fleecing them) without re-
1742.]
DIFFICULTY OF OBTAINING SUPPLIES.
137
presenting to themselves the pre-
tences which a hungry and tyrannical
magistrate might possibly find for
censuring their intermeddling in so
unusual a transaction, in which he
might pretend the interest of the
State was immediately concerned.
However, be this as it may, the Com-
modore was satisfied that nothing
was to be done by the interposition
of the merchants," as it was on his
pressing them to deliver a letter to the
Viceroy that they had declared they
durst not intermeddle, and had con-
fessed that notwithstanding all their
pretences of serving him, they had
not yet taken one step towards it.
Mr Anson therefore told them that he
would ^ proceed to Batavia and refit
his ship there ; but informed them,
at the same time, that this was im-
possible to be done unless he was
supplied with a stock of provisions
sufficient for his passage. The mer-
chants on this undertook to procure
him provisions, but assured him that
it was what they durst not engage in
openly, but proposed to manage it in
a clandestine manner, by putting a
quantity of bread, flour, and other
provision on board the English ships,
which were now ready to sail ; and
these were to stop at the mouth of
the Typa, where the Centurion's boats
were to receive it. This article, which
the merchants represented as a matter
of great favour, being settled, the
Commodore, on the 16th of Decem-
ber, returned from Canton to the
ship, seemingly resolved to proceed
to Batavia to refit as soon as he
should get his supplies of provision
on board.
But Mr Anson (who never intended
going to Batavia) found, on his re-
turn to the Centurion, that her main-
mast was sprung in two places, and
that the leak was considerably in-
creased ; so that, upon the whole, he
was fully satisfied that though he
should lay in a sufficient stock of pro-
visions, yet it would be impossible
for him to put to sea without refitting.
For, if he left the port with his ship
in her present condition, she woukV
be in the utmost danger of founder-
ing ; and therefore, notwithstanding
the difficulties he had met with, he re-
solved at all events to have her hove
down before he left Macao. He was
fully convinced, by what he had ob-
served at Canton, that his great
caution not to injure the East India
Company's affairs, and the regard he
had shown to the advice of their
officers, had occasioned all his em-
barrassments. For he now saw clearly,
that if he had at first carried his ship
into the River of Canton, and had
immediately applied himself to the
mandarins, who are the chief officers
of State, instead of employing the
merchants to apply for him, he would
in all probability have had all his re-
quests granted, and would have been
soon despatched. He had already
lost a month by the wrong measures
he had been put upon, but he re-
solved to lose as little more time as
possible ; and therefore, the 17th of
December, being the next day after
his return from Canton, he wrote a
letter to the Viceroy of that place,
acquainting him that he was com-
mander-in-chief of a squadron of his
Britannic Majesty's ships of war, which
had been cruising for two years past
in the South Seas against the Span-
iards, who were at war with the King
his master ; that, in his way back to
England, he had put into the port of
Macao, having a considerable leak in
his ship, and being in great want of
provisions, so that it was impossible
for him to proceed on his voyage till
his ship was repaired, and he was
supplied with the necessaries he
wanted ; that he had been at Canton
in hopes of being admitted to a per-
sonal audience of his Excellency, but,
being a stranger to the customs of
the country, he had not been able to
inform himself what steps were neces-
sary to be taken to procure such an
audience ; and therefore was obliged
to apply to him in this manner, to
desire his Excellency to give orders
for his being permitted to employ
carpenters and proper workmen to
refit his ship, and to furnish himself
with provisions and stores, thereby
j to enable him to pursue his voyage to
138
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. III. On. VII.
Great Britain with this monsoon ;
hoping at the same time that these
orders would he issued with as little
delay as possible, lest it might occa-
sion his loss of the season, and he
might be prevented from departing
till the next winter.
This letter was translated into the
Chinese language, and the Commodore
delivered it himself to the "hoppo "
or chief officer of the Emperor's cus-
toms at Macao, desiring him to for-
ward it to the Viceroy of Canton with
as much expedition as he could. The
officer at first seemed unwilling to take
charge of it, and raised many diffi-
culties about it, so that Mr Anson
suspected him of being in league with
the merchants of Canton, who had
always shown a great apprehension of
the Commodore's having any imme-
diate intercourse with the Viceroy or
mandarins ; and therefore the Com-
modore, with some resentment, took
back his letter from the "hoppo,"
and told him he would immediately
send an officer with it to Canton in
his own boat, and would give him
positive orders not to return without
an answer from the Viceroy. The
" hoppo " perceiving the Commodore
to be in earnest, and fearing to be
called to an account for his refusal,
begged to be entrusted with the letter,
and promised to deliver it and to pro-
cure an answer as soon as possible.
And now it was soori*seen how justly
Mr Anson had at last judged of the
proper manner of dealing with the
Chinese ; for this letter was written
but the 17th of December, as has been
already observed, and on the 19th in
the morning a mandarin of the first
rank, who was Governor of the city of
Janson, together with two mandarins
of an inferior class, and a great retinue
of officers and servants, having with
them eighteen half-galleys decorated
with a great number of streamers, and
furnished with music, and full of men,
came to grapnel ahead of the Centur-
ion ; whence the mandarin sent a
message to the Commodore, telling
him that he (the mandarin) was order-
ed by the Viceroy of Canton, to ex-
amine the condition of the ship, and
desiring the ship's boat might be sent
to fetch him on board. The Centur-
ion's boat was immediately despatched,
and preparations were made for receiv-
ing him ; for a hundred of the most
sightly of the crew were uniformly
dressed in the regimentals of the mar-
ines, and were drawn up under arms
on the main-deck, against his arrival.
When he entered the ship he was
saluted by the drums, and what other
military music there was on board ;
and passing by the new-formed guard,
he was met by the Commodore on the
quarter-deck, who conducted him to
the great cabin. Here the mandarin
explained his commission, declaring
that his business was to examine all
the particulars mentioned in the Com-
modore's letter to the Viceroy, and to
confront them with the representation
that had been given of them ; that he
was particularly instructed to inspect
the leak, and had for that purpose
brought with him two Chinese car-
penters ; and that, for the greater
regularity and despatch of his busi-
ness, he had every head of inquiry
separately written down on a sheet of
paper, with a void space opposite to
it where he was to insert such infor-
mation and remarks thereon as he
could procure by his own observation.
This mandarin appeared to be a
person of very considerable parts, and
endowed with more frankness and
honesty than is to be found in the
generality of the Chinese. After the
proper inquiries had been made, par-
ticularly about the leak, which the
Chinese carpenters reported to be as
dangerous as it had been represented,
and consequently that it was impos-
sible for the Centurion to proceed to
sea without being refitted, the man-
darin expressed himself satisfied with
the account given in the Commodore's
letter. And this magistrate, as he
was more intelligent than any other
person of his nation that came to our
knowledge, so likewise was he more
curious and inquisitive, viewing each
part of the ship with particular atten-
tion, and appearing greatly surprised
at the largeness of the lower-deck
guns, and at the weight and size of
1742.1
INTERVIEW WITH A MANDARIN.
139
the shot. The Commodore, observing
his astonishment, thought this a pro-
per opportunity to convince the Chinese
of the prudence of granting him a
speedy and ample supply of all he
wanted. With this view he told the
mandarin, and those who were with
him, that besides the demands he
made for a general supply, he had a
particular complaint against the pro-
ceedings of the custom-house of Macao ;
that at his first arrival the Chinese boats
had brought onboard plenty of greens,
and variety of fresh provisions for daily
use, for which they had always been
paid to their full satisfaction, but that
the custom-house officers at Macao
had soon forbid them, by which means
he was deprived of those refreshments
which were of the utmost consequence
to the health of his men after their
long and sickly voyage ; that as they,
the mandarins, had informed them-
selves of his wants, and were eyewit-
nesses of the force and strength of his
ship, they might be satisfied it was
not for want of power to supply him-
self that he desired the permission of
the Government to purchase what
provisions he stood in need of ; that
they must be convinced that the
Centurion alone was capable of de-
stroying the whole navigation of the
port of Canton, or of any other port
in China, without running the least
risk from all the force the Chinese
could collect ; that it was true this
was not the manner of proceeding be-
tween nations in friendship with each
other, but it was likewise true that
it was not customary for any nation
to permit the ships of their friends to
starve and sink in their ports, when
those friends had money to supply
their wants, and only desired liberty
to lay it out ; that they must confess
he and his people had hitherto behaved
with great modesty and reserve, but
that, as his wants were each day in-
creasing, hunger would at last prove
too strong for any restraint, and
necessity was acknowledged in all
countries to be superior to every other
law, and therefore it could not be ex-
pected that his crew would long con-
tinue to starve in the midst of that
plenty to which their eyes were every
day witnesses. To this the Commo-
dore added (though perhaps with a
less serious air) that if by the delay of
supplying him with fresh provisions
his men should be reduced to the ne-
cessity of turning cannibals, and prey-
ing upon their own species, it was
easy to be foreseen that, independent
of their friendship to their comrades,
they would in point of luxury prefer
the plump, well-fed Chinese to their
own emaciated shipmates. The first
mandarin acquiesced in the justness
of this reasoning, and told the Com-
modore that he should that night
proceed for Canton ; that on his
arrival a council of mandarins would
be summoned, of which he himself
was a member, and that by being
employed in the present commission
he was of course the Commodore's
advocate ; that, as he was fully con-
vinced of the urgency of Mr Anson's
necessity, he did not doubt but on hia
representation the council would be of
the same opinion, and that all that
was demanded would be amply and
speedily granted. And with regard
to the Commodore's complaint of the
custom-house of Macao, he undertook
to rectify that immediately by his own
authority ; for, desiring a list to be
given him of the quantity of provision
necessary for the expense of the ship
for a day, he wrote a permit under it,
and delivered it to one of his attend-
ants, directing him to see that quantity
sent on board early every morning ;
and this order from that time forward
was punctually complied with.
When this weighty affair was thus
in some degree regulated, the Com-
modore invited him and his two at-
tendant mandarins to dinner, telling
them at the same time that if his pro-
vision, either in kind or quantity,
was not what they might expect, they
must thank themselves for having
confined him to so hard an allowance.
One of his dishes was beef, which
the Chinese all dislike, though Mr
Anson was not apprised of it ; this
seems to be derived from the Indian
superstition, which for some ages past
has made a great progress in China.
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.Cn. VII.
140
However, his guests did not entirely
fast ; for the three mandarins com-
pletely finished the white part of four
large fowls. But they were extremely
embarrassed with their knives and
forks, and were quite incapable of mak-
ing use of them ; so that, after some
fruitless attempts to help themselves,
which were sufficiently awkward, one
of the attendants was obliged to cut
their meat in small pieces for them.
But whatever difficulty they might
have in complying with the European
manner of eating, they seemed not to
be novices in drinking. The Commo-
dore excused himself in this part of
the entertainment, under the pretence
of illness ; but there being another
gentleman present, of a florid and jov-
ial complexion, the chief mandarin
clapped him on the shoulder, and told
him by the interpreter that certainly
he could not plead sickness, and there-
fore insisted on his bearing him com-
pany ; and that gentleman perceiving
that after they had despatched four or
five bottles of Frontiniac, the mandarin
still continued unruffled, he ordered a
bottle of citron-water to be brought
up, which the Chinese seemed much
to relish ; and this being near finished
they arose from table, in appearance
cool and uninfluenced by Avhat they
had drunk. And the Commodore hav-
ing, according to custom, made the
mandarin a present, they all departed
in the same vessels that brought them.
After their departure the Commo-
dore with great impatience expected
the resolution of the council, and the
necessary licenses for his refitment.
For it must be observed, as has already
appeared from the preceding narra-
tion, that he could neither purchase
stores nor necessaries with his money,
nor did any kind of workmen dare to
engage themselves to work for him,
without the permission of the Govern-
ment first obtained. And in the exe-
cution of these particular injunctions
the magistrates never fail of exercising
great severity, they, notwithstanding
the fustian eulogiums bestowed upon
them by the Catholic missionaries
and their European copiers, being
composed of the same fragile materials
with the rest of mankind, and often
making use of the authority of the
law not to suppress crimes, but to
enrich themselves by the pillage of
those who commit them. For capital
punishments are rare in China, the
effeminate genius of the nation, and
their strong attachment to lucre, dis-
posing them rather to make use of
fines ; and hence arises no inconsider-
able profit to those who compose their
tribunals. Consequently prohibitions
of all kinds, particularly such as the
alluring prospect of great profit may
often tempt the subject to infringe,
cannot but be favourite institutions in
such a government.
Some time before this, Captain
Saunders took his passage to England
on board a Swedish ship, and was
charged with despatches from the
Commodore ; and soon after, in the
month of December, Captain Mitchel,
Colonel Cracherode, and Mr Tassel,
one of the agent-victuallers, with his
nephew, Mr Charles Harriot, em-
barked on board some of our Com-
pany's ships ; and I, having obtained
the Commodore's leave to return home,
embarked with them. I must ob-
serve, too (having omitted it before),
that whilst we lay here at Macao we
were informed by some of the officers
of our Indiamen that the Severn and
Pearl, the two ships of our squadron
which had separated from us off Cape
Noir, were safely arri ved at Eio Janeiro,
on the coast of Brazil ; and it was with
great joy we received the news, after
the strong persuasion which had so
long prevailed amongst us, of their
having both perished.
Notwithstanding the favourable
disposition of the mandarin Gover-
nor of Janson at his leaving Mr
Anson, several days were elapsed be-
fore he had any advice from him, and
Mr Anson was privately informed
there were great debates in council
upon his affair ; partly, perhaps, ow-
ing to its being so unusual a case, and
in part to the influence, as I suppose,
of the intrigues of the French at Can-
ton. For they had a countryman and
fast friend residing on the spot, who
spoke the language very well, and
1742-3.",
THE CENTURION REFITTED.
141
was not unacquainted with the venal-
it} 7 of the Government, nor with the
persons of several of the magistrates,
and consequently could not be at a
loss for means of traversing the assist-
ance desired by Mr Anson. And this
opposition by the French was not
merely the effect of national prejudice
or contrariety of political interests,
but was in good measure owing to
their vanity, a motive of much more
weight with the generality of mankind
than any attachment to the public
service of their community. For the
French pretending their Indiamen to
be men-of-war, their officers were
apprehensive that any distinction
granted to Mr Anson, on account of
his bearing the King's commission,
would render them less considerable
in the eyes of the Chinese, and would
establish a prepossession at Canton in
favour of ships of war, by which they,
as trading vessels, would suffer in their
importance ; and I wish the affecta-
tion of endeavouring to pass for men-
of-war, and the fear of sinking in
the estimation of the Chinese if the
Centurion was treated in a different
manner from themselves, had been
confined to the officers of the French
ships only. 1 However, notwithstand-
ing all these obstacles, it should seem
that the representation of the Com-
modore to the mandarins of the facility
with which he could right himself, if
justice were denied him, had at last
its effect ; for on the 6th of January,
in the morning, the Governor of Jan-
son, the Commodore's advocate, sent
down the Viceroy of Canton's warrant
for the refitment of the Centurion,
and for supplying her people with all
they wanted ; and next day a number
of Chinese smiths and carpenters went
on board to agree for all the work by
the great. 2 They demanded at first
to the amount of 1000 sterling for
the necessary repairs of the ship, the
boats, and the masts. This the Com-
modore seemed to think an unreason-
able sum, and endeavoured to persuade
1 Glancing, apparently, at the jeal-
ousies of the English merchants.
3 In the lump, or for the whole job.
them to work by the day ; but that
proposal they would not hearken to,
so it was at last agreed that the car-
penters should have to the amount of
aboat 600 for their work, and that
the smiths should be paid for their
iron work by weight, allowing them
at the rate of 3 a hundred nearly
for the small work, and 46s. for the
large. . . .
It was the beginning of April before
they had new -rigged the ship, stowed
their provisions and water on board,
and fitted her for the sea ; and before
this time the Chinese grew very un-
easy, and extremely desirous that she
should be gone ; either not knowing,
or pretending not to believe, that this
was a point the Commodore was as
eagerly set on as they could be. On
the 8d of April two mandarin boats
came on board from Macao to urge
his departure ; and this having been
often done before, though there had
been no pretence to suspect Mr Anson
of any affected delaj^s, he at this last
message answered them in a deter-
mined tone, desiring them to give him
no further trouble, for he would go
when he thought proper and not be-
fore. On this rebuke the Chinese
(though it was not in their power to
compel him to be gone) immediately
prohibited all provisions from being
carried on board him, and took such
care that their injunctions should be
complied with, that from that time
forwards nothing could be purchased
at ft-ny rate whatever.
On the 6th of April the Centurion
weighed from the Typa, and warped
to the southward, and by the 15th
she was got into Macao road, com-
pleting h&r water as she passed along,
so that there remained now very few
articles more to attend to ; and her
whole business being finished by the
19th, she at three in the afternoon of
that day weighed and made sail, and
stood to sea.
CHAPTER VIII.
Tni2 Commodore was now got to sea,
with his ship very well refitted, his
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. III. CH. VIII.
142
stores replenished, and an additional
stock of provisions on board. His
crew, too, was somewhat reinforced ;
for he had entered twenty-three men
during his stay at Macao, the greatest
part of which were Lascars or Indian
sailors, and some few Dutch. 1 He
gave out at Macao that he was bound
to Batavia, and thence to England ;
and though the western monsoon was
now set in, when that passage is con-
sidered as impracticable, yet by the
confidence he had expressed in the
strength of his ship and the dexterity
of his people he had persuaded not only
his own crew, but the people at Macao
likewise, that he proposed to try this
unusual experiment ; so that there
were many letters put on board him
by the inhabitants of Canton and
Macao for their friends at Batavia.
But his real design was of a very
different nature ; for he knew that
instead of one annual ship from Aca-
pulco to Manilla there would be this
year, in all probability, two, since by
being before Acapulco, he had pre-
vented one of them from putting to
sea the preceding season. He there-
fore resolved to cruise for these return-
ing vessels off Cape Espiritu Santo, 011
the Island of Samal, which is the
first land they always make in the
Philippine Islands. And as June is
generally the month in which they
arrive there, he doubted not but he
should get to his intended station in
time enough to intercept them. It is
true, they were said to be stout vessels,
mounting 44 guns a-piece, and carry-
ing above 500 hands, and might be
expected to return in company ; and
he himself had but 227 hands on
board, of which near thirty were boys.
1 Yet the ship's company was de-
plorably far short of her requirements ;
for Anson says in his Official Report :
"The number of men I have now
borne is 201, amongst which are in-
cluded all the officers and boys which
I had out of the Gloucester, Trial
prize, and Anna pink, so that I have
not before the mast more than forty-
five able seamen. "
But this disproportion of strength did
not deter him, as he knew his ship tobe
much better fitted for a sea engagement
than theirs, and as he had reason to
expect that his men would exert them-
selves in the most extraordinary man-
ner when they had in view the immense
wealth of these Manilla galleons.
This project the Commodore had
resolved on in his own thoughts ever
since his leaving the coast of Mexico ;
and the greatest mortification which
he received from the various delays
he had met with in China was his ap-
prehension lest he might be thereby
so long retarded as to let the galleons
escape him. Indeed at Macao it was
incumbent on him to keep these views
extremely secret, for there being a great
intercourse and a mutual connection
of interests between that port and
Manilla, he had reason to fear that if
his designs were discovered, intelli-
gence would be immediately sent to
Manilla, and measures would be taken
to prevent the galleons from falling
into his hands. But being now at
sea, and entirely clear of the coast, he
summoned all his people on the quar-
ter-deck, and informed them of his
resolution to cruise for the two Man-
illa ships, of whose wealth they were
not ignorant. He told them he should
choose a station where he could not
fail of meeting with them ; and though
they were stout ships, and full -manned,
yet, if his own people behaved with
their accustomed spirit, he was cer-
tain he should prove too hard for them
both, and that one of them at least
could not fail of becoming his prize.
He further added, that many ridicul-
ous talcs had been propagated about
the strength of the sides of these
ships, and their being impenetrable
to cannon-shot ; that these fictions
had been principally invented to pal-
liate the cowardice of those who had
formerly engaged them ; but he hoped
there were none of those present weak
enough to give credit to so absurd a
story. For his own part, he did as-
sure them upon his word that, when-
ever he met with them, he would
fight them so near that they should
find his bullets, instead of being stop-
1743.]
DESIGNS OF THE COMMODORE.
143
ped by one of their sides, should go
through them both.
This speech of the Commodore's
was received by his people with great
joy, for no sooner had he ended than
they expressed their approbation, ac-
cording to naval custom, by three
strenuous cheers, and all declared
their determination to succeed or per-
ish whenever the opportunity pre-
sented itself. And now their hopes,
which since their departure from the
coast of Mexico had entirely subsided,
were again revived ; and they all per-
suaded themselves that, notwithstand-
ing the various casualties and disap-
pointments they had hitherto met
with, they should yet be repaid the
price of their fatigues, and should at
last return home enriched with the
spoils of the enemy. For, firmly re-
lying on the assurances of the Com-
modore that they should certainly
meet with the vessels, they were all
of them too sanguine to doubt a mo-
ment of mastering them ; so that they
considered themselves as having them
already in their possession. And this
confidence was so universally spread
through the whole ship's company
that, the Commodore having taken
some Chinese sheep to sea with him
for his own provision, and one day
inquiring of his butcher why for some
time past he had seen no mutton at
his table, asking him if all the sheep
were killed, the butcher very seriously
replied that there were indeed two
sheep left ; but that if his honour
would give him leave, he proposed to
keep those for the entertainment of
the General of the galleons.
When the Centurion left the port
of Macao she stood for some days to
the westward ; and on the 1st of May
they saw part of the Island of For-
mosa, and, standing thence to the
southward, they on the 4th of May
were in the latitude of the Bashee
Islands, as laid down by Dampier ;
but they suspected his account of in-
accuracy, as they found that he had
been considerably mistaken in the
latitude of the south end of Formosa.
For this reason they kept a good look-
out, and about seven in the evening
discovered from the -masthead five
small islands, which were judged to
be the Bashees, and they had after-
wards a sight of Botel Tobago Xima.
By this means they had an opportunity
of correcting the position of the Bashee
Islands, which had been hitherto laid
down twenty-five leagues too far to
the westward ; for by their observa-
tions they esteemed the middle of
these Islands to be in 21 4' N., and to
bear from Botel Tobago Xima SSE.,
twenty leagues distant, that island
itself being in 21 57' N. After get-
ting a sight of the Bashee Islands they
stood between the S. and SW. for
Cape Espiritu Santo, and the 20th of
May at noon they first discovered that
cape, which, ^ about 4 o'clock, they
brought to bear SSW., about eleven
leagues distant. It appeared to be of
a moderate height, with several round
hummocks on it. As it was known
that there were sentinels placed upon
this cape to make signals to the Aca-
pulco ship when she first falls in with
the land, the Commodore immediately
tacked, and ordered the top-gallant
sails to be taken in to prevent being
discovered ; and this being the sta-
tion in which it was resolved to cruise
for the galleons, they kept the cape
between the S. and W., and endea-
voured to confine themselves between
the Latitude of 12 50' and 13 5', the
cape itself lying, by their observations
in 12 40' N. and 4 of E. Longitude
from Botel Tobago Xima.
It was the last of May, by the foreign
style, 1 when they arrived off this Cape ;
and the month of June, by the same
style, being that in which the Manilla
ships are usually expected, the Cen-
turion's people were now waiting each
hour with the utmost impatience for
the happy crisis which was to balance
the account of all their past calami-
ties. As from this time there was but
small employment for the crew, the
Commodore ordered them almost every
day to be exercised in the manage-
ment of the great guns, and in the
use of their small arms. This had
been his practice, more or less, at all
New Style.
144 ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. III. Cn. VIII.
convenient seasons during the whole
course of his voyage ; and the advan-
tages which he received from it in his
engagement with the galleon were an
ample recompense for all his care and
attention. [The men] were taught
the shortest method of loading with
cartridges, and were constantly trained
to fire at a mark, which was usually
hung at the yard-arm, and some little
reward was given to the most expert.
The whole crew, by this manage-
ment, were rendered extremely skilful,
quick in loading, all of them good
marksmen, and some of them most
extraordinary ones ; so that I doubt
not but, in the use of small arms,
they were more than a match for
double their number who had not
been habituated to the same kind of
exercise.
It was the last of May, N.S., as has
Deen already said, when the Centurion
arrived off Cape Espiritu Santo, and
consequently the next day began the
month in which the galleons were to
be expected. The Commodore there-
fore made all necessary preparations
for receiving them, having hoisted out
his long-boat, and lashed her along-
side, that the ship might be ready for
engaging if they fell in with the gal-
leons in the night. All this time,
too, he was very solicitous to keep at
such a distance from the cape as not
to be discovered ; but it has been
since learned that, notwithstanding
his care, he was seen from the land ;
and advice of him was sent to Manilla,
where it was at first disbelieved ; but
on reiterated intelligence (for it seems
he was seen more than once) the mer-
chants were alarmed, and the Governor
was applied to, who undertook (the
commerce 1 supplying the necessary
sums) to fit out a force consisting of
two ships of 32 guns, one of 20 guns,
and two sloops of 10 guns each, to
attack the Centurion on her station.
And some of these vessels did actually
1 That is, the commercial com-
munity collectively; as "trade" is
used, early in the narrative, to sig-
nify the collection of merchant ships
sailing under convoy.
weigh with this view ; but the prin-
cipal ship not being ready, and the
monsoon being against them, the
commerce and the Government dis-
agreed, and the enterprise was laid
aside. This frequent discovery of the
Centurion from the shore was some-
what extraordinary, for the pitch of
the cape is not high, and she usually
kept from ten to fifteen leagues dis-
tant ; though once, indeed, by an in-
draught of the tide as was supposed,
they found themselves in the morning
within seven leagues of the land.
As the month of June advanced,
the expectancy and impatience of the
Commodore's people each day increas-
ed. And I think no better idea can
be given of their great eagerness on
this occasion than by copying a few
paragraphs from the journal of an
officer who was then on board, as it
will, I presume, be a more natural
picture of the full attachment of their
thoughts to the business of their cruise
than can be given by any other means.
The paragraphs I have selected, as
they occur in order of time, are as
follow :
" May 31. Exercising our men at
their quarters, in great expectation of
meeting with the galleons very soon ;
this being the llth of June their
style.
"June 3. Keeping in our stations
and looking out for the galleons.
"June 5. Begin now to be in
great expectations, this being the
middle of June their style.
"June 11. Begin to grow impa-
tient at not seeing the galleons.
"June 13. The wind having blown
fresh easterly for the forty-eight hours
past gives us great expectations of see-
ing the galleons soon.
"June 15. Cruising on and off,
and looking out strictly.
" June 19. This being the last day
of June, N.S., the galleons, if they
arrive at all, must appear soon."
From these samples it is sufficiently
evident, how completely the treasure
of the galleons had engrossed their
imagination, and how anxiously they
passed the latter part of their cruise,
when the certainty of the arrival of
1743.]
PREPARED TO MEET THE GALLEON.
145
these vessels was dwindled down to
probability only, and that probability
became each hour more and more
doubtful. However, on the 20th of
June, O.S., being just a month from
their arrival on their station, they
were relieved from this state of uncer-
tainty when, at sunrise, they discov-
ered a sail from the masthead in the
SE. quarter. 1 On this a general joy
spread through the whole ship ; for
they had no doubt but this was one
of the galleons, and they expected
soon to see the other. The Commo-
dore instantly stood towards her, and
at half-an-hour after seven they were
near enough to see her from the Cen-
turion's deck ; at which- time the gal-
leon fired a gun, and took in her top-
gallant sails, which was supposed to
be a signal to her consort to hasten
her up ; and therefore the Centurion
fired a gun to leeward, to amuse her.
The Commodore was surprised to find
that in all this time the galleon did
not change her course, but continued
to bear down upon him ; for he hardly
believed, what afterwards appeared to
be the case, that she knew his ship
to be the Centurion and resolved to
fight him.
About noon the Commodore was
little more than a league distant from
the galleon, and could fetch her wake,
so that she could not now escape ;
and, no second ship appearing, it
was concluded that she had been
separated from her consort. Soon
after, the galleon hauled up her fore-
sail, and brought to under topsails,
with her head to the northward,
hoisting Spanish colours, and having
the standard of Spain flying at the top-
gallant-masthead. Mr Anson in the
meantime had prepared all things for
an engagement on board the Centur-
ion, and had taken all possible care
both for the most effectual exertion of
his small strength, and for avoiding
the confusion and tumult too frequent
1 Thomas commemorates the name
of Mr Charles Proby, midshipman,
as having been the first on board to
discover the long-looked-for treasure-
in actions of this kind. He picked
out about thirty of his choicest hands
and best marksmen, whom he distri-
buted into his tops, and who fully
answered his expectation by the sig-
nal services they performed. As he
had not hands enough remaining to
quarter a sufficient number to each
great gun in the customary manner,
he therefore, on his lower tier, fixed
only two men to each gun, who were
to be solely employed in loading it,
whilst the rest of his people were
divided into different gangs of ten or
twelve men each, who were constantly
moving about the decks, to run out
and fire such guns as were loaded.
By this management he was enabled
to make use of all his guns ; and,
instead of firing broadsides with in-
tervals between them, he kept up a
constant fire without intermission,
whence he doubted not to procure
very signal advantages. For it is
common with the Spaniards to fall
down upon the decks when they see
a broadside preparing, and to continue
in that posture till it is given ; after
which they rise again, and, presuming
the danger to be for some time over,
work their guns, and fire with great
briskness, till another broadside is
ready : but the firing gun by gun, in
the manner directed by the Commo-
dore, rendered this practice of theirs
impossible.
The Centurion being thus prepared,
and nearing the galleon apace, there
happened, a little after noon, several
squalls of wind and rain, which often
obscured the galleon from their sight ;
but whenever it cleared up they ob-
served her resolutely lying to ; and,
towards 1 o'clock, the Centurion
hoisted her broad pendant and colours,
she being then within gun-shot of the
enemy. And the Commodore observ-
ing the Spaniards to have neglected
clearing their ship till that time, as
he then saw them throwing overboard
cattle and lumber, he gave orders to
fire upon them with the chase guns,
to embarrass them in their work, and
prevent them from completing it,
though his general directions had
been not to engage till they were
K
146 ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. III. CH. VIII.
within pistol-shot. The galleon re-
turned the fire with two of her stern-
chasers ; l and the Centurion getting
her spritsail-yard fore and aft, that if
necessary she might be ready for
boarding, the Spaniards in a bravado
rigged their spritsail-yard fore and
aft likewise. Soon after, the Centur-
ion came abreast of the enemy within
pistol-shot, keeping to the leeward,
with a view of preventing them from
putting before the wind and gaining
the port of Jalapay, from which they
were about seven leagues distant. And
now the engagement began in earnest,
and for the first half-hour Mr Anson
overreached the galleon, and lay on
her bow; where by the great wide-
ness of his ports he could traverse
almost all his guns upon the enemy,
whilst the galleon could only bring a
part of hers to bear. Immediately on
the commencement of the action, the
mats with which the galleon had
stuffed her netting took fire, and
burned violently, blazing up half as
high as the mizzentop. This accident
(supposed to be caused by the Cen-
turion's wads) threw the enemy into
great confusion, and at the same time
alarmed the Commodore, for he feared
lest the galleon should be burned, and
lest he himself too might suffer by
her driving on board him. But the
Spaniards at last freed themselves
from the fire, by cutting away the
netting, and tumbling the whole mass
which was in flames into the sea. But
still the Centurion kept her first ad-
vantageous position, firing her can-
non with "great regularity and brisk-
ness, whilst at the same time the
galleon's decks lay open to her top-
men, who having at their first volley
driven the Spaniards from their tops,
made prodigious havoc with their
small arms, killing or wounding every
officer but one that ever appeared on
the quarter-deck, and wounding in
particular the General of the galleon
himself. And though the Centurion,
after the first half-hour, lost her origi-
1 "One of which," Thomas records,
" carried away one of our fore shrouds
and our forestay tackle."
nal situation, and was close alongside
the galleon, and the enemy continued
to fire briskly for near an hour longer,
yet at last the Commodore's grape-shot
swept their decks so effectually, and
the number of their slain and wound-
ed was so considerable, that they began
to fall into great disorder ; especially
as the General, who was the life of the
action, was no longer capabie'of exert
ing himself. Their embarrassment
was visible from on board the Com-
modore. For the ships were so near,
that some of the Spanish officers were
seen running about with great assi-
duity to prevent the desertion of their
men from their : quarters. But all
their endeavours were in vain, for
after having, as a last effort, fired five
or six guns with more judgment than
usual, they gave up the contest ; and,
the galleon's colours being singed off
the ensign staff in the beginning of the
engagement, she struck the standard
at her maintop-gallant masthead, the
person who was employed to do it
having been in imminent peril of
being killed, had not the Commodore,
who perceived what he was about,
given express orders to his people to
desist from firing.
Thus was the Centurion possessed of
this rich prize, amounting in value to
near a million and a half of dollars.
She was called the Nuestra Sefiora de
Cabadonga, and was commanded by
the General Don Jeronimode Montero,
a Portuguese by birth, and the most
approved officer for skill and courage
of any employed in that service. The
galleon was much larger than the
Centurion, had 550 men and 36 guns
mounted for action, besides twenty -
eight pidreroes in her gunwale, quar-
ters, and tops, each of which carried
a four-pound ball. She was very well
furnished with small arms, and was
particularly provided against board-
ing, both by her close quarters, and
by a strong net-work of two inch rope
which was laced over her waist and
was defended by half pikes. 3 Sho
3 Placed in the manner of chevaux
dc frise.
1743.]
THE GALLEON TAKEN.
147
had sixty-seven killed in the action
and eighty-four wounded ; whilst the
Centurion had only two killed, and a
lieutenant and sixteen wounded, all
of whom but one recovered : of so
little consequence are the most de-
structive arms in untutored and un-
practised hands. 1
The treasure thus taken by the
Centurion having been for at least
eighteen months the great object of
their hopes, it is impossible to describe
the transport on board when, after all
their reiterated disappointments, they
at last saw their wishes accomplished.
But their joy was near being suddenly
damped by a most tremendous inci-
dent : for no sooner had the galleon
struck, than one of the lieutenants,
coming to Mr Anson to congratulate
him on his prize, whispered him at
the same time that the Centurion was
dangerously on fire near the powder-
room. The Commodore received this
dreadful news without any apparent
emotion, and, taking care not to
alarm his people, gave the necessary
orders for extinguishing it, which was
happily done in a short time, though
its appearance at first was extremely
terrible. It seems some cartridges
had been blown up by accident be-
tween decks, whereby a quantity of
oakum in the after hatchway, near the
after powder-room, was set on fire ;
and the great smother and smoke of
the oakum occasioned the apprehen-
sion of a more extended and mischiev-
ous fire. At the same instant, too,
the galleon fell on board the Centurion
on the starboard quarter, but she was
cleared without doing or receiving any
considerable damage.
1 Thomas, who was one of the party
sent on board as prize crew, says : " I
had heard we had killed them sixty
men, and wounded as many more,
and expected to have seen the horrid
spectacle of mangled limbs, dead car-
casses, and decks covered with blood ;
but no such spectacle appeared ; a
oned,
wash
away the blood, and to throw the
dead overboard.
party having been properly station
during the time of action, to w
The Commodore made his first
lieutenant, Mr Saumarez, captain of
this prize, appointing her a post-ship
in his Majesty's service. Captain
Saumarez, before night, sent on board
the Centurion all the Spanish prison-
ers but such as were thought the most
proper to be retained to assist in na-
vigating the galleon. And now the
Commodore learned from some of
these prisoners that the other ship,
which he had kept in the port of
Acapulco the preceding year, instead
of returning in company with the
present prize, as was expected, had
set sail from Acapulco alone much
sooner than usual, and had in all
t into the port of Man-
fore the Centurion arrived
off Cape Espiritu Santo ; so that Mr
Anson, notwithstanding his present
success, had great reason to regret
his loss of time at Macao, which pre-
vented him from taking two rich
prizes instead of one. 1
The Commodore, when the action
was ended, resolved to make the best
of his way with his prize for the
River of Canton, being in the mean-
time fully employed in securing his
prisoners, and in removing the trea-
sure from on board the galleon into
the Centurion. The last of these
operations was too important to be
postponed ; for as the navigation to
Canton was through seas but little
known, and where, from the season
of the year, much bad weather might
be expected, it was of great conse-
2 Among the prisoners, we are told
by Thomas, was "an old gentleman,
Governor of Guam, who was going to
Manilla to renew his commission, and
who had scarce mounted the Cen-
turion's side before he was received
with open arms by Mr Crooden, cap-
tain of marines, who thirty-six years
before, at the battle of Almanza, had
been his prisoner, and honourably
used by him. These two renewed
their old acquaintance, and Captain
Crooden had a long-wished-for oppor-
tunity of returning the favours he
had formerly received, and which he
gratefully remembered."
148 ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B. III. da. VIII.
quence that the treasure should be
sent on board the Centurion ; which
ship, by the presence of the Com-
mander-in-chief, the greater number
of her hands, and her other advan-
tages, was doubtless much safer against
all the casualties of winds and seas
than the galleon. And the securing
the prisoners was a matter of still
more consequence, as not only the
possession of the treasure, but the
lives of the captors depended thereon.
This was indeed an article which gave
the Commodore much trouble and
disquietude, for they were above
double the number of his own people ;
and some of them, when they were
brought on board the Centurion, and
had observed how slenderly she was
manned, and the large proportion
which the striplings bore to the rest,
could not help expressing themselves
with great indignation to be thus
beaten by a handful of boys. The
method which was taken to hinder
them from rising was by placing all
but the officers and the wounded in
the hold, where, to give them as much
air as possible, two hatchways were
left open ; but then (to avoid all
danger whilst the Centurion's people
should be employed upon the deck)
there was a square partition of thick
planks, made in the shape of a funnel,
which inclosed each hatchway on the
lower deck, and reached to that di-
rectly over it on the upper deck.
These funnels served to communicate
the air to the hold better than could
have been done without them, and,
at the same time, added greatly to
the security of the ship ; for they
being seven or eight feet high, it
would have been extremely difficult
for the Spaniards to have clambered
up ; and, still to augment that diffi-
culty, four swivel-guns loaded with
musket-bullets were planted at the
mouth of each funnel, and a sen-
tinel with lighted match constantly
attended, prepared to fire into the
hold amongst them in case of any
disturbance. Their officers, who
amounted to seventeen or eighteen,
were all lodged in the first lieuten-
cabin, under a constant guard of
six men ; and the General, as he was
wounded, lay in the Commodore's
cabin with a sentinel always with
him ; and they were all informed
that any violence or disturbance
would be punished with instant
death. And that the Centurion's
people might be at all times prepared,
if notwithstanding these regulations
any tumult should arise, the small
arms were constantly kept loaded in
a proper place, whilst all the men
went armed with cutlasses and pis-
tols ; and no officer ever pulled off
his clothes, and when he slept had
always his arms lying ready by
him.
These measures were obviously ne-
cessary, considering the hazards to
which the Commodore and his people
would have been exposed had they
been less careful. Indeed the suffer-
ings of the poor prisoners, though
impossible to be alleviated, were much
to be commiserated ; for the weather
was extremely hot, the stench of the
hold loathsome beyond all conception,
and their allowance of water but just
sufficient to keep them alive, it not
being practicable to spare them more
than at the rate of a pint a-day for
each, the crew themselves having
only an allowance of a pint and a
half. All this considered, it was
wonderful that not a man of them
died during their long confinement,
except three of the wounded, who
died the same night they were taken ;
though it must be confessed that the
greatest part of them were strangely
metamorphosed by the heat of the
hold. For when they were first taken
they w r ere sightly, robust fellows ; but
when, after above a month's im-
prisonment, they were discharged in
the River of Canton, they were re-
duced to mere skeletons, and their
air and looks corresponded much more
to the conception formed of ghosts
and spectres than to the figure and
appearance of real men.
Thus employed in securing the
treasure and the prisoners, the Com-
modore, as has been said, stood for
the Rivor of Canton, and on the 30th
of June, at six in the evening, got
1743.] TREASURE FOUND
sight of Cape Delangano, 1 which then
bore W. ten leagues distant ; and the
next day he made the Bashee Islands,
and the wind being so far to the
northward that it was difficult to
weather them, it was resolved to
stand through between Grafton and
Monmouth Islands, where the passage
seemed to be clear ; but in getting
through, the sea had a very dangerous
aspect, for it rippled and foamed as if
it had been full of breakers, which
was still more terrible, as it was then
night. But the ships got through
very safe (the prize always keeping
a-head), and it was found that the
appearance which had alarmed them
had been occasioned only by a strong
tide. I must here observe, that though
the Bashee Islands are usually reck-
oned to be no more than five, yet
there are many more lying about
them to the westward, which, as the
channels amongst them are not at all
known, makes it advisable for ships
rather to pass to the northward or
southward than through them; and
indeed the Commodore proposed to
have gone to the northward, between
them and Formosa, had it been pos-
sible for him to have weathered them.
From hence the Centurion steering
the proper course for the River of
Canton, she, on the 8th of July, dis-
covered the Island of Supata, the
westernmost of the Lema Islands.
This island they made to be 139
leagues distant from Grafton Island,
and to bear from it N. 82, 37 W. ;
and on the llth, having taken on
board two Chinese pilots, one for the
Centurion and the other for the prize,
they came to an anchor off the city of
Macao.
By this time the particulars of the
cargo of the galleon were well ascer-
tained, and it was found that she had
on board 1,313,843 pieces of eight,
and 35,682 oz. of virgin silver, be-
sides some cochineal and a few other
commodities, which however were but
of small account in comparison of the
1 Cape Engano, near the north-
western extremity of the Island of
Luconia or Luzon.
THE GALLEON.
149
specie. And this being the Commo-
dore's last prize, it hence appears
that all the treasure taken by the
Centurion was not much short of
400,000, independent of the ships
and merchandise which she either
burnt or destroyed, and which by
the most reasonable estimation could
not amount to so little as 600,000
more; so that the whole loss of the
enemy by our squadron did doubtless
exceed a million sterling. To which
if there be added the great expense of
the Court of Spain in fitting out
Pizarro, and in paying the additional
charges in America incurred on our
account, together with the loss of
their men-of-war, the total of all these
articles will be a most exorbitant sum,
and is the strongest conviction of the
utility of this expedition, which, with
all its numerous disadvantages, did
yet prove so extremely prejudicial to
the enemy. . . .
CHAPTER IX.
THE Commodore, having taken pilots
on board, proceeded with his prize for
the River of Canton, and on the 14th
of July came to an anchor short of
the Bocca Tigris, which is a narrow
passage forming the mouth of that
river. This entrance he proposed to
stand through the next day, and to
run up as far as Tiger Island, which
is a very safe road, secured from all
winds. But whilst the Centurion and
her prize were thus at anchor, a boat
with an officer came off from the man-
darin commanding the forts at Bocca
Tigris, to examine what the ships were
arid whence they came. Mr Anson
informed the officer that his ship was
a ship of war belonging to the King
of Great Britain, and that the other
in company with him was a prize he
had taken ; that he was going into
Canton River to shelter himself against
the hurricanes which were then coming
on ; and that as soon as the monsoon
shifted he should proceed for England.
The officer then desired an account
of what men, guns, and ammunition
150
ANSON'S VOYAGE BOUND THE WORLD. [B. III. On. IX.
were on board, a list of all which, lie
said, was to be sent to the Government
of Canton. But when these articles
were repeated to him, particularly
when he was told that there were in
the Centurion 400 firelocks and be-
tween 300 and 400 barrels of powder,
he shrugged up his shoulders and
seemed to be terrified with the bare
recital, saying that no ships ever came
into Canton River armed in that man-
ner ; adding, that he durst not set
down the whole of this force, lest it
should too much alarm the Regency.
After he had finished his inquiries,
and was preparing to depart, he de-
sired to leave the two custom-house
officers behind him ; on which the
Commodore told him, that though as
a man-of-war he was prohibited from
trading, and had nothing to do with
customs or duties of any kind, yet for
the satisfaction of the Chinese he
would permit two of their people to
be left on board, who might them-
selves be witnesses how punctually he
should comply with his instructions.
The officer seemed amazed when Mr
Anson mentioned being exempted
from all duties, and told him that the
Emperor's duty must bo paid by all
ships that came into his ports. And
it is supposed that on this occasion
private directions were given by him
to the Chinese pilot not to carry the
Commodore through the Bocca Tigris,
which makes it necessary more parti-
cularly to describe that entrance. . . .
On the 16th of July the Commodore
sent his second lieutenant to Canton
with a letter to the Viceroy, informing
him of the reason of the Centurion's
putting into that port ; and that the
Commodore himself soon proposed to
repair to Canton to pay a visit to the
Viceroy. The lieutenant was very
civilly received, and was promised
that an answer should be sent to the
Commodore the next day. In the
meantime Mr Anson gave leave to
several of the officers of the galleon to
go to Canton, they engaging their
parole to return in two days. When
these prisoners got to Canton, the
Regency sent for them and examined
them, inquiring particularly by what
means they had fallen into Mr Anson's
power. And on this occasion the pri-
soners were honest enough to declare
that, as the Kings of Great Britain
and Spain were at war, they had pro-
posed to themselves the taking of the
Centurion, and had bore down upon
her with that view, but that the event
had been contrary to their hopes ;
however, they acknowledged that they
had been treated by the Commodore
much better than they believed they
should have treated him had he fallen
into their hands. This confession
from an enemy had great weight with
the Chinese, who till then, though
they had revered the Commodore's
power, had yet suspected his morals,
and had considered him rather as a
lawless freebooter than as one commis-
sioned by the State for the revenge of
public injuries. But they now changed
their opinion, and regarded him as a
more important person, to -which per-
haps the vast treasure of his prize
might not a little contribute, the ac-
quisition of wealth being a matter
greatly adapted to the estimation and
reverence of the Chinese nation.
In this examination of the Spanish
prisoners, thougli the Chinese had no
reason in the main to doubt the ac-
count which was given them, yet there
were two circumstances which appear-
ed to them so singular as to deserve a
more ample explanation. One of them
was, the great disproportion of men
between the Centurion and the gal-
leon ; the other was the humanity
with which the people of the galleon
were treated after they were taken.
The mandarins therefore asked the
Spaniards how they came to be over-
powered by so inferior a force, and
how it happened, since the two na-
tions were at war, that they were not
put to death when they came into the
hands of the English. To the first of
these inquiries the Spaniards replied,
that though they had more hands than
the Centurion, yet she, being intended
solely for war, had a great superiority
in the size of her guns, and in many
other articles, over the galleon, which
was a vessel fitted out principally for
traffic. And as to the second question,
1743.]
SPANISH PRISONERS SENT ASHORE.
151
they told the Chinese that amongst
the nations of Europe it was not cus-
tomary to put to death those who sub-
mitted, though they readily owned
that the Commodore, from the natural
bias of his temper, had treated both
them, and their countrymen who had
formerly been in his power, with very
unusual courtesy, much beyond what
they could have expected, or than was
required by the customs established
between nations at war with each
other. These replies fully satisfied
the Chinese, and at the same time
wrought very powerfully in the Com-
modore's favour.
On the 20th of July, in the morn-
ing, three mandarins, with a great
number of boats and a vast retinue,
came on board the Centurion, and de-
livered to the Commodore the Viceroy
of Canton's order for a daily supply of
provisions, and for pilots to carry the
ships up the river as far as the second
bar j and at the same time they de-
livered him a message from the Vice-
roy in answer to the letter sent to
Canton. The substance of the mes-
sage was, that the Viceroy desired to
be excused from receiving the Commo-
dore's visit during the then excessive
hot weather, because the assembling
the mandarins and soldiers necessary
to that ceremony would prove ex-
tremely inconvenient and fatiguing ;
but that in September, when the
weather would be more temperate, he
should be glad to see both the Com-
modore himself and the English cap-
tain of the other ship that was with
him. As Mr Anson knew that an ex-
press had been despatched to the
Court at Pekin with an account of the
Centurion and her prize being arrived
in the River of Canton, he had no
doubt but the principal motive for
putting off this visit was, that the
Regency at Canton might gain time to
receive the Emperor's instructions
about their behaviour on this unusual
affair.
When the mandarins had delivered
their message, they began to talk to
the Commodore about the duties to
be paid by his ships ; but he imme-
diately told them that he would
never submit to any demand of that
kind; that as he neither brought
any merchandise thither, nor in-
tended to carry any away, he could
not be reasonably deemed to be with-
in the meaning of the Emperor's
orders, which were doubtless calcu-
lated for trading vessels only ; adding
that no duties were ever demanded of
men-of-war by nations accustomed to
their reception, and that his master's
orders expressly forbade him from
paying any acknowledgment for his
ships anchoring in any port what-
ever. The mandarins being thus cut
short on the subject of the duty, they
said they had another matter to men-
tion, which was the only remaining
one they had in charge ; this was a
request to the Commodore, that he
would release the prisoners he had
taken on board the galleon ; for that
the Viceroy of Canton apprehended
the Emperor, his master, might be
displeased if he should be informed
that persons who were his allies, and
carried on a great commerce with his
subjects, were under confinement in
his dominions. Mr Anson was him-
self extremely desirous to get rid of
the Spaniards, having on his first
arrival sent about 100 of them to
Macao, and those who remained,
which were near 400 more, were on
many accounts a great encumbrance
to him. However, to enhance the
favour, he at first raised some diffi-
culties ; but, permitting himself to
be prevailed on, he at last told the
mandarins, that to show his readiness
to oblige the Viceroy, he would re-
lease the prisoners, whenever they,
the Chinese, would send boats to
fetch them off. This matter being
adjusted, the mandarins departed ;
and on the 28th of July, two Chinese
junks were sent from Canton to take
on board the prisoners, and to carry
them to Macao. And the Commodore,
agreeable to his promise, dismissed
them all, and ordered his purser to
send with them eight days' provision
for their subsistence during their
sailing down the river. 1 This being
1 Thomas, who was one of the prize
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.CH.1X.
152
despatched; the Centurion and her
prize came to her moorings above the
second bar, where they proposed to
continue till the monsoon shifted.
Though the ships, in consequence
of the Viceroy's permit, found no
difficulty in purchasing provisions
for their daily consumption, yet it
was impossible for the Commodore to
proceed to England without laying in
a large quantity both of provisions
crew, tells a somewhat ugly story of
the Spanish "General" now set at
liberty. He was not only allowed the
use of his own cabin till he should be
recovered of his wound, but obtained
the services of an English surgeon ;
Anson, at the same time, sending an
officer to demand his commission.
The General made the officer look in
a box in the locker of his private
cabin, where he said the commission
would be found, along with a sword-
belt studded with diamonds of great
value ; and when the box was found
empty, the Spaniard averred that
some of the English, rummaging in
his cabin, must have stolen and
secreted the contents. Despite the
non-production of his commission,
the General received the most humane
and liberal treatment, being allowed at
his departure to carry off several chests
and trunks unsearched which he claim-
ed as his private property, though he
had many valuable ventures concealed
which should have been given up as
fair and lawful prize. Persisting to
the last in the theft of his commission
and sword-belt, he brought down on
the prize crew a heavy and undeserved
punishment ; for Anson, on their
arrival in the Canton River, abso-
lutely prohibited their intercourse
with the natives, that the thief might
have no chance of parting with his
booty undiscovered. Thomas, how-
ever, was afterwards told at Macao by
tin Irish priest, that the General had
both his commission and his sword-
belt ; that he had made no secret of
his fraud ; and that he had offered the
diamonds which were made up in the
belt only by way of a blind among
the merchants at Macao for sale.
and stores for his use during the
voyage. -The procuring this supply
was attended with 'much embarrass-
ment ; for there were people at Can-
ton who had undertaken to furnish
him with biscuit and whatever else
he wanted ; and his linguist, 1 towards
the middle of September, had assured
him from day to day that all was
ready, and would be sent on board
him immediately. But a fortnight
being elapsed, and nothing being
brought, the Commodore sent to Can-
ton to inquire more particularly into
the reasons of this disappointment,
and he had soon the vexation to be
informed that the whole was an illu-
sion ; that no order had been pro-
cured from the Viceroy to furnish
him with his sea stores, as had been
pretended ; that there was no biscuit
baked, nor any one of the articles in
readiness which had been promised
him ; nor did it appear that the con-
tractors had taken the least step to
comply with their agreement. This
was most disagreeable news, and
made it suspected that the furnishing
the Centurion for her return to Great
Britain might prove a more trouble-
some matter than had been hitherto
imagined ; especially, too, as the
month of September was nearly
elapsed without Mr Anson's having
received any message from the Vice-
roy of Canton.
And here, perhaps, it might be ex-
pected that some satisfactory account
should be given of the motives' of the
Chinese for this faithless procedure.
But as I have already in a former
Chapter 2 made some kind of conjec-
tures about a similar event, I shall
not repeat them again in this place,
but shall observe that, after all, it
may, perhaps, be impossible for a
European, ignorant of the customs
and manners of that nation, to be
fully apprised of the real incitements
to this behaviour. 3 Indeed, thus much
may undoubtedly be asserted, that in ar-
1 Interpreter.
2 Chapter VII. of this Book, page
136.
3 Thomas says: "We could no
1743.]
CHINESE TRICKS IN TRADE.
tifice, falsehood, and an attachment to
all kinds of lucre, many of the Chinese
are difficult to be paralleled by any other
people ; but then the combination of
these talents, and the manner in
which they are applied in particular
emergencies, are often beyond the
reach of a foreigner's penetration ; so
that though it may be falsely con-
cluded that the Chinese had some in-
terest in thus amusing the Commo-
dore, yet it may not be easy to assign
the individual views by which they
were influenced. . . .
It were endless to recount all the
artifices, extortions, and frauds which
were practised on the Commodore and
his people by this interested race.
The method of buying all things in'
China being by weight, the tricks
made use of by the Chinese to increase
the weight of the pro vision they sold to
the Centurion were almost incredible.
One time, a large quantity of fowls and
ducks being bought for the ships' use,
the greatest part of them presently died.
This alarmed the people on board with
the apprehension that they had been
killed by poison ; but on examination
it appeared that it was only owing
to their being crammed with stones
and gravel to increase their weight,
the q\iantity thus forced into most of
the ducks being found to amount to
ten ounces in each. The hogs, too,
which were bought ready killed of
the. Chinese butchers, had water in-
jected into them for the same pur-
pose, so that a carcase hung up all
night for the water to drain from it,
lias lost above a stone of its weight ;
and when, to avoid this cheat, the
Logs were bought alive, it was found
that the Chinese gave them salt to
increase [their thirst, and having by
this means excited them to drink
great quantities of water, they then
took measures to prevent them from
otherwise account for this faithless
procedure of the Chinese, than by
supposing they meant to starve us
into a compliance with their accus-
tomed demands for port charges,
with which the Commodore was de-
termined never to acquiesce."
discharging it again by urine, and
sold the tortured animal in this in-
flated state. When the Commodore
first put to sea from Macao, they
practised an artifice of another kind ;
for as the Chinese never object to the
eating of any food that dies of itself,
they took care, by some secret prac-
tices, that great part of his live sea-
store should die in a short time after
it was put on board, hoping to make
a second profit of the dead carcases,
which they expected would be thrown
overboard ; and two-thirds of the
hogs dying before the Centurion was
out of sight of land, many of the
Chinese boats followed her only to
pick up the carrion. These instances
may serve as a specimen of the manners
of this celebrated nation, which is
often recommended to the rest of the
world as a pattern of all kinds of laud-
able qualities.
The Commodore, towards the end
of September, having found out (as
has been said) that those who had
contracted to supply him with sea-
provisions and stores had deceived
him, and that the Viceroy had not
sent to him according to his promise,
he saw it would be impossible for him
to surmount the embarrassment he
was under without going himself to
Canton and visiting the Viceroj''.
And therefore, on the 27th of Sep-
tember, he sent a message to the man-
darin who attended the Centurion, to
inform him that he, the Commodore,
intended on the 1st of October to pro-
ceed in his boat to Canton ; adding,
that the day after he got there he
should notify his arrival to the Vice-
roy, and should desire him to fix a
time for his audience ; to which the
mandarin returned no other answer
than that he would acquaint the
Viceroy with the Commodore's inten-
tions. In the meantime all things
were prepared for this expedition, and
the boat's crew in particular, which
Mr Anson proposed to take with him,
were clothed in a uniform dress, re-
sembling that of the watermen on
the Thames. They were in number
eighteen and a coxswain ; they had
scarlet jackets and blue silk waist-
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.CH.IX.
154
coats, the whole trimmed with silver
buttons, and with silver badges on
their jackets and caps. As it was appre-
hended, and even asserted, that the pay-
ment of the customary duties for the
Centurion and her prize would be de-
manded by the Regency of Canton, and
would be insisted on previous to the
granting a permission for victualling
the ship for her future voyage, the Com-
modore, who was resolved never to es-
tablish so dishonourable a precedent,
took all possible precautions to prevent
the Chinese from facilitating the suc-
cess of their unreasonable pretensions
by having him in their power at Can-
ton. And therefore, for the security
of his ship and the great treasure
on board her, he appointed his first
lieutenant, Mr Brett, 1 to be captain
of the Centurion under him, giving
him proper instructions for his con-
duct ; directing him particularly, if
he, the Commodore, should be de-
tained at Canton on account of the
duties in dispute, to take out the men
from the Centurion's prize and to
destroy her ; and then to proceed
down the river through the Bocca
Tigris, with the Centurion alone, and
to remain without that entrance till
he received further orders from Mr
Anson.
These necessary steps being taken,
which were not unknown to the
Chinese, it should seem as if their
deliberations were in some sort em-
barrassed thereby. It is reasonable
to imagine that they were in general
very desirous of getting the duties to
be paid them ; not perhaps solely in
consideration of the amount of those
dues, but to keep up their reputation
for address and subtlety, and to avoid
the imputation of receding from claims
on which they had already so fre-
quently insisted. However, as they
now foresaw that they had no other
method of succeeding than by vio-
lence, and that even against this the
Commodore was prepared, they were
at last disposed, I conceive, to let
the affair drop, rather than entangle
themselves in a hostile measure which
1 Afterwards Sir Percy Brett.
they found would only expose them
to the risk of having the whole navi-
gation of their port destroyed, without
any certain prospect of gaining their
favourite point thereby. However,
though there is reason to imagine that
these were their thoughts at that time,
yet they could not depart at once from
the evasive conduct to which they
had hitherto adhered. For when the
Commodore, on the morning of the
1st of October, was preparing to set
out for Canton, his linguist came to
him from the mandarin who attended
his ship, to tell him that a letter had
been received from the Viceroy of
Canton, desiring the Commodore to
put off his going thither for two or
three days. But, in the afternoon of
the same day, another linguist came
on board, who with much seeming
fright, told Mr Anson that the Vice-
roy had expected him up that day,
that the council was assembled, and
the troops had been under arms to
receive him; and that the Viceroy
was highly offended at the disappoint-
ment, and had sent the Commodore's
linguist to prison chained, supposing
that the whole had been owing to the
linguist's negligence. This plausible
tale gave the Commodore great con-
cern, and made him apprehend that
there was some treachery designed
him, which he could not yet fathom ;
and though it afterwards appeared
that the whole was a fiction, not one
article of it having the least founda-
tion, yet (for reasons best known to
themselves) this falsehood was so well
supported by the artifices of the Chin-
ese merchants at Canton, that three
days afterwards the Commodore re-
ceived a letter signed by all the super-
cargoes of the English ships then at
that place, expressing their great un-
easiness at what had happened, and
intimating their fears that some insult
would be offered to his boat if ho
came thither before the Viceroy was.
fully satisfied about the mistake. To
this letter Mr Anson replied that he
did not believe there had been any
mistake, but was persuaded it was a
forgery of the Chinese to prevent his.
visiting the Viceroy ; that therefore-
1743.]
ANSON'S ARRIVAL AT CANTON.
155
he would certainly come up to Canton
on the 13th of October, confident that
the Chinese would not dare to offer
him an insult, as well knowing it
would be properly returned.
On the 13th of October, the Commo-
dore continuing firm to his resolution,
all the supercargoes of the English,
Danish, and Swedish ships came on
board the Centurion, to accompany
him to Canton, for which place he set
out in his barge the same day, attended
by his own boats and by those of the
trading ships, which on this occasion
came to form his retinue ; and as he
passed by Wampo, 1 where the Euro-
pean vessels lay, he was saluted by
all of them but the French ; and in
the eveninghe arrived safely at Canton.
CHAPTER X.
WHEN the Commodore arrived at
Canton he was visited by the princi-
pal Chinese merchants, who affected to
appear very much pleased that he had
met with no obstruction in getting
thither, and who thence pretended to
conclude that the Viceroy was satis-
fied about the former mistake, the
reality of which they still insisted
on ; they added that as soon as the
Viceroy should be informed that Mr
Ansou was at Canton (which they
promised should be done the next
morning), they were persuaded a day
would be immediately appointed for
the visit which was the principal busi-
ness that had brought the Commodore
thither.
The next day the merchants re-
turned to Mr Anson, and told him
that the Viceroy was then so fully
employed in preparing his despatches
for Pekin, that there was no getting
admittance to him for some days ; but
that they had engaged one of the offi-
cers of his court to give them infor-
mation as soon as he should be at
leisure, when they proposed to notify
Mr Anson's arrival, and to endeavour
to fix the day of audience. The Com-
1 Whampoa.
modoro was by this time too well
acquainted with their artifices not to
perceive that this was a falsehood ; and
had he consulted only his own judg-
ment he would have applied directly
to the Viceroy by other hands. But
the Chinese merchants had so far pre-
possessed the supercargoes of our ships
with chimerical fears, that they were
extremely apprehensive of being em-
broiled with the Government, and of
suffering in their interest, if those
measures were taken which appeared
to Mr Anson at that time to be the
most prudential ; and therefore, lest
the malice and double-dealing of the
Chinese might have given rise to some
sinister incident which would be after-
wards laid at his door, he resolved to
continue passive as long as it should
appear that he lost no time by thus
suspending his own opinion. With
this view he promised not to take any
immediate step himself for getting
admittance to the Viceroy, provided
the Chinese with whom he contracted
for provisions would let him see that
his bread was baked, his meat salted,
and his stores prepared with the ut-
most despatch. But if, by the time
when all was in readiness to be shipped
off (which it was supposed would be
in about forty days), the merchants
should not have procured the Vice-
roy's permission, then the Commo-
dore proposed to apply for it himself.
These were the terms Mr Anson
thought proper to offer to quiet the
uneasiness of the supercargoes ; and
notwithstanding the apparent equity
of the conditions, many difficulties
and objections were urged, nor would
the Chinese agree to them till the
Commodore had consented to pay for
every article he bespoke before it was
put in hand. However, at last the
contract being passed, it was some
satisfaction to the Commodore to be
certain that his preparations were now
going on ; and, being himself on the
spot, he took care to hasten them as
much as possible.
During this interval, in which the
stores and provisions were getting
ready, the merchants continually en-
tertained Mr Anson with accounts of
which time,
ARSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.III.Cii.X.
(except in this single instance) to
carry on the vast transactions of the
port of Canton either by the ridi-
culous jargon of broken English
which some few of the Chinese have
learned, or by the suspected inter-
pretation of the linguists of other
nations.
Two days after the sending tho
above-mentioned letter, a fire broke
out in the suburbs of Canton. On
the first alarm, Mr An son went thither
lot)
their various endeavours to get a
license from the Viceroy, and their
frequent disappointments, Avhich to
him was now a matter of amusement,
as he was fully satisfied there was not
one word of truth in anything they
said. But when all was completed,
and wanted only to be shipped, which
was about the 24th of November, at
the 1TE.
was set in, he then resolved to apply
himself to the Viceroy to demand an
audience, as he was persuaded that
without this ceremony the procuring
a permission to send his stores on
board would meet with great difficulty.
On the 24th of November, therefore,
Mr Anson sent one of his officers to
the mandarin who commanded the
guard of the principal gate of the city
of Canton with a letter directed to the
Viceroy. When this letter was de-
livered to the mandarin, he received
the officer who brought it very civilly,
and took down the contents of it in
Chinese, and promised that the Vice-
roy should be immediately acquainted
with it ; but told the officer it was not
necessary for him to wait for an an-
swer, because a message would be sent
to the Commodore himself. On this
occasion Mr Anson. had been under
great difficulties about a proper inter-
preter to send with his officer, as he
was well aware that none of the
Chinese usually employed as linguists
could be relied on ; but he at last pre-
vailed with Mr Flint, an English
gentleman belonging to the factory,
who spoke Chinese perfectly well, to
accompany his oflicer. This person,
who upon this occasion and many
others was of singular service to the
Commodore, had been left at Canton,
when a youth, by the late Captain
lligby. The leaving him there to
learn the Chinese language was a step
taken by that captain merely from his
own persuasion of the great advantages
which the East India Company might
one day receive from an English inter-
preter ; and though the utility of this
measure has greatly exceeded all that
was expected from it, yet I have not
heard that it has been to this day im-
i*ated, but we imprudcntlv choose
with his ofiicers and his boats' crew
to assist the Chinese. When he came
there, he found that it had begun in
a sailor's shed, and that by the slight-
ness of the buildings and the awk-
wardness of the Chinese it was getting
head apace. But he perceived that
by pulling down some of the adjacent
sheds it might easily be extinguished ;
and particularly observing that it was
running along a wooden cornice which
would soon communicate it to a great
distance, he ordered his people to be-
gin with tearing away that cornice.
This was presently attempted, and
would have been soon executed, but
in the meantime he was told, that as
there was no mandarin there to direct
what was to be done, the Chinese
would make him (the Commodore)
answerable for whatever should be
pulled down by his orders. On this
his people desisted, and he sent them
to the English factory to assist in se-
curing the Company's treasure and
effects, as it was easy to foresee that
no distance was a protection against
the rage of such a fire, where so little
was done to put a stop to it ; for all
this time the Chinese contented them-
selves \vith viewing it, and now and
then holding one of their idols near
it, which they seemed to expect should
check its progrees. However, at last
a mandarin came out of the city, at-
tended by four or five hundred fire-
men ; these made some feeble efforts
to pull down the neighbouring houses,
but by this time the fire had greatly
extended itself, and was got amongst
the merchants' warehouses ; and the
Chinese firemen, wanting both skill
and spirit, were incapable of checking
its violence, so that its fury increased
1743.T
DESTRUCTIVE FIRE IN CANTON.
157
upon them, and it was feared the whole
city would be destroyed. In this
general confusion the Viceroy himself
came thither, and the Commodore was
sent to and was entreated to afford his
assistance, being told that he might
take any measures he should think
most prudent in the present emer-
gency. And now he went thither a
second time, carrying with him about
forty of his people, who upon this
occasion exerted themselves in such a
manner as in that country was alto-
gether without example. 1 For they
were rather animated than deterred
by the flames and falling buildings
amongst which they wrought ; so that
it was not uncommon to see the most
forward of them tumble to the ground
on the roofs and amidst the ruins of
houses which their own efforts brought
down with them. By their boldness
and activity the fire was soon extin-
guished, to the amazement of the
Chinese ; and the building being all
on one floor, and the materials slight,
the seamen, notwithstanding their
daring behaviour, happily escaped
with no other injuries than some con-
siderable bruises. The fire, though
at last thus luckily extinguished, did
great mischief during the time it con-
tinued ; for it consumed an hundred
shops and eleven streets full of ware-
houses, so that the damage amounted
to an immense sum ; and one of the
Chinese merchants, well known to the
English, whose name was Succoy, was
supposed for his own share to have
lost near 200, 000 sterling. It raged,
indeed, with unusual violence, for in
many of the warehouses there were
large quantities of camphor, which
greatly added to its fury, and produced
a column of exceeding white flame,
which shot up into the air to such a
prodigious height that the flame itself
was plainly seen on board the Cen-
1 Thomas enthusiastically says, that
" they in sight of the whole city per-
formed such daring, and, to the people
who beheld them, such astonishing
feats, that they looked upon them
as salamanders, and cried out that
they could live in fire."
turion, though she was thirty miles
distant.
Whilst the Commodore and his
people were labouring at the fire, and
the terror of its becoming general still
possessed the whole city, several of
the most considerable Chinese mer-
chants came to Mr Anson to desire
that he would let each of them have
one of his soldiers (for such they styled
his boat's crew from the uniformity of
their dress) to guard their warehouses
and dwelling-houses, which, from the
known dishonesty of the populace, they
feared would be pillaged in the tumult.
Mr Anson granted them this request ;
and all the men that he thus furnished
to the Chinese behaved greatly to the
satisfaction of their employers, who
afterwards highly applauded their
great diligence and fidelity. By this
means the resolution of the English
at the fire, and their trustiness and
punctuality elsewhere, was the sub-
ject of general conversation amongst
the Chinese ; and the next morning,
many of the principal inhabitants
waited on the Commodore to thank
him for his assistance, frankly owning
to him that they could never have ex-
tinguished the fire of themselves, and
rhat he had saved their city from being
totally consumed. And soon after a
message came to the Commodore from
the Viceroy, appointing the 30th of
November for his audience, which
sudden resolution of the Viceroy, in a
matter that had been so long agitated
in vain, was also owing to the signal
services performed by Mr Anson and
his people at the fire, of which the
Viceroy himself had been in some
measure an eye-witness. The fixing
this business of the audience was, on
all accounts, a circumstance which Mr
Anson was much pleased with, as he
was satisfied that the Chinese Go-
vernment would not have determined
this point without having agreed
among themselves to give up their
pretensions to the duties they claimed,
and to grant him all he could reason-
ably ask ; for, as they well knew the
Commodore's sentiments, it would
have been a piece of imprudence not
consistent with the refined cunning of
158
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. [B.lII.Cn.X.
the Chinese to have admitted him to
an audience only to have contested
with him. And, therefore, being him-
self perfectly easy about the result of
his visit, he made all necessary pre-
parations against the day, and en-
gaged Mr Flint, whom I have men-
tioned before, to act as interpreter in
the conference, who in this affair, as
in all others, acquitted himself much
to the Commodore's satisfaction, re-
peating with great boldness, and,
doubtless, with exactness, all that
was given in charge, a part which no
Chinese linguist would ever have per-
formed with any tolerable fidelity.
At 10 o'clock in the morning, on
the day appointed, a mandarin came
to the Commodore to let him know
that the Viceroy was ready to receive
him, on which the Commodore and
his retinue immediately set out.
And as soon as he entered the outer
gate of the city, he found a guard of
200 soldiers drawn up ready to attend
him ; these conducted him to the great
parade before the Emperor's palace,
where the Viceroy then resided. In
this parade a body of troops, to the
numberof 10,000, were drawn up under
arms, and made a very fine appear-
ance, being all of them new clothed
for this ceremony ; and Mr Anson
and his retinue having passed through
the middle of them, he was then con-
ducted to the great hall of audience,
where he found the Viceroy seated
under a rich canopy in the Emperor's
chair of state, with all his Council of
Mandarins attending. Here there
was a vacant seat prepared for the
Commodore, in which he was placed
on his arrival. He was ranked the
third in order from the Viceroy, there
being above him only the head of the
law and of the treasury, who in the
Chinese Government take place of all
military officers. When the Com-
modore was seated, he addressed him-
self to the Viceroy by his interpreter,
and began with reciting the various
methods he had formerly taken to get
an audience ; adding, that he im-
puted the delays he had met with to
the insincerity of those he had em-
ployed, and that he had therefore no
other means left than to send, as ho
had done, his own officer with a letter
to the gate. On the mention of this,
the Viceroy stopped the interpreter,
and bid him assure Mr Anson that
the first knowledge they had of his
being at Canton was from that letter.
Mr Anson then proceeded, and told
him that the subjects of the King ot
Great Britain trading to China, had
complained to him (the Commodore) of
the vexatious impositions both of the
merchants and inferior custom-house
officers, to which they were frequently
necessitated to submit, by reason of
the difficulty of getting access to the
mandarins, who alone could grant
them redress ; that it was his (Mr
Anson's) duty, as an officer of the
King of Great Britain, to lay before
the Viceroy these grievances of the
British subjects, which he hoped the
Viceroy Avould take into considera-
tion, and would give orders that for
the future there should be no just
reason for complaint. Here Mr An-
son paused, and waited some time in
expectation of an answer, but nothing
being said, he asked his . interpreter
if he was certain the Viceroy under-
stood what he had urged ; the inter-
preter told him he was certain it was
understood, but he believed no reply
would be made to it. Mr Anson then
represented to the Viceroy the case of
the ship Haslingfield, which, having
been dismasted on the coast of China,
had arrived in the River of Canton
but a few days before. The people
on board this vessel had been great
sufferers by the fire ; the captain in
particular had all his goods burned,
and had lost besides, in the confusion,
a chest of treasure of 4500 tads,
which was supposed to be stolen ^by
the Chinese boatmen. Mr Anson
therefore desired that the captain
might have the assistance of the Go-
vernment, as it was apprehended the
money could never be recovered with-
out the interposition of the man-
darins ; and to this request the Vice-
roy made answer, that in settling the
Emperor's customs for that ship,
some abatement should be made in
consideration of her losses.
1743.] LICENSE GRANTED
And now, the Commodore having
despatched the business with which
the officers of the East India Company
had entrusted him, he entered on his
own affairs ; acquainting the Vice-
roy that the proper season was now
set in for returning to Europe, and
that he waited only for a license to
ship off nis provisions and stores,
which were all ready ; and that, as
soon as this should be granted to him,
and he should have got his neces-
saries on board, he intended to leave
the River of Canton, and to make th*
best of his way for England. TLe
Viceroy replied to this, that the
license should be immediately issued,
and that everything should be ordered
on board the following day. And
finding that Mr Anson had nothing
further to insist on, the Viceroy con-
tinued the conversation for some time,
acknowledging in very civil terms
how much the Chinese were obliged
to him for his signal services at the
fire, and owning that he had saved
the city from being destroyed ; and
then, observing that the Centurion
had been a good while on their coast,
he closed his discourse by wishing
the Commodore a good voyage to
Europe. After which, the Commo-
dore, thanking him for his civility
and assistance, took his leave.
As soon as the Commodore was out
of the hall of audience, he was much
pressed to go into a neighbouring
apartment, where there was an enter-
tainment provided ; but finding on
inquiry that the Viceroy himself was
not to be present, he declined the in-
vitation, and departed, attended in
the same manner as at his arrival ;
only at his leaving the city he was
saluted by three guns, which are as
many as in that country are ever
fired on any ceremony. Thus the
Commodore, to his great joy, at last
finished this troublesome affair, which
for the preceding four months had
given him great disquietude. In-
deed, he was highly pleased with pro-
curing a license for the shipping of
his stores and provisions ; for there-
by he was enabled to return to Great
Britain with the first of the monsoon,
BY THE VICEROY.
159
and to prevent all intelligence of his
being expected. But this, though a
very important point, was not the
circumstance which gave him the
greatest satisfaction ; for he was more
particularly attentive to the authentic
precedent established on this occasion,
by which his Majesty's ships of war
are for the future exempted from all
demands of duty in any of the ports
of China.
In pursuance of the promises of the
Viceroy, the provisions were begun to
be sent on board the day after the
audience, and four days after, the
Commodore embarked at Canton for
the Centurion ; and on the 7th of
December, the Centurion and her
prize unmoored, and stood down the
river, passing through the Bocca
Tigris on the 10th. And on this
occasion I must observe, that the
Chinese had taken care to man the
two forts on each side of that passage
with as many men as they could well
contain, the greatest part of them
armed with pikes and matchlock
muskets. These garrisons affected
to show themselves as much as pos-
sible to the ships, and were doubtless
intended to induce Mr Anson to think
more reverently than he had hitherto
done of the Chinese military power.
For this purpose they were equipped
with much parade, having a great
number of colours exposed to view ;
and on the castle in particular there
were laid considerable heaps of large
stones, and a soldier of unusual size,
dressed in very sightly armour, stalked
about on the parapet with a battle-
axe in his hand endeavouring to put
on as important and martial an air as
possible, though some of the observers
on board the Centurion shrewdly
suspected, from the appearance of his
armour, that instead of steel, it was
composed only of a particular kind of
glittering paper. 1
1 We omit Mr Walter's strictures
on the merely imitative genius, the
bad government, and the pusillani-
mity and military weakness of the
Chinese; strictures founded admit-
tedly on very partial information, and
160 ANSON 'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
The Commodore, on the 12th of
December, anchored before the town
of Macao. Whilst the ships lay
here, the merchants of Macao finished
their agreement for the galleon, for
which they had offered 6000 dollars ;
this was much short of her value,
but the impatience of the Commo-
dore to get to sea, to which the mer-
chants were no strangers, prompted
them to insist on so unequal a bar-
gain. Mr Anson had learned enough
from the English at Canton to con-
jecture, that the war betwixt Great
Britain and Spain was still continued,
and that probably the French might
engage in the assistance of Spain be-
fore he could arrive in Great Britain ;
and therefore, knowing that no intel-
ligence could get to Europe of the
prize he had taken, and the treasure
he had on board, till the return of the
merchantmen from Canton, he was
resolved to make all possible expedi-
tion in getting back, that he might
be himself the first messenger of his
own good fortune, and might thereby
prevent the enemy from forming any
projects to intercept him. For these
reasons, he to avoid all delay accepted
of the sum offered for the galleon ;
and she being delivered to the mer-
chants the 15th of December 1743,
the Centurion the same day got under
sail on her return to England. And
on the 3d of January she came to an
anchor at Prince's Island in the Straits
of Sunda, and continued there wood-
ing and watering till the 8th ; when
she weighed and stood for the Cape
of Good Hope, where on the llth of
March she anchored in Table Bay.
Here the Commodore continued till
the beginning of April, highly delight-
stamped with an almost venomous
spirit of prejudice.
[B.III.CH.X.
ed with the place, which by its extra-
ordinary accommodations, the healthi-
ness of its air, and the picturesque
appearance of the country, all enliv-
ened by the addition of a civilised
colony, was not disgraced in an im-
aginary comparison with the valleys
of Juan Fernandez and the lawns of
Tinian. During his stay he entered
about forty new men ; and having,
by the 3d of April 1744, completed
his water and provison, he on that
day weighed and put to sea. The
19th of the same month they saw the
Island of St Helena, which, however,
they did not touch at, but stood on
their way ; and on the 10th of June,
being then in soundings, they spoke
with an English ship from Amster-
dam bound for Philadelphia, whence
they received the first intelligence of
a French war. The 12th they got
sight of the Lizard ; and the 15th in
the evening, to their infinite joy, they
came safe to an anchor at Spithead.
But that., the signal perils which had
so often threatened them in the pre-
ceding part of the enterprise might
pursue them to the very last, Mr
Anson learned on his arrival that
there was a French fleet of consider-
able force cruising in the Chops of the
Channel ; which, by the account of
their position, he found the Centurion
had run through, and had been all the
time concealed by a fog. Thus was
this expedition finished, when it had
lasted three years and nine months ;
after having, by its event, strongly
evinced this important truth : That
though prudence, intrepidity, and
perseverance united are not exempted
from the blows of adverse fortune,
yet in a long scries of transactions
they usually rise superior to its power,
and in the end rarely fail of proving
successful.
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